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D 


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Coloured  covers/ 
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I      I    Covers  damaged/ 


Couverture  endommagde 

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Ce  document  est  film*  au  taux  de  reduction  indiquA  ci-dessous. 

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30X 


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Th«  copy  filmad  hare  hat  baan  raproducad  thanks 
to  tha  ganarosity  of: 

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Tha  imagas  appaaring  hara  ara  tha  bast  quality 
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baginning  with  tha  front  covar  and  anding  on 
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sion,  or  tha  back  covar  whan  appropriata.  All 
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sion,  and  anding  on  tha  last  paga  with  a  printad 
or  illustratad  imprassion. 


Tha  last  racordad  frama  on  each  microficha 
shall  contain  tha  symbol  ^^  (meaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  tha  symbol  V  (meaning  "END"), 
whichever  applies. 

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ginAroait*  da: 

Library  Division 

Provincial  Archives  of  British  Columbia 

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conformity  avec  les  conditions  du  contrat  de 
filmaga. 

Les  exemplaires  originaux  dont  la  couverture  en 
papier  est  imprimAo  sont  filmAs  en  commenpant 
par  la  premier  plat  et  en  terminant  soit  par  la 
derniAre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinta 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration,  soit  par  la  second 
plat,  salon  ie  cas.  Tous  las  autras  exemplaires 
originaux  sont  filmAs  an  commen^ant  par  la 
premiere  pa^a  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  cu  d'illustration  et  en  terminant  par 
la  dernidre  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empremte. 

Un  des  symboles  suivants  apparaitra  sur  la 
darnidre  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  Ie 
cas:  la  symbole  — »•  signifie  "A  SUIVRE",  Ie 
symbola  V  signifie  "FIN". 

Les  cartes,  planches,  tableaux,  etc.,  peuvent  Atre 
filmAs  A  des  taux  de  reduction  diffArents. 
Lorsque  Ie  document  est  trop  grand  pour  Atra 
reproduit  en  un  seul  clichA,  il  est  filmA  A  partir 
de  Tangle  supArieur  gauche,  de  gauche  A  droite, 
et  de  haut  en  bas,  an  pranant  la  nombra 
d'imagas  nAcessaire.  Las  diagrammas  suivants 
illustrant  la  mAthode. 


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5 


■■■»:- 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS 


A  HISTORY   OF 

THE  INDIAN  WARS  OF  THE  FAR  WEST 


By  J.  P.  DUNN,  Jk.,  M.S.,  LL.B. 


JUnetratcb 


NEW    YORK 
HARPER    &    BROTHERS,    FRAXKLIN    SQUARE 

1886 


Copyright,  1886,  by  Harper  &  Brothers. 


All  rights  reserved. 


CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  I.  PAOR 

Introductory 

CHAPTER  II. 

The  Acquisition  of  the  Mountains -  —    2'. 

CHAPTER  III. 
The  One  Offence  of  the  Pueblos 49 

CHAPTER  IV. 
The  Murder  of  the  Missionaries 80 

CHAPTER  V. 
The  Curse  of  Gold ^^^ 

CHAPTER  VI. 
Oatman  Flat ^^^ 

CHAPTER  VII. 
The  Rogue  River  Yakima,  and  Klickitat  Wars 189 

CHAPTER  VIII. 
Ash  Hollow  and  the  Cheyenne  Expedition 219 

'  CHAPTER  IX. 

244 

Los  Nabajos *" 

CHAPTER  X. 
Mountain  Meadows 273 

CHAPTER  XI. 
The  War  with  the  Spokaneb.  Cceur  D' Alines,  and  Pelouses.    324 

Pacific  N.  '  ■■    ,    ,.,pAi-'V 


VI  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  XII.  rAor. 

Death  to  tue  Apache  ! ; ^5(5 

CIIAPTEIl  XIII. 
Sand  Cheek ggg 

CHAPTER  XIV. 
CaSon  de  Cuelly  and  BosqvE  Redondo 447 

CHAPTER  XV. 
Fort  Phil  Keakney 477 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

Punishing  the  Piegans 509 

CHAPTER  XVII. 
The  Tragedy  of  the  Lava  Beds 543 

CHAPTER  XVIII, 
TaE  Little  Big  Horn 594 

CHAPTER  XIX. 
Joseph's  Nez  Perces fl39 

CHAPTER  XX. 
White  Rhtir  Agency 675 

CHAPTER  XXI. 
Cruelty,  Pity,  and  Justice 71g 

LIST  OF  AUTHORITIES 757 

INDEX 765 


ILLUSTRATIONS. 


An  Indian  Village Frontispiece 

Map  of  tlio  Indian  Roservations  within  the  United  States  —  faces  page    1 
The  Nortlnvest  in  1841 "       "     84 


Santa  Anna 28 

Traders  Approaching  Santa  Fe.  30 

Colonel  Zebulou  Pike 31 

A  Trail  in  the  Sierra  San  Juan.  39 

John  C.  Fremont 48 

Kcarnj''s  Soldiers  Crossing  the 

Mountains 50 

Restoration  of  Pueblo   Ilungo 

Pavie 53 

Casas  Grandas  —  Ruins  in  Ari- 
zona    55 

Ruins  of  Pueblo  Pintado 57 

Council  in  the  Estufa  at  Zuili . .  59 

Pueblo  of  Taos— South  Pueblo.  63 

Sterling  Price 70 

Pueblo  of  Taos— North  Pueblo  71 
Plan   of    Storming    Pueblo   de 

Taos 75 

Chinook  Woman  and  Child 82 

Irflian  Sweat-house 84 

Chemakane  I.Iission 91 

Old  Fort  Walla -Walla 97 

Medicine -man  Destroying  Girl 

by  Necromancy 103 

Fort  Vancouver  in  1850 HI 

John  A.  Sutter 120 

Valley  of  the  American  River  at 

Time  of  Discovery  of  Gold. .  123 


Piute  Squaw  and  Papoose 126 

The  Yosemite 130 

Yosemite    from    the    Marijiosa 

Trail 134 

Beach  Fishing  at  Capo  Mendo- 
cino   136 

IIow  the  Diggers  Fought 139 

A  Group  of  Diggers 141 

The  Ruins   of   San   Carlos   de 

Monterey 146 

View  nejir  the  Gila 153 

Pima  Girls 156 

Pima  Village 160 

Antonio  Azul 161 

Scene  of  Oatman  Massacre. ...  169 

Irataba,  Mohave  Chief 175 

Pasqual,  Yuma  Chief 179 

A  Mohave  Dwelling 183 

Old  Fort  Yuma 185 

Charles  D.  Poston 187 

General  Joe  Lane 189 

Philip  Kearny 193 

Mount  Shasta  from  Valley  of 

Sacramento 197 

TlK)  Dalles 205 

Seattle 209 

Spearing  Salmon  at  the  Cascades  213 
The  Cascades 215 


VIH 


ILLUSTKATIONS. 


PAIIK 

Cheyenne  Village 220 

Indian  Village  on  the  Move...  222 

Hquaws  Curing  Robes 228 

Sioux  Hunting  Buffalo 280 

On  the  Oregon  Trail 233 

Before  the  Days  of  Stage  Sta- 
tions    237 

Bound  for  Pike's  Peak 241 

C-anons  in  the  Navajo  Country.  247 
Navaho     Squaws    Weaving    a 

Blanket 231 

Chapitono 257 

Fort  Defiance 259 

Mesa  of  Chusca  Mountains. . . .  204 

Navajo  in  War  Costume 206 

Group  of  Navahos 203 

Washakie 270 

Ute  Squaws  of  Utah 278 

Snake  Indians  of  Utah 280 

President  John  Taylor 284 

Brigham  Young 288 

Cactus  in  Desert 292 

John  D.  Lee 290 

S(!ene  of  ^lassacrc 303 

Kanosh 307 

George  Q.  Cannon 315 

Execution  of  John  D.  Lee 321 

The  Jesuit  Missionary 320 

Pend  d'Oreille  Mission 329 

General  Isaac  I.  Stevens 332 

View  of  the  Columbia  above  the 

Dalles 337 

Charge  of  Cavalry  at  Four  Lakes  339 

Falls  of  the  Spokane 345 

Cocur  d'AlOne  Mission 349 

An  Apaclie  Warrior 300 

Black  Knife 303 

Silver  Mines  of  Santa  Rita 375 

A  Record  of  Mangas  Colorado.  382 
Papago  Chief 384 


PAsa 

Apache  Crucified  by  Papagos..  387 
Apaches  Watching  a  Train. . . .  390 

Tubac 393 

Apache  Boot,  Ilead-dres.s,  etc..  395 

Texan  Rangers 399 

Old  Fort  Union 405 

Standing  off  the  Cheyennes. . . .  409 

Which  Tribe  Did  It? 413 

Little  Raven 418 

Friday — a  Good  Arapahoe 421 

George  Bent 125 

On  the  Little  Blue 428 

Indians  Attacking  Stage 433 

Indian  Scouts  Celebrating 435 

The  Charge  on  Black  Kettle's 

Camp 441 

Giant's  Ann-chair 449 

Caiion  de  Chelly 454 

Cliff  llousif  in  Cafion  de  Chelly.  459 

Colonel  Kit  Carson 403 

Near  the  Head  -  waters  of  the 

Navaho 469 

Moqui  Pueblo 473 

Prospectors  in  the  Mountains . .  478 

Spotted  Tail faces  482 

On  the  Bozeman  Trail 485 

Torture  by  F    irie  Indians 489 

Fort  Phil  Kearney  and  Vicinity.  493 

The  Last  Stand 497 

Red  Cloud 501 

Sioux  Village  in  Winter 505 

Blackfeet  and  Trappers 512 

Trader's  Camp 515 

"  No  Horses  to  Sparc  " 519 

Edmonton  House 525 

Fort  Benton 529 

Lieut.-general  P.  II.  Sheridan . .  533 
Summer  Camp  on  Marias  River  539 
Map  of  the  Modoc  Country . . .  544 
Modoc  Squaws 547 


ILLUSTRATIONS. 


IX 


PAOF 

Majorgcncrnl  E.  R.  S.  Canby. .  551 

A  View  of  the  Ciivos 555 

View  of  Ciimp  and  Luke 557 

The  Kev.  Dr.  Thomas 560 

General  Alvin  Gillem 500 

Donald  McKay,  Leader  of  the 

Scouts 572 

General  Jefferson  C.  Davis 575 

Captain  Jack  and  Companions.  579 

The  Bad  Lands 586 

Sitting  Bull's  First  Adventure. .  592 
Sitting  Bull  Storms  a  Crow  En- 
campment and  Takes  Thirty 

Scalps 593 

Sitting  Bull  ?■ ;  "i  •  a  Teamster.  594 
Sitting  Bull  Steals  a  Drove  ( f 

Ho..es 595 

Old  Fort  Reno— Crook's  Supply 

Camp 599 

Rosebud  River 605 

Plan  of  Custer's  Fight  on  the 

Little  Big  Horn 613 

Massacre  Monument 619 

Major-general  George  A.  Custer.  622 

Sitting  Bull 625 

Young  Joseph 630 

Ollacut 635 


PAOI 

General  O.  O.  Howard 638 

Lapwai 643 

Plain  of  the  Geysers 653 

The  Stinking  Water 656 

General  S.  D.  Sturgis 657 

Joseph's  Last  Battle 661 

General  N.  A.  Miles 669 

The  Snowy  Range 677 

Ouray 683 

Henry  M.  Teller 1,^6 

Captain  Billy HW 

Southern  Utes 6'J3 

Jack 69<; 

Colorow 700 

Antelope 70>1 

Plan  of  ^V'hite  River  Agency      707 

Douglas riO 

Major  T.  T.  Thornburgh 71 :5 

Haunts  of  the  Apaches 718 

Effect  of  Extermination  Policy 

on  Arizona  Settler 720 

General  George  Crook 728 

General  Pope 741 

San  Xavier  del  Bac 745 

Crook's  Battle-field  in  the  Sierra 

Madre 751 

Alcatraz  Island 753 


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MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


CHAPTER  I. 


:Xi^^ 


""'•« 


INTRODUCTORY. 

"  Two  hundred  years  ago  it  required  millions  to  express  in 
numbers  the  Indian  population,  while  at  the  present  time 
less  than  half  the  number  of  thousands  will  sufHce  for  the 
purpose."  This  quotation  from  General  Custer  is  a  concise 
expression  of  the  most  common  and,  perhaps,  most  remark- 
able delusion  concerning  the  American  Indians.  There  are 
at  present  in  the  United  States,  exclusive  of  Alaska,  about 
270,000  Indians.  Doiibling  this  number  and  increasing  it 
to  millions  would  give  a  population  of  540,000,000  for  two 
hundred  years  ago.  It  may  possibly  occur  to  the  reader  tiiat 
an  estimate  for  that  period  of  from  nine  to  ten  times  our 
present  total  population  is  somewhat  exaggerated.  It  is  ex- 
aggerated. There  were  never  500,000,000  Indians  within 
the  present  bounds  of  the  United  States,  nor  50,000,000,  nor 
5,000,000 ;  at  the  time  of  the  discovery  of  America  by  Co- 
lumbus there  were  possibly  1,000,000,  but  more  probably 
there  were  only  about  one -half  of  that  number.  Some 
modern  authorities  of  the  highest  rank  maintain  that  there 
>s  been  no  decrease  at  all  since  the  close  of  the  fifteenth  cen- 
cury.  What  the  number  may  have  been  at  that  time  is  a 
matter  of  conjecture,  but  there  are  certain  rules  of  popula- 
tion, and  some  more  or  less  reliable  statistical  data,  that  give 
a  solution  of  the  problem  within  limits.  The  most  important 
of  these  is  the  estimate  by  the  amount  of  land  necessary  to 
support  one  man  in  the  pure  hunter  state,  i.e.,  when  subsist- 
ing wholly  by  the  chase.  This  is  an  indeterminate  quantity, 
estimates  having  ranged  all  the  way  from  (JOOO  to  60,000 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


acres,  but  the  most  plausible  estimate  is  that  of  Mr.  School- 
craft, whose  extensive  acquaintance  with  Indian  life  and  his- 
tory, coupled  with  a  discerning  and  logical  mind,  made  him 
an  authority  of  great  weight  on  such  a  question.  He  says, 
"Estimates  were  made  by  me,  while  residing  in  the  West, 
that  it  required  8000  acres  of  land,  to  be  kept  in  a  wilderness 
state,  in  order  to  support  a  single  Indian  by  the  chase.  Con- 
sequently a  family  of  five  persons  would  need  40,000  acres." 
Applying  this  estimate  to  our  territory  of  3,010,000  square 
miles,  or  1,920,000,000  acres  (still  excluding  Alaska),  we 
should  have  a  population  of  240,000 ;  but  there  are  two  rea- 
sons why  an  estimate  of  this  kind  cannot  be  considered 
accurate. 

Primarily,  the  Indians  can  hardly  be  said  to  have  been  in 
the  pure  hunter  state.  Almost  every  tribe  cultivated  maize, 
and  some  cultivated  other  edible  plants.  Notably  agricult- 
ural were  the  Pueblo  and  Pima  Indians,  of  New  Mexico 
and  Arizona,  and,  in  the  opinion  of  the  writer,  the  Navahos 
devoted  far  less  attention  to  agriculture  fifty  years  ago  than 
they  did  three  centuries  before,  for  they  had  not,  at  the 
earlier  date,  the  flocks  which  subsequently  furnislied  their 
chief  support.  Inasmuch  as  the  rudest  agriculture  will 
materially  decrease  the  number  of  acres  required  for  support, 
the  number  of  inhabitants  must  reasonably  be  supposed  to 
have  been  in  excess  of  the  result  attained  by  the  method 
mentioned.  As  a  second  consideration,  by  the  number  of 
jvcres  required  for  support  in  the  pure  hunter  state  is  meant 
the  number  of  acres  that  will  afford  a  continuing  suppor  ; 
in  other  words,  the  hunter  must  be  supported  by  the  natural 
increase  of  the  game,  so  that  his  preserves  will  not  become 
less  capable  of  supporting  him.  There  is  evidence  tending 
to  show  that  a  state  of  evenly  balanced  supply  and  demand 
did  not  exist  in  America,  but  that  the  game  was  slowly  de- 
creasing under  the  slowly  increasing  demands  of  the  aborigi- 
nal inhabitants. 

This  is  certainly  true  of  the  buffalo,  the  best  food  animal 
of  the  country,  for  it  formerly  existed  as  far  east  as  the  At- 
lantic; and  it  disappeared  east  of  the  Mississippi  River  before 
the  whites  had  fairly  come  in  contact  with  it.    Purchas  relates 


INTRODUCTORY. 


that  the  early  Virginia  colonists,  prior  to  1613,  had  discov- 
ered, "  a  slow  kinde  of  cattell,  as  bigge  as  kine,  which  were 
good  meate;"  and  Ilakluyt  published,  in  1589,  of  some  ani- 
mals then  existing  in  Newfoundland,  "  I  did  see  thein  farre 
off,  not  able  to  discerne  them  perfectly,  but  their  steps  showed 
that  their  feete  were  cloven,  and  bigger  than  the  feete  of 
camels.  I  suppose  them  to  be  a  kind  of  buflfes,  which  I  read 
to  be  in  the  countreys  adjacent,  and  very  many  in  the  firme 
land."  The  supposition  has  been  advanced  that  these  were 
musk-oxen,  which  may  possibly  be  correct.  A  more  certain 
testimony  is  found  in  the  "  New  English  Canaan,"  by  Thomas 
Morton,  one  of  the  first  settlers  of  New  England,  published 
in  1637.  He  says,  "  The  Indians  have  also  made  description 
of  great  hoards  of  well-growhe  beasts  that  live  about  the  parts 
of  this  lake  (Erocoise,)  now  Lake  Champlain,  such  as  the 
Christian  world  (until  this  discovery)  hath  not  bin  made  ac- 
quainted with.  These  beasts  are  of  the  bigness  of  a  cowe, 
their  flesh  being  very  good  foode,  their  hides  good  leather; 
their  fleeces  very  useful,  being  a  kind  of  woole,  as  fine  al- 
most as  the  woole  of  the  beaver;  and  the  salvages  do  make 
garments  thereof.  It  is  tenne  yeares  since  first  the  relation 
of  these  things  came  to  the  eares  of  the  English."  Colonel 
Croghan  in  his  journal  (1765)  mentions  buffalo  as  being  very 
numerous  at  different  points  in  Ohio  and  Indiana,  and  says 
that  at  the  Big  Lick  on  the  Great  Miami  they  "  came  into 
a  large  road  which  the  Buffaloes  have  beaten,  spacious 
enough  for  two  waggons  to  go  abreast,  and  leading  straight 
into  the  Lick."  Still  these  animals  were  so  nearly  extinct  east 
of  the  Mississippi,  when  the  white  emigration  began  moving 
over  the  Alleghanies,  that  even  tneir  former  existence  there 
is  not  a  matter  of  universal  cognizance.  In  the  histories  of 
forty  and  fifty  years  ago  mention  is  sometimes  made  of  old 
hunters  who  remember  to  have  killed  buffalo  in  Ohio,  In- 
diana, or  Kentucky,  but  seldom  is  anything  recorded  to  in- 
dicate that  there  were  ever  large  numbers  of  them  in  these 
sections.  It  is  an  historical  truth  that  tlie  white  man  had 
little  to  do  with  the  extinction  of  the  buffalo  east  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi, though  he  may  claim  a  large  share  in  the  more  recent 
work  of  extermination   on   the  plains   and   in   the   Rocky 


4t 


MASSACKES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


Mountains.*  This  excess  of  demand  for  food  above  the  sup- 
ply indicates  an  excess  of  population  over  that  which  has 
been  estimated  from  the  basis  of  the  pure  hunter  state. 

On  the  other  hand,  as  one  of  the  largest  estimates  by  any 
person  whose  opinions  are  entitled  to  serious  consideration, 
may  be  taken  the  statement  of  Mr.  Jeflferson  of  the  number 
of  the  Virginia  tribes.  On  the  authority  of  Captain  Smith 
and  other  early  colonists  he  estimates  the  Powhatan  con- 
federacy, which  occupied  about  8000  sqilare  miles,  to  have 
consisted  of  8000  souls — one  to  a  square  mile.  If  this  were 
correct,  and  similar  conditions  existed  elsewhere,  it  would  in- 
dicate a  population  of  3,000,000  for  the  United  States;  but 
in  addition  to  the  consideration  that  the  opinions  of  the  early 
settlers  were  probably  exaggerated,  there  are  others  which 
show  this  estimate  to  be  neither  correct  nor  a  proper  basis 
for  a  general  estimate.  In  1669  the  census  taken  by  order 
of  the  Assembly  of  Virginia  showed  the  Powhatan  confed- 
eracy to  number  only  about  one-third  of  the  earlier  estimate. 
If  the  natives  of  Virginia  had  decreased  at  the  rate  of  sixty- 
six  per  cent,  in  sixty  years,  the  Indians  would  have  been  ex- 
tinct long  ago;  for  the  natives  of  the  entire  country  else- 
where have  suffered  from  more  wars,  more  disease,  and  more 
whiske}',  proportionately,  since  then,  than  they  did  in  Virginia 
in  those  years.  The  more  reasonable  inference  is  that  the 
original  estimate  was  two  or  three  times  too  large. 

The  country  occupied  by  the  Powhatan  confederacy  was 
one  of  the  most  fertile  and  salubrious  regions  within  our 
boundaries.  The  Indians  there  subsisted  largely  on  cultivated 
plants  and  vegetable  food  of  natural  growth,  besides  having 
the  fish  and  oysters  of  their  numerous  streains  and  inlets, 
which,  if  we  may  credit  the  early  chroniclers,  existed  in  aston- 
ishing abundance,  and  were  taken  by  the  natives  in  many  in- 
genious ways.  Fully  one-third  of  the  United  States  afforded 
no  such  adventitious  supplies  to  the  hunter,  and  in   many 


*  The  bison,  formerly  found  in  nearly  all  parts  of  the  Rocky  Mountains, 
is  considered  by  some  a  distinct  variety,  as  it  has  shorter  legs,  finer  fur, 
and  quicker  laotion  than  the  bison  of  tlie  plains.  I  have  found  their  skulls 
at  an  elevation  of  10,000  feet  above  the  sea.  There  are  probably  a  few  still 
to  be  found,  but,  like  those  of  the  plains,  they  are  practically  extinct. 


INTRODUCTORY. 


localities  no  game  was  found  upon  which  man  could  rely  for 
subsistence.  The  country  of  tlie  "  Root-Diggers,"  for  exam- 
ple, is  known  to  have  been  very  sparsely  inhabited  for  these 
reasons.  Furthermore,  there  were  extensive  tracts  of  habit- 
able country  which  are  known  to  have  been  entirely  unin- 
habited, the  best  authenticated  instance  being  that  of  the 
present  State  oi'  Kentucky.  The  Indian  town  of  Lulgebrud, 
in  Clarke  County,  the  oldest  Indian  settlement  in  the  State, 
was  established  by  some  Shawnee  refugees  about  the  year 
1730. 

A  native  population  of  1,000,000,  or  one  to  every  three 
square  miles,  may  be  reasonably  assumed  as  a  maximum  limit, 
and  240,000  would  appear  to  be  a  just  minimum.  Between 
these  bounds  conjecture  becomes  more  vague,  but  there  are 
still  facts  tending  towards  a  convergence  between  these  ex- 
tremes. It  is  almost  beyond  doubt  that  the  Indians  have  de- 
creased somewhat.  In  the  pure  hunter  state  the  relation  of 
births  to  deaths  is  such  that  a  slight  increase  of  population  is 
to  be  expected  ui\der  ordinary  circumstances,  but  when  to  the 
ordinary  ills  of  that  state  are  added  those  of  an  encroaching 
civilization,  a  decrease  becomes  almost  a  matter  of  certainty. 
The  known  ravages  of  war,  disease,  and  whiskey,  the  white 
man's  most  potent  allies,  justify  the  common  belief  that  the 
American  race  has  been  fading  away ;  but,  on  the  other  hand, 
those  agencies  have  not  been  nearly  so  destructive  as  is  ordi- 
narily supposed.  The  methods  of  Indian  warfare  prevent 
any  great  loss  to  them  in  fighting — a  fact  which  has  often 
been  expressed  of  late  years  in  the  statement  that  it  costs  the 
government  a  million  dollars  to  kill  an  Indian.  The  bitter 
campaign  of  18G4,  against  tlie  Arizona  Apaches,  when  the 
regular,  citizen,  and  friendly  Indian  forces  of  the  United 
States  and  Mexico  joined  in  a  war  of  extermination  against 
the  hostiles,  resulted  only  in  the  death  of  two  hundred  and  six- 
teen Apaches.  Even  when  surprised,  and  apparently  helpless, 
the  Indians  have  usually  lost  but  small  numbers.  The  four 
most  damaging  attacks  on  the  Indians  of  modern  times — 
Sand  Creek,  Camp  Grant,  Custer's  fight  on  the  Washita,  and 
Baker's  surprise  of  the  Piegans  on  the  Marias — averaged  only 
about  one  hundred  and  seventy-five  victims  each.     Small- 


6 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


pox,  measles,  syphilis,  tnalivria,  consumption,  and  whiskey  liavo 
been  far  more  destriictivo  than  our  arms,  hut  even  these 
have  not  caused  the  loss  of  life  that  has  generally  been  at- 
tributed to  th^m.  Counteracting  these  destroying  agencies 
have  been  the  superior  sanitary  measures  of  civilization. 
Tribes  that  have  adopted  wholly  or  in  part  protective  cloth- 
ing, residence  in  houses,  and  the  use  of  medicines,  have  shown 
a  great  decrease  in  infant  mortality,  and  often  an  increase 
in  numbers.  Even  among  what  are  still  called  the  wild 
tribes,  small  -  pox  has  been  robbed  of  its  terrors  by  the  in- 
troduction of  vaccination.  Ti.e  tendency  of  late  statistics 
is  to  show  a  slight  increase  at  present  in  the  Indian  tribes. 
The  returns  for  1881  (not  including  the  civilized  or  taxed  In- 
dians) show  an  excess  of  300  births  over  deaths ;  in  1883  the 
excess  was  250 ;  in  1882  the  excess  was  520,  but  the  report 
was  incomplete.  The  natural  presumption  is  that  the  rela- 
tion of  births  to  deaths  among  the  civilized  Indians  would 
add  to  these  numbers. 

It  is  not  probable  that  more  than  one-half  of  the  total 
decrease  in  the  tribes  occurred  prior  to  1S29.  At  that  time 
there  had  beet)  no  material  contact  between  the  whites  and 
the  Indians  in  at  least  one-half  of  our  present  territory,  and 
large  numbers  of  the  tribes  with  whom  we  had  been  in  con- 
tact still  existed.  The  white  population  of  the  country  was 
then  12,866,000.  Or.r  great  increase  in  numbers  in  the  fifty- 
five  years  since  that  time,  and  the  enormous  extension  of  our 
settlements,  have  produced  a  contact  that  is  fully  equal  to  all 
that  of  the  three  hundred  and  thirty -five  years  preceding. 
Our  population  during  the  greater  part  of  that  time  was  in- 
considerable;  in  1790  it  had  reached  only  3,929,000,  of  which 
ninety-seven  ])er  cent,  was  east  of  the  Alleghanies.  In  1829 
Generals  Cass  and  Clarke  made  an  elaborate  estimate  of  the 
Indians  within  our  borders,  placing  the  number  at  313,130. 
The  additional  territory  acquired  by  the  annexation  of  Texas 
and  the  cession  from  Mexico  was  estimated  to  contain  145,000, 
by  subsequent  statisticians  of  merit,  making  a  total  for  our 
present  territory  of  -158,000.  If  these  figures  were  correct 
we  should  have  a  decrease  of  188,000  in  fifty-five  years,  which 
would,  on  our  hypotliesis,  indicate  an  original  population  of 


INTRODUCTORY. 


640,000;  but  the  estimates  of  Cass  and  Clarke,  as  well  as  the 
later  ones,  are  almost  certainly  above  the  reality.  Their  fig- 
ures on  the  tribes  in  proximity  to  the  settlements  may  be  ac- 
cepted as  trustworthy,  but  they  accounted  80,000  west  of  the 
Rockies,  between  parallels  44  and  49,  which  was  more  than 
twice  their  probable  number;  and  having  allowed  20,000  for 
those  within  the  Rockies,  between  those  parallels,  they  esti- 
mated 94,300  to  be  between  the  Rockies  and  the  Mississippi, 
exclusive  of  Louisiana,  Arkansas,  and  Missouri,  which  was 
also  too  large  a  figure.  There  is  scarcely  a  doubt  that  the 
Indians  at  that  time  did  not  number  over  400,000,  which,  on 
the  hypothesis  mentioned,  would  denote  an  original  popula- 
tion of  530,000.  There  are  other  considerations,  which  cannot 
be  elaborated  here,  tending  to  show  that  this  estimate  is  ap- 
proximately correct,  . 

Beginning  with  these  bases  of  an  existing  increase,  and  a 
past  decrease  of  only  fifty  per  cent,  through  nearly  four  cent- 
uries of  war,  disease,  and  debauchery,  we  may  eliminate  the 
possibility  of  extermination  from  the  discussion  of  the  Indian 
question  at  the  outset.  The  people  who  are  lamenting  "  the 
vanishing  spectre  on  the  horizon,"  and  those  who  rejoice  over 
the  prospect  of  extermination,  in  the  belief  that  "  the  only 
good  Indians  are  dead  ones,"  have  very  little  cause  for  their 
emotions.  The  probability  is  that  there  will  be  more  of  the 
race  a  century  hence  than  there  are  now;  there  will  be,  cer- 
tainl}',  if  they  receive  such  treatment  as  they  are  usually  sup- 
posed to  receive  under  "  the  humane  policy."  The  only 
problems  that  are  worth  considering  are  how  these  people  are 
to  1)0  brought  to  a  fit  condition  for  citizenship,  and  how  we 
are  to  live  peaceably  with  them  until  that  end  is  accom- 
plished. In  this  connection  the  reader  is  asked  to  remember 
that  it  has  not  been  the  object  of  the  following  pages  to 
solve  or  even  to  discuss  these  problems.  The  writer  has  had 
no  theory  to  support.  lie  has  conscientiously  endeavored  to 
search  out  the  true  causes,  the  actual  occurrences,  and  the 
exact  results  of  the  leading  Indian  troubles  of  modern  years, 
leaving  the  credit  or  the  blame  to  fall  to  whatever  individ- 
ual or  whatever  policy  it  may  belong.  From  the  facts  col- 
lected certain  principles  are  deducible,  and  in  this  introduc- 


MASSACKES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


tory,  which  might  with  ecjuiil  propriety  be  made  a  conclusion, 
these  will  be  briefly  summed  up. 

In  all  consideration  of  the  Indian  question  it  nuist  be 
remembered  that  the  Indian  stands  in  a  relation  to  our  gov- 
ernment different  from  that  of  any  other  human  being,  and 
that  whatever  the  results  of  this  distinction  may  liave  been, 
its  object  was  one  of  benefit  and  kindness  to  the  red  man. 
All  the  nations  thi!t  colonized  in  America  recognized  in  the 
Indians  the  right  of  possession  of  the  soil,  but  claimed  for 
themselves  the  fee-simple,  or  actual  ownership.  The  United 
States  followed  the  same  theory  witii  all  its  consecpiences,  the 
most  important  of  which  is  that  no  valid  transfer  of  land  can 
be  made  by  the  Indian,  except  to  our  government,  without 
the  government's  consent.  The  settlers  in  each  of  the  thir- 
teen cjlonies  paid  the  Indians  something  for  their  possessory 
right,  though  all  ol  them  claimed  the  fee-simple  under  their 
charters.  The  tradition  that  William  Penn  alone  bought 
land  of  the  Indians  is  wholly  erroneous ;  each  colony  has 
records  of  similar  pnrchi'ses.  The  United  States  has  always 
done  the  same,  except  in  the  case  of  the  cessions  from  Mexico 
(in  which  the  Indian  title  was  considered  to  have  been  extin- 
guished by  the  Mexican  Government),  and  under  its  system  the 
Indian  title  never  rises  any  higher  than  a  possessory  right, 
unless  there  is  an  express  treaty  confirmation  of  ownership  in 
fee  or  an  issue  of  patents.  By  the  customary  provisions  of 
organic  acts,  the  Indian  reservations  are  excluded  from  State 
and  territorial  boundaries.  They  cannot  be  taxed ;  they  are 
not  subject  to  the  jurisdiction  of  courts,  ccept  as  specially 
provided ;  legal  process  of  courts  of  the  adjoining  territory 
cannot  be  served  within  tl  nr\.  Still  the  provisions  of  trea- 
ties, that  the  lands  are  res«  'ed  to  particular  tribes  and  their 
descendants  forever,  mean  .  'rely  that  the  possession  of  them 
is  so  guaranteed ;  the  owne  hip  still  remains  in  the  United 
States,  in  contemplation  of  J  tv.  From  respect  for  their  de- 
sire for  self-government,  we  lave  treated  the  tribes  as  inde- 
pendent powers,  but  we  have  never  conceded  the  actual  title 
to  any  portion  of  land  to  be  in  any  tribe,  for  such  land  thus 
ceded  to  an  independent  power  would  then  cease  to  be  a  part 
of  the  United  States. 


INTUODUCTOKY. 


The  theory  of  their  rchitiun  to  us,  which  has  always  beeti 
adlicred  to  by  our  courts,  was  thus  stated  by  Marshall,  C.  J., 
in  the  ease  of  the  Cherokee  Nation  vn.  Georgia,  5  Peters,  I : 
"The  condition  of  the  Indians  in  relation  to  the  United 
States  is,  perhaps,  unlike  that  of  any  other  two  people  in  ex- 
istence. In  general,  nations  not  owing  a  common  allegiance 
are  foreign  to  each  other  .  .  .  yet  it  mcTy  well  be  doubted 
whether  these  tribes  which  reside  within  the  acknowledged 
boundaries  of  the  United  States  can,  with  strict  accuracy,  bo 
denominated  foreign  nations.  They  may,  more  correctly, 
perhaps,  be  denominated  domestic  dependent  nations.  They 
occupy  a  territory  to  which  wo  assert  u  title  independent  of 
their  will,  which  must  take  effect  in  point  of  possession,  when 
their  right  of  possession  ceases.  Meanwhile  they  are  in  a 
stivte  of  pupilage;  their  relation  to  the  United  States  resem- 
bles that  of  a  ward  to  his  guardian.  They  look  to  our  gov- 
ernment for  protection,  rely  upon  its  kindness  and  its  power, 
appeal  to  it  for  relief  to  their  wants,  and  address  the  Pi-esi- 
dent  as  their  great  father."  The  reader  will  observe  that 
here  is  outlined  by  our  highest  court  the  only  policy  that  our 
government  can  justly  follow.  By  our  own  laws  we,  who 
have  assumed  control  over  these  tribes,  are  bound  to  protect 
them,  to  be  kind  to  them,  to  relieve  their  wants.  The  rela- 
tion of  guardian  to  ward  under  our  laws  is  not  consistent 
with  the  neglect,  oppression,  mistreatment,  or  robbery  of  the 
weaker  party.  Whenever  our  treatment  of  a  tribe  is  such  as 
our  own  courts  would  not  allow  in  a  guardian,  we  are  self- 
condemned.  We  must  be  honest,  we  must  not  oppress  the 
Indians,  we  must  not  take  their  property  without  just  com- 
pensation, or  we  are  law-breakers. 

In  accordance  with  this  theory,  and  in  accordance  with 
the  wishes  of  the  tribes,  it  has  been  customary  to  allow  them 
to  make  and  enforce  their  own  laws  for  the  punishment  of 
Indians  for  injuries  to  the  person  or  property  of  other  In- 
dians. We  have  had  laws  to  punish  white  men  for  wronging 
Indians,  and  laws  to  punish  Indians  for  wronging  white  men, 
but  the  natives  have  been  left  at  liberty  to  prey  upon  one 
another  as  their  customs  might  allow.  Some  of  the  tribes 
have  reasonably  good  laws  for  their  own  government,  but 


10 


MASSACRES   OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


others  have  such  inadequate  ones  tliat  the  feelings  of  humane 
men  have  often  been  shocked  by  crimes  for  which  there  was 
no  earthly  punishment.  Says  Bishop  Hare,  "Women  are 
brutally  beaten  and  outraged,  men  are  m-irdered  in  cold 
blood,  the  Indians  who  are  friendly  to  schools  and  churches 
are  intimidated  and  preyed  upon  by  the  evil-disposed,  chil- 
dren are  molested  on  their  way  to  school,  and  schools  are 
dispersed  by  bands  of  vagabonds,  but  there  is  no  redress. 
This  accursed  condition  of  things  is  an  outrage  upon  the 
One  Law-giver.  It  is  a  disgrace  to  onr  land.  It  should 
make  every  man  who  sits  in  the  national  halls  of  legislation 
blush."  One  of  the  most  aggravating  of  these  offences  of 
recent  times  was  the  murder  of  Spotted  Tail,  the  Sioux  chief, 
who  had  stood  by  us  in  matiy  troubled  times,  by  Crow  Dog. 
The  murderer  was  trie],  convicted,  and  sentenced  to  be  hanged, 
but  was  released  by  the  Supreme  Court  {Ex  parte  Crow  Dog, 
109  U.  S.,  p.  55G)  for  the  reason  that  our  courts  had  no  juris- 
dictior.  of  the  offence.  He  returned  to  Rosebud  Agency  in 
1884,  a^d  his  release  has  been  the  cause  of  the  death  of  sev- 
eral mtn  since  then,  especially  of  White  Thunder  and  Thun- 
der Hawk,  un  May  29th  of  that  year. 

The  ovil  of  this  system  is  evident.  It  has  undoubtedly 
been  the  greatest  stumbling-block  in  the  way  of  the  Indian's 
advancement  to  civilization  and  citizenship.  The  worst  ele- 
ment necessarily  controls  so  long  as  there  is  no  power  to  re- 
strain the  work  of  intimidation.  The  system  was  adopted  at 
a  time  M'hen  our  government  was  physically  unable  to  en- 
force laws  in  the  Indian  country,  except  for  the  protection 
of  its  own  subjects,  but  there  is  no  reason  for  a  longer  con- 
tinuance of  it.  The  only  obstacle  is  the  fact  that  a  change 
will  be  an  infraction  of  treaty  rights;  but  i,he  treaties  have 
been  broken  for  bad  purposes  so  often,  that  breaking  them 
for  a  good  purpose  would  almost  be  an  apology  for  our  for- 
mer bad  faith.  This  is  one  of  the  few  evils  that  may  be  reme- 
died without  creating  a  new  evil.  At  present  a  large  part  of 
the  law  administered  on  agencies  is  simply  the  will  of  the 
agent  in  charge,  if  he  has  power  to  enforce  it.  Some  agents 
prohibit  polygamy  and  other  Indian  customs;  others  permit 
them.     The  "laws"  are  liable  to  be  changed  whenever  there 


INTRODUCTORY. 


11 


is  a  change  of  agents.  A  quite  recent  instance  of  the  ab- 
surdities which  this  results  in  was  an  attempt  of  the  agent  of 
the  Navahos  to  force  tliat  tribe  to  observe  the  Sabbath,  He 
had  ahnost  got  them  into  a  s'.ite  of  war,  when  General  Pope 
interfered  and  removed  the  over-zealous  law- maker.  The 
evil  has  been  remedied  partially  by  the  establishment  of 
"courts  of  Indian  offences"  on  some  of  the  reservations  by 
the  Indian  Bureau,  but  they  are  probably  beyond  the  au- 
thority of  tlie  department,  and  would  hardly  be  sustained 
by  our  judiciary.  The  only  remedy  at  all  adequate  is  for 
Congress  to  adopt  a  code  for  the  government  of  the  tribes, 
but  in  so  doing  it  ought  not  to  interfere  with  the  tribes 
that  have  adopted  and  enforced  adequate  laws  of  their  own. 

A  treaty  with  an  Indian  tribe  has  the  same  rank  and  effect 
in  law  as  a  treaty  with  a  foreign  nation.  "  They  are  treaties 
within  the  meaning  of  the  Constitution,  and,  as  such,  are  the 
supreme  laws  of  the  land"  (5  McLean,  C.  C,  p.  344).  The 
effect  of  all  treaties  has  been  necessarily  to  nationalize  the 
tril)e  treated  with,  and  put  its  members  farther  away  from 
citizenship  and  allegiance  to  our  government.  From  this 
consideration  Congress,  on  March  ',i,  1871,  passed  a  law  pro- 
hibiting future  treaties  with  Indian  tribes,  though  recognizing 
those  already  made.  There  i-^  among  many  intelligent  men, 
whose  friendship  for  the  Indians  cannot  be  questioned,  a  de- 
sire for  still  further  movement  tov^ards  the  disintegration  of 
the  tribes,  and  a  faster  advance  towards  the  citizenship  which 
must  sooner  or  later  be  reached.  This  is  a  step  which  to  the 
white  man  appears  advantageous,  but  it  may  at  least  be  said 
that  no  action  of  that  kind  should  be  forced  on  the  Indians. 
Aside  fro.n  their  rolnclance  to  abandon  the  ties  that  make 
them  a  people  and  endear  to  them  a  related  ancestry,  there 
are  matters  of  a  more  practical  nature  which  may  well  cause 
us  to  coiibider  the  proposed  change  maturely.  The  case  of 
the  Pueblos  will  serve  as  an  illustration  of  the  fact  that  im- 
portant benefits  do  not  always  result  from  citizenship.  In 
the  recent  case  of  the  United  States  vs.  Joseph,  94  IT.  S., 
p.  614,  an  action  for  the  statutory  penalty  for  settling  on  the 
lands  of  the  Pueblo  of  Taos,  the  Supreme  Court  held  that 
the  Pneblo  Indians  of  New  Mexico  were  not  "Indian  tribes" 


12 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


under  our  laws;  that  they  have  a  perfect  title  in  fee  to  their 
lands  through  Spanish  grants  and  United  States  patents ;  and 
a  broad  intimation  is  given  that  whenever  the  question  shall 
be  presented  they  will  be  held  to  be  citizens  of  the  United 
States.  They  have  the  right  to  vote,  which  is  of  no  especial 
use  to  them,  as  they  have  always  elected  their  village  officers 
and  have  no  great  interest  in  others;  they  have  the  right  to 
be  taxed ;  they  have  the  right  to  be  sued  in  the  local  courts, 
which  will  probably  give  them  justice  so  long  as  their  inter- 
ests do  not  conflict  too  seriously  with  those  of  their  white 
neighbors.  A  hi  umber  of  the  Pueblo  land  grants  have  been 
intersected  by  railways  within  the  past  few  years,  and  on  one 
of  them  the  Denver  and  llio  Grande  Company  has  estab- 
lished a  station  named  Wallace.  The  Indians  refused  to  sell 
land  for  a  station  or  a  town  site  at  this  point,  but,  in  spite  of 
their  protests,  white  men  went  there  and  settled,  and  the  only 
chance  for  relief  is  by  tedious  litigation.  The  government 
cannot  interpose  as  it  could  if  the  intruders  were  upon  the 
lands  of  "Indian  tribes."  Its  hands  are  tied  by  the  citizen- 
ship of  the  Pueblos.  They  have  gained  a  questionable  ben- 
efit and  lost  a  powerful  ])rotector. 

The  policy  of  the  government  heretofore  has  been  to  lead 
the  tribes  into  the  adoption  of  civilized  pursuits  as  far  as  pos- 
sible, and  then  make  treaty  arrangements  by  which  the  mem- 
bers may  become  citizens  on  showing  a  good  character  and 
a  stated  ability  to  support  themselves.  Under  this  system 
some  forty  thousand  Indians  have  come  into  citizenship. 
The  number  of  taxed  Indians,  who  are  in  fact  citizens,  was 
found  by  the  census  of  1880  t">  be  00,1:07,  but  this  includes 
the  Pueblos  and  the  Mission  Inaians  of  California,  who  have 
their  right  by  the  treaty  of  Guadalupe  Hidalgo,  with  Mexico. 
A  majority  of  the  taxed  Indians  are  not  qualified  for  citizen- 
ship, in  the  sense  that  they  are  able  to  cope  with  the  white 
man  in  the  pursuits  of  civilized  life.  The  Indian  Bureau  has 
had  agents  at  work  for  over  a  year  past  investigating  the 
property  rights  of  these  Indians,  and  it  has  been  found  in 
very  matiy  instances  that  they  have  been  defrauded  of  their 
lands  either  by  tax-sales,  when  their  land  was  not  taxable,  or 
by  other  devices.    On  the  other  hand,  there  is  much  plausibil- 


INTliODUCTOKY. 


13 


ity  in  the  theory  that  the  ballot  is  the  best  weapon  that  can 
be  given  to  a  man  for  the  defence  of  his  rights,  and  the  ex- 
perience of  the  country  with  the  negro  certainly  shows  that 
the  consciousness  of  manhood  and  equality  is  a  strong  incen- 
tive to  self- improvement.  An  enactment  of  June  18,  1881, 
that  will  probably  have  a  decided  influence  in  bringing  the 
Indian  to  citizenship,  provides  that  any  adult  Indian  who 
abandons  tribal  relations  may  take  up  land  under  the  home- 
stead law,  and  still  be  entitled  to  his  distributive  share  in  all 
tribal  annuities,  funds,  lands,  and  other  property.  The  loss 
of  tribal  property  rights  by  one  who  left  the  tribe,  formerly 
acted  as  a  premium  for  remaining  in  tribal  relations.  On  the 
whole,  as  to  citizenship,  it  is  safe  to  say  that  a  general  natural- 
ization law  should  be  passed  by  which  any  Indian  who  de- 
sires to  abandon  tribal  relations  may  become  a  citizen  on 
manifesting  a  certain  degree  of  fitness.  The  requirement  of 
fitness  is  no  reflection  on  the  Indian;  it  will  operate  for  his 
benefit.  The  alien  in  this  country  is  simply  a  visitor,  and 
has  only  the  rights  of  a  visitor  until  he  takes  steps  towards 
naturalization.  The  Indian,  theoretically,  receives  as  much 
protection  as  the  citizen,  and  is  supposed  to  have  his  tempo- 
ral wants,  at  least,  provided  for.  If  the  government  be  true 
to  its  guardianship,  the  Indian  has  nothing  to  gain  by  the 
transition  but  the  simple  freedom  of  citizenship. 

As  the  law  stands  at  present,  an  Indian  who  leaves  his 
tribe,  except  under  treaty  provisions,  becomes  a  man  without 
a  country.  It  was  declared  in  the  celebrated  Ponca  case — 
U.  S.  ex  rel.  Standing  Bear  vs.  George  Crook  (5  Dillon,  C.  C, 
p.  -154:) — that  an  Indian  had  a  clear  right  of  expatriation,  or 
abandonment  of  his  tribe ;  but  in  Elk  vs.  Wilkins  (112  U.  S., 
p.  O'l)  the  Supreme  Court  held  that,  while  a  person  might 
abandon  one  country,  ho  could  not  force  himself  upon  an- 
other as  a  citizen  without  its  consent,  and  that  the  laws  of 
the  United  States  had  not  made  it  possible  for  an  Indian  to 
become  a  citizen  by  simply  leaving  his  tribe.  This  being  the 
law,  and  there  being  no  general  provision  for  the  naturaliza- 
tion of  Indians,  an  Indian  who  leaves  his  tribe  remains  in  the 
condition  of  an  alien  who  has  taken  no  steps  towards  natural- 
ization, unless  he  comes  within  some  treaty  provision,     lie 


14 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


may  hold  and  transfer  property,  sue  and  be  sned,  and  be  in- 
dicted for  crime.  If  illegally  deprived  of  his  liberty,  he  may 
be  released  on  writ  of  habeas  corpus.  This  right  was  granted 
on  the  application  of  Standing  Bear,  above  referred  to,  but 
the  intimation  in  that  case  that  a  similar  rule  had  not  ob- 
tained in  England  is  incorrect.  In  1810  a  negro  woman, 
named  Saartje  Baartman,  known  as  the  Hottentot  Venus, 
who  was  beinjr  exhibited  in  England  on  account  of  her  beau- 
ty  and  physical  perfection,  was  brought  before  the  Court  of 
King's  Bench  on  a  rule  for  her  custodians  to  show  cause  why 
the  writ  should  not  issue  for  her  release.  The  afKdavit  on 
which  the  court  granted  the  rule  alleged  that  she  had  been 
clandestinely  inveigled  away  from  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope 
without  the  knowledge  of  the  British  governor, "  who  extends 
his  peculiar  protection  in  nature  of  a  guardian  over  the  Hot- 
tentot nation  under  his  government,  by  reason  of  their  gen- 
eral imbecile  state."  In  other  words,  she  was  in  the  same 
state  of  pupilage  as  the  American  Indians.  The  rule  was 
discharged  on  it  being  shown  that  she  was  with  the  showmen 
of  her  free-will. 

The  right  of  Indians  in  tribal  relations  to  appear  in  State, 
territorial,  or  United  States  courts  for  any  purpose,  except  as 
provided  by  the  national  statutes,  rests  on  a  very  uncertain 
foundation,  for  neither  the  common-law  nor  any  statutes  for 
the  enforcement  of  ordinary  rit'lits  extend  over  the  reserva- 
tions. Still,  Indians  have  been  allowed  in  several  cases  to 
sue  on  contracts  made  on  reservations,  for  assaults  committed 
on  reservations,  and  for  trespasses  on  reservation  lands.  Va- 
rious tribes  or  nations,  as  independent  governments,  have  ex- 
ercised the  privilege  of  appearing  as  parties  in  the  courts  for 
the  enforcement  of  treaty  rights. 

While  theoretically  our  provisions  for  the  control  and  ad- 
vancejiient  of  the  Indians  show  good  intentions,  they  have 
not  received  the  practical  application  that  would  have  made 
them  useful ;  and  the  laws  themselves  are  fatally  defective 
in  that  there  is  no  adequate  provision  for  their  enforcement. 
It  is  mucii  as  though  we  had  passed  a  law  against  murder  or 
larceny  and  prescribed  no  penalty  for  the  crime.  We  agree 
that  white  men  shall  not  go  on  reservations,  and  pass  a  law 


INTRODUCTORY. 


U 


giving  a  penalty  of  $1000  against  each  intruder.  A  white 
man  enters  the  reservation ;  the  military  removes  him ;  the 
government  sues  him,  and  has  judgment  for  $1000 ;  he 
owns  no  property,  and  goes  scot-free.  We  agree  to  educate 
a  tribe ;  money  is  appropriated  for  schools,  and  expended  for 
no  one  knows  what ;  at  tlie  end  of  ten  or  twenty  years  it  is 
discovered  that  the  Indians  have  learned  nothing.  How  did 
it  happen  ?  Because  the  law  did  not  provide  for  any  one 
to  see  that  tne  money  was  applied  to  the  purpose  for  wliich 
it  was  designed.  We  agree  to  give  the  Indians  a  certain 
amount  of  food,  clothing,  and  other  property,  and  appropri- 
ate money  for  the  purpose,  without  taking  the  precautions  for 
its  proper  application  that  any  business  man  would  use  in 
his  ordinary  affairs.  That  the  Indians  get  but  little  of  it,  as 
a  rule,  i  so  notorious  that  it  is  a  standing  joke  i:i  this  coun- 
try. Do  Indian  agents  steal?  The  reports  of  dozens  of  in- 
vestigating committees  say  they  do.  Did  you  ever  hear  of 
one  being  punished  ?  Some  of  them  come  out  of  office  with- 
out materially  increasing  their  wealth,  but  not  many.  The 
general  result  is  as  Medicine  Cow  said  of  Dr.  Burleigh, 
"When  he  came  here  he  had  only  a  trunk,  but  now  he  is 
high  up — ricli."  Dr.  Burleigh's  services  were  dispensed  with, 
and  the  good  people  of  Dakota,  in  recognition  of  his  distin- 
guished ability,  sent  him  to  Congress.  There  have  been 
tried  various  checks  for  this  malfeasance,  but  none  adequate 
to  the  evil.  Every  investigation  reveals  the  continuing 
wrong.  If  there  is  a  single  report  of  a  Congressional  or 
department  committee  on  Indian  frauds  that  does  not  find  a 
shameful  state  of  robbery  and  corruption  in  existence,  I  have 
never  discovered  it. 

The  most  sensible  remedy  ever  adopted  was  the  appoint 
ment  of  the  Board  of  Indian  Commissioners,  as  quasi  super- 
visors of  the  Indian  Bureau,  but  it  has  barely  checked  the 
progress  of  wrong.  Let  us  notice  a  few  revelations  made  since 
the  organization  of  that  body.  In  1873  a  House  committee 
made  a  report,  in  a  volume  of  eight  hundred  pages,  headed  in 
largo  type,  "By  this  investigation  and  report  the  committee 
hope  to  do  something  to  rid  the  Indians  and  the  Indian  serv- 
ice of  those  heartless  scoundrels  who  infest  it,  and  who  do  so 


16 


MASSACRES  OF  Tf.  i  MOUNTAINS. 


I 


much  datuago  to  the  Indian,  the  settler,  and  the  government." 
It  is  liardly  necessary  to  say  that  tlie  hopes  of  the  commit- 
tee were  not  realized.  In  1874  Prof.  O.  C.  Marsh,  of  Yale 
College,  happened  at  Eed  Cloud  Agency  on  a  geological  ex- 
pedition, and  was  detained  there  for  several  days  by  Indian 
hostilities.  He  took  some  observations  of  the  management 
of  the  agency,  and  obtained  samples  of  tlie  provisions  given 
to  the  Indians.  On  his  return  he  printed  charges  in  the 
newspapers  and  in  pamphlet  form,  besides  writing  to  and 
interviewing  the  authorities.  There  was  an  attempt  to  ignore 
the  charges,  the  agent  stating  that  he  considered  it  "one  of 
the  usual  effervescences  of  the  moment,"  but  Professor  Marsh 
pushed  the  matter,  and  a  commission  was  sent  to  investigate. 
It  reported  eight  hundred  and  forty  pages  of  damaging  testi- 
mony, recommended  the  removal  of  the  agent  and  inspector, 
and  urged  the  exclusion  of  all  the  contractors  from  future 
contracts.  Reference  will  be  made  hereafter  to  other  frauds, 
but  it  is  worthy  of  note  here  that  in  the  month  of  July,  1885, 
there  was  developed  incontrovertible  evidence  of  still  existing 
rascality.  In  the  count  of  the  Cheyeimo  ajid  Arapahoe  In- 
dians, it  was  found  that  there  were  1300  Arapahoes  instead 
of  2366  reported  last  fall,  and  2077  Cheyennos  instead  of 
3905  reported  last  fall.  A  mistake  of  3000  Indians  out  of 
a  reported  total  of  6271  is  impossible.  It  is  simply  another 
illustration  of  a  game  tliat  has  been  played  by  the  Indian 
rings  for  years :  the  more  Indians  reported,  the  greater  al- 
lowance made  for  their  support;  and  the  fewer  Indians  to 
issue  to,  the  more  goods  left  for  the  agent.  No  casual  visit 
of  an  inspector  will  disclose  a  fraud  of  that  kind.  The  agent 
perpetrates  it  with  impunity. 

The  money  loss  is  the  least  objectionable  part  of  this 
thieving.  If  we  may  believe  either  of  the  great  political 
parties,  a  few  millions  stolen,  more  or  less,  will  make  but  lit- 
tle difference  in  the  aggregate.  The  greatest  evil  is  that 
tlie  Indians  are  poorly  clothed  and  badly  fed  or  starved,  and 
unless  they  are  so  degraded  as  to  have  lost  all  spirit  they 
make  trouble.  It  if  amusing  to  hear  some  people  talk  of 
"  fed  savages  "  and  "  Uncle  Sam's  pets,"  in  connection  with 
the  reservation  system.    I  doubt  if  there  is  a  reservation  in 


INTRODUCTORY. 


17 


the  country  on  which  the  average  wliite  laboring  man  would 
be  content  to  live  and  subsist  on  Indian  rations,  though  the 
food  is  generally  better  now  than  it  used  to  be.  Take  this 
description  of  the  fare  at  Crow  Creek  Agency  in  1863-64: 
"Some  time  about  the  middle  of  the  winter  a  large  vat  was 
constructed  of  cotton-wood  lumber,  about  six  feet  square  and 
six  feet  deep,  in  connection  with  the  steam  saw-miil,  with  a 
pipe  leading  from  the  boiler  into  the  vat.  Into  this  vat  was 
thrown  beef,  beef  heads,  entrails  of  beeves,  some  beans,  flour, 
and  pork.  I  think  there  was  put  into  the  vat  two  barrels  of 
flour  each  time,  which  was  not  oftener  than  once  in  twenty- 
four  hours.  This  mass  was  then  cooked  by  the  steam  from 
the  boiler  passing  through  the  vat.  AVhen  that  was  done,  all 
the  Indians  were  ordered  to  come  there  witii  their  pails  and 
get  it.  It  was  dipped  out  to  the  Indians  with  a  long-handled 
dipper  made  for  the  purpose.  I  cannot  say  the  quantity 
given  to  each.  It  was  of  about  the  consistency  of  very  thin 
gruel.  The  Indians  would  pour  off  the  thinner  portion  and 
eat  that  which  settled  to  the  bottom.  .  .  .  The  Santees  and 
Winnebagos  were  fed  from  this  vat;  some  of  the  Indians 
refused  to  eat  it,  saying  the}"^  could  not  eat  it,  it  made  them 
sick  .  .  .  they  told  the  agent  that  it  was  only  fit  for  hogs,  and 
they  were  not  hogs,  they  said.  .  .  .  The  Indians  reported  sev- 
eral deaths  from  starvation ;  they  were  constantly  begging 
for  something  to  eat,  and  I  visited  the  lodges  frequently 
while  they  were  sick,  and  found  them  destitute  of  food.  .  .  . 
From  what  I  saw  and  know,  I  am  satisfied  that  the  represen- 
tations of  Indians  as  to  some  of  the  Indians  dying  of  starva- 
tion were  true."  This  was  the  testimony  of  S.  C.  Ilaynes, 
assistant-surgeon  of  the  Sixth  Iowa  Cavalry.  It  was  fully 
sustained  by  the  testimony  of  other  white  men,  and  even 
worse  was  proven,  for  it  was  shown  that  beeves  were  used 
that  had  died  natural  deaths,  and  that  meat  was  issued  which 
stank  and  was  full  of  maggots.  But,  it  may  be  said,  that 
sort  of  thing  is  all  over  with  now.  Is  it,  indeed?  Just  last 
year  the  Piegans  lived  for  two  months  on  the  bark  of  trees, 
and  about  two  hundred  of  them  starved  to  death.  It  is  a 
glorious  privilege  to  be  a  "fed  savage!" 

No  one  need  be  surprised  at  these  things.     Since  the 

2 


18 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


world  has  existed,  nieii  put  in  absolute  power  over  other  men 
have  often  been  cruel  and  wicked,  and  the  race  has  not  out- 
grown the  quality.     You  need  not  go  to  foreign  countries 
nor  back  to  the  Dark  Ages  for  instances.     Tewkesbury  alms- 
house, the  Georgia  penitentiary,  the  contract  labor  convicts 
of  Louisiana,  or  the  Soldiers'  Orphans'  Home  of  Indiana  will 
do  well  enough.     Guard  as  well  as  you  can  institutions  where 
men  rule  men  absolutely,  and  you  cannot  escape  some  wrong. 
But  what  safeguards  have  wc  given  the  Indians?     An  agent 
is  put  over  them  who  is  at  once  their  master  and  representa- 
tive, besides   representing   the   government.     Isolated   from 
civilized  mankind,  he  does  much  as  he  pleases,  and  his  own 
reports  are  the  chief  information  of  his  doings  that  reach  the 
Indian  Bureau  and  the  world  at  large.     Once  a  year  or  of- 
tener  an  inspector  visits  the  agency  and  is  entertained  by 
the  agent;   sometimes  there  are  other  visitors;   sometimes 
there  is  a  missionary.     If  the  agent  and  inspector  should  ac- 
cidentally happen  to  bo  in  a  "  ring,"  where  do  the  govern- 
ment and  the  Indian  appear?     We  put  better  safeguards  than 
these  around  our  cou.ity  jails.     There  is  a  very  simple  way 
in  which  all   this  might  be  much  improved.     For  years  a 
strong  party  has  advocated  turning  the  Indians  over  to  the 
War  Department,  on  the  plea,  which  all  reasonable  men  will 
concede,  that  the  officers  who  would  have  charge  of  the  In- 
dians are  more  honest  than  the  class  of  men  who  are  accus- 
tomed to  receive  appointments;  they  have  been  educated  by 
the  government  as  gentlemen,  and  taught  that  no  gentleman 
can  be  dishonest;   and  they  are  under  constant  liability  to 
court-martial  for  conduct  unbecoming  officers  and  gentlemen. 
This  has  been  met  by  the  ])lea  that  a  transfer  to  the  War 
Department  would  involve  stationing  soldiers  on  the  reser- 
vations who  would  demoralize  the  Indians,  and  that  while 
under  charge  of  the  War  Departujeiit,  which  they  were  until 
1849,  the  Indian  affiiirs  were  no  better  managed  than  since 
then  by  the  Interior  Department.     Admitting  a  large  amount 
of  truth  in   both  propositions,  why  not  combine  the  good 
features  of  both  departments?     To  insure  morality,  let  the 
Indian   Bureau  continue  in  control ;   but  to  insure  honesty 
— to  be  certain  that  the  morality  of  the  agent  is  not  hypocrisy 


INTKODUCTOUY. 


If 


-  detail  an  officer  once  a  inontli  from  the  nearest  post,  to 
audit  the  agent's  accounts,  inspect  the  management  of  the 
agency,  and  report.  He  need  not  interfere  with  the  duties 
of  the  agent  at  all.  It  would  add  practically  nothing  to  gov- 
ernment expenses.  There  are  only  sixty-two  agencies.  The 
officers  are  close  to  most  of  them,  and  have  plenty  of  leisure 
time.  But  the  two  departments  would  be  hostile!  So  much 
the  better.  That  would  insure  a  knowledge  of  the  truth, 
beyond  question.  It  is  a  wrong  both  to  the  government 
and  the  Indians  not  to  put  some  impartial  supervising  power 
back  of  the  agents. 

Admitting  the  full  disturbing  force  of  broken  treaties, 
dishonest  agents,  inadequate  supplies,  lawless  white  men,  and 
intractable  Indians,  the  following  pages  will  show  that  the 
large  majority  of  our  modern  Indian  wars  have  been  occa- 
sioned by  a  wholly  different  cause.  That  cause  has  been 
made  a  part  of  the  "peace  policy,"  and  is  commonly  known 
as  the  concentration  or  consolidation  policy.  The  peace 
policy,  as  defined  by  Secretary  Delano  in  an  open  letter  to 
L.  L.  Crounse,  on  April  15,  1873,  has  five  leading  features: 

(1)  "  To  place  the  Indians  upon  reservations  as  rapidly  as 
possible,  where  they  can  be  provided  for  in  such  manner  as 
the  dictates  of  humanity  and  Christian  civilization  require;" 

(2)  when  Indians  refuse  to  go  upon  reservations,  and  con- 
tinue their  nomadic  habits,  "accompanied  with  depredations 
and  outrages  upon  our  frontier  settlements,"  to  punish  them 
until  they  are  willing  to  go  on  reservations  and  remain  in 
peace ;  (3)  to  see  that  all  goods  and  supplies  shall  be  fur- 
nished at  fair  and  reasonable  prices  to  the  Indians;  (4)  by 
every  means,  to  secure  "competent,  upright,  moral,  and  re- 
ligious agents;"  (5)  to  establish  schools.  Sabbath-schools,  etc., 
that  the  Indians  may  "  be  prepared  ultimately  to  become 
citizens  of  this  great  nation."*     To  the  first  and  second  feat- 


*  The  principal  means  by  which  these  ends  were  hoped  to  be  compassed 
was  permitting  tiie  various  churches  to  nominate  the  Indian  agents  for  the 
tribes  assigned  to  tliem.  Nearly  all  the  agents  were  thus  nominated  for 
about  fifteen  years,  but  this  feature  of  the  policy  was  discontinued  by 
Secretary  Teller  during  Mr.  Arthur's  administration,  and  the  churchcii 
have  now  no  voice  in  the  appointments. 


20 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


ures  has  since  been  added,  practically,  the  policy  of  bringing 
the  smaller  bands  upon  the  larger  reservations,  and  sometimes 
of  changing  the  location  of  the  larger  tribes.  This  concentrsi- 
tion  was  not  a  leading  feature  of  the  original  peace  policy, 
as  may  be  inferred  from  its  omissioii  by  Mr.  Delano.  In 
1874  Commissioner  E.  P.  Smith  said,  "  Experience,  however, 
shows  that  no  effort  is  more  unsuccessful  with  an  Indian 
than  that  which  proposes  to  remove  liim  from  the  place  of 
his  birtli  and  the  graves  of  his  fathers.  Though  a  barren 
plain,  without  wood  or  water,  he  will  not  voluntarily  ex- 
change it  for  any  prairie  or  woodland,  however  inviting." 

The  views  of  Commissioner  J.  Q.  Smith,  who  next  held 
the  office,  wore  totally  different,  and  in  1876  he  announced 
as  the  principal  feature  of  his  policy,  "  Concentration  of  all 
Indians  on  a  few  reservations."  His  successor,  E.  A.  Ilayt, 
was  of  the  same  opinion,  his  doctrine  being,  "  A  steady  con- 
centration of  the  smaller  bands  of  Indians  upon  the  larger 
reservations."  This  policy  was  followed  by  him  through  his 
long  term  of  office,  and  has  been  adopted,  though  to  a  some- 
what less  extent,  by  his  successors.  By  act  of  March  1, 1883, 
the  President  was  empowered,  in  his  discretion,  to  consolidate 
either  agencies  or  tribes,  "with  the  consent  of  the  tribes  to 
be  affected  thereby,  expressed  in  the  usual  manner."  There 
is  nothing  objectionable  in  the  appearance  of  this  act;  it  reads 
like  a  rather  benevolent  design  ;  but  the  words  do  not  express 
what  it  really  means  in  its  practical  application.  To  express 
it  properly,  the  act  should  read,  "  The  President  is  author- 
ized and  empowered  to  drive  the  Indians  from  their  native 
homes,  and  place  them  on  uncongenial  and  unhealthy  reserva- 
tions, whenever  sufficient  political  influence  has  been  brought 
to  bear  upon  the  Commissioner  of  Indian  Affairs  or  the  Sec- 
retary of  the  Interior,  by  men  who  desire  the  lands  of  any 
tribe,  to  induce  a  recommendation  for  their  removal;  Pro- 
vided^ that  before  any  tribe  shall  be  removed,  the  members 
shall  be  bullied,  cajoled,  or  defrauded  into  consenting  to  the 
removal." 

It  may  be  said  that  this  is  an  exaggeration.  Let  us  see. 
The  Modoc  war  was  caused  by  attempting  to  keep  them  on 
a  reservation  with  the  Klamaths,  who  maltreated  them  so 


INTRODUCTOllY. 


21 


nuich  that  tliey  could  not  live  peacefully  or  raise  food  for 
tiieiiiselves ;  they  asked  a  small  reservation  of  their  own,  but 
the  Indian  Bureau  would  not  give  it  to  them.  The  great 
Sioux  war  of  1S7(>  was  simply  the  enforcement  of  an  order 
for  that  nation  to  abandon  the  Powder  Kiver  country,  which 
we  had  guaranteed  them  as  a  hunting-ground,  and  to  keep 
within  the  bounds  of  their  established  reservation,  where  there 
was  little  or  no  game.  Tlio  Nez  Perce  war  of  1877  was 
caused  by  an  attempt  to  force  the  Lower  Nez  Perccs,  whose 
nomadic  habits  were  not  "accompanied  with  depredations  and 
outrages  upon  our  frt)iitier  settlements,"  to  go  upon  the  Lap- 
wai  reservation  instead  of  giving  them  their  old  home  in  the 
Wallowa  Valley,  which  had  never  been  bought  from  them, 
and  with  which  they  would  have  been  satisfied.  All  the 
troubles  with  the  Chiricahua  Apaches,  since  1870,  resulted 
from  an  attempt  to  remove  them  from  their  native  mount- 
ains to  San  Carlos  Agency,  an  unhealthy  and  intolenibie 
place  for  mountain  Indians,  and  occupied  by  bands  that  were 
unfriendly  to  the  Chiricahuas.  The  wars  with  Victorio's 
Mimbrefios  Apaches  resulted  from  the  discontinuance  of  his 
reservation  at  Ojo  Caliente,  in  his  native  country,  where  he 
had  expressed  willingness  to  live  in  peace,  and  an  order  for 
the  removal  of  his  band  to  San  Carlos.  The  war  with  the 
Northern  Cheyennes  resulted  from  an  attempt  to  make  them 
stay  in  Indian  Territory,  which  had  proved  a  very  unhealthy 
place  for  them,  instead  of  leaving  them  with  their  old  allies 
the  Sioux,  where  they  wished  to  remain.  The  disgraceful 
affair  of  the  Ponca  removal — so  repugnant  to  all  sense  of 
fairness  and  justice  that  Judge  Dundy,  who  released  the  fugi- 
tive Poncas  on  writ  of  habeas  corpus,  condemned  it  from  the 
bench,  and  expressed  his  pleasure  tliat  General  Crook  had 
"  no  sort  of  sympathy  in  the  business  in  which  he  is  forced 
by  his  position  to  bear  a  part  so  conspicuous" — was  only  a 
concentration  and  remov.l  to  Indian  Territory.  The  Ilua- 
lapais  were  removed  in  1874  from  their  old  country  to  La 
Paz  reservation,  on  the  Colorado  River,  a  place  so  terribly 
unhealthy  that  they  were  saved  from  extermination  only  by 
fleeing  in  a  body.  The  White  Mountain  Coyoteros,  always 
our  friends,  were  removed  from  their  farms  to  the  hot,  un- 


22 


MASSACKES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


healtliy  valloy  of  the  Gila,  to  save  the  expense  of  an  agency, 
and  throw  the  tribal  trade  from  New  Mexico  to  Arizona, 
"  where  it  properly  belonged."  The  tribe  became  demoral- 
ized ;  their  advance  in  agricnltnre  was  stopped ;  a  part  of 
them  became  wanderers. 

All  these  facts  and  others  will  appear  more  fully  hereaf- 
ter, and  they  show  that  the  translation  made  above  is  not  ex- 
afffferated.  An  examination  of  the  arguments  of  those  who 
favor  concentration  will  show  that  the  advantages  claimed 
for  it  are  purely  theoretical.  There  is  not  a  single  instance 
of  benefit  resulting  from  an  enforced  removal — not  one  in 
which  the  fair  presumption  is  not  that  the  Indians  would 
have  done  as  well  or  better  in  their  native  homes.  In  a  ma- 
jority of  cases  the  results  have  been  very  bad,  and  in  many 
of  them  the  discontent  resulting  from  removal  has  been  so 
lasting  that  the  Indian  Bureau  has  been  obliged  to  give  up 
its  project,  and  return  them  to  the  place  whence  they  were 
removed.  If  there  were  ever  a  penny-wise  and  pound-foolish 
idea,  it  is  «^liat  concentration  cheapens  the  Indian  service. 
The  wars  alone  that  have  resulted  from  it,  leaving  out  of  con- 
sideration life  and  pi'operty  destroyed,  have  cost  more  money 
than  all  that  the  tribes  affected  by  removals  have  cost  the 
government  otherwise.  In  addition  to  that,  several  tribes 
that  were  previously  self-supporting  were  made  utterly  des- 
titute and  helpless  by  removal,  and  some  became  hopelessly 
demoralized.  There  is,  in  reason,  no  cause  why  Indians  may 
not  be  taught  and  civilized  in  one  state  or  territory  as  well 
as  in  another,  and  if  the  presence  of  Ia<Ji.i,'is  oe  considered 
objectionable,  there  is  no  justice  in  nioving  chem  from  conti- 
guit}"^  with  one  lot  of  white  neighbors  t>  i).it  them  near  others. 
The  concentration  policy  has  not  a  single  foundation,  either 
in  fact  or  in  logical  argument,  to  support  it.  It  is  almost  be- 
yond comprehension  how  it  could  have  been  adopted  by  rea- 


soning men. 


The  objections  to  it  from  principle  are  quite  as  great  as 
those  derived  from  its  expensiveness  and  inexpediency.  Is 
it  a  light  thing  to  drive  a  people  from  their  native  land? 
There  was  never  an  exile  of  any  other  race  to  whom  the 
American  lieart  did  not  warm.     There  was  never  even  a 


INTRODUCTORY. 


23 


foreign  nation  struggling  for  the  peaceful  possession  of  its 
fatherland  with  which  we  did  not  sympathize.  Tiie  patriots 
of  Ireland,  Poland,  Switzerland,  and  Greece  have  always  had 
our  veneration  and  love.  Our  school-children  are  instructed 
in  their  histories,  and  taught  to  repeat  their  inspiring  words. 
We  have  proclaimed  to  the  world  by  our  Monroe  doctrine 
that  no  foreign  government  shall  interfere  with  Atnerican 
liberty  on  American  soil.  We  profess  to  place  highest  in  the 
category  of  human  virtues  the  love  of  native  land.  How 
comes  it,  then,  that  Americans  can  favor  forcing  our  "  wards" 
to  leave  the  "rocks  and  rills,"  the  "woods  and  templed  hills" 
that  they  love?  Can  we  not  respect  Joseph  when  he  says, 
"  A  man  who  would  not  love  his  father's  grave  is  worse  than 
a  wild  animal "  ?  Can  we  !iot  even  understand  poor,  worth- 
less, old  Homily  when  he  says,  "The  gravel  stones  and  sand 
of  Wallula  make  mo  happy — my  tilicums  [adult  companions] 
are  there"?  The  xYmerican  Indians  do  love  their  country. 
They  have  taught  us  that  in  a  hundred  bloody  wars.  If  any 
American  will  but  cast  aside  the  prejudice  of  race,  he  must 
feel  the  truth  of  Wendell  Phillips's  words,  "  From  Massachu- 
setts Bay  back  to  their  own  hunting-grounds,  every  few  miles 
is  written  down  in  imperishable  record  as  a  spot  where  the 
scanty,  scattered  tribes  made  a  stand  for  justice  and  their 
own  rights.  Neitlier  Greece,  nor  Germany,  nor  the  French, 
nor  the  Scotch,  can  sliow  a  prouder  record.  And  instead  of 
searing  it  over  with  infamy  and  illustrated  epithets,  the  fut- 
ure will  recognize  it  as  a  glorious  record  of  a  race  that  never 
melted  out  and  never  died  away,  but  stood  up  manfully,  man 
by  man,  foot  by  foot,  and  fought  it  out  for  the  land  God  gave 
him  against  the  world,  which  seemed  to  be  poured  out  over 
him.  I  love  the  Indian  because  there  is  something  in  the 
soil  and  climate  that  made  him  that  is  fated,  in  the  thousand 
years  that  are  coming,  to  mould  us." 

I  would  not  carry  the  feeling  of  admiration  for  aboriginal 
virtues  too  far,  lest  the  recollection  of  the  vices  of  barbarism 
cause  an  undue  recoil  from  the  point  we  should  reach.  That 
many  Indians  are  l-jzy,  drunken,  and  vicious  is  undeniable; 
that  some  of  their  habits  are  revolting  to  us  is  true.  But 
there  is  much  to  extenuate  all  this.     Why  should  we  be  hor- 


24 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


rified  at  their  eating  snakes,  lizards,  grasshoppers,  dogs,  and 
the  intestines  of  larger  animals,  when  we  swallow  snails,  oys- 
ters, frogs'  legs,  sardines,  aiid  tripe?  Your  epicure  has  his 
woodcock  cooked  without  cleaning,  and  smacks  his  lips  over 
calves'  brains.  This  is  but  custom.  An  Apache  or  Navaho 
would  not  touch  bear  meat  or  taste  of  pork.  The  white  man 
looks  on  the  Indian  of  to-day  and  laughs  at  the  idea  of  a 
"noble  red  man,"  but  the  Indian  of  (Jooper  is  not  wholly 
mvthical.  One  miiiht  as  well  seek  a  Konian  Senator  in  ati 
Italian  pea-nut  vender,  or  a  Kiiiglit  of  the  Round  Table  in 
an  English  swell.  Take  the  proudest  crusader  that  ever  bore 
a  lance,  strip  off  his  armor,  clothe  him  in  rags,  and  feed  him 
on  slop;  where  would  be  the  glamour  of  his  chivalry?  There 
are  plenty  of  well-authenticated  instances  of  Indian  chivalry. 
The  romance  of  war  and  the  chase  has  always  been  theirs. 
If  you  want  the  romance  of  love,  a  thotisand  elopements  in  the 
face  of  deaJly  peril  will  supply  you  with  Lochinvars.  If  you 
want  the  romance  of  friendship,  you  may  find,  in  the  "com- 
panion warriors"  of  the  prairie  tribes,  rivals  for  Damon  and 
Pythias.  If  you  want  the  romance  of  grief  take  that  magnifi- 
cent Manilan,  Mah-to-to-pa  (Four  Bears),  who  starved  himself 
to  death  because  of  tlie  ravages  of  small-pox  in  his  tribe,  or 
Ila-won-je-tah  (One  Horn),  the  Minneconjou  chief,  who  was 
so  maddened  l)v  the  death  of  his  son  that  he  swore  to  kill  the 
first  living  tl'.ing  that  crossed  his  path ;  armed  only  with  a 
knife  ho  attacked  a  buffalo  bull,  and  perished  on  the  horns 
of  the  furions  animal.  If  you  seek  pure  knight-errantry,  I 
commend  you  to  the  young  Pawnee  Loup  brave,  Petale- 
skarro,  who  at  the  risk  of  his  life  freed  a  Comanche  girl  from 
the  stake  and  returned  her  unharmed  to  her  people — who 
afterwards  saved  a  Spanish  boy  from  a  similar  fate  by  offer- 
ing a  ransom  for  him,  and  interposing  his  own  life  to  force 
the  release.  If  you  desire  the  grander  chivalry  of  strength 
of  mind  and  nobility  of  soul,  I  will  pit  Ciiiof  Joseph  against 
any  barbarian  that  ever  lived. 

Just  here  let  me  caution  the  reader  that  if  he  wishes  to 
understand  Indian  history,  he  must  not  be  deluded  by  that 
false  truth,  so  popular  in  America,  that  "an  Indian  is  an 
Indian."     There  are  tribes  now  existing  that   have  never 


INTRODUCTORY. 


25 


raised  a  hostile  hand  against  us,  though  they  have  been  sore- 
ly tried.  Tiiere  are  Indians  that,  so  far  as  race  characteristics 
and  race  prejudices  are  concerned,  have  no  identity  with  the 
typical  Indian,  except  in  the  fact  that  they  have  been  mal- 
treated by  the  whites.  Mr.  McCorniick,  of  Arizona,  well 
said  in  the  House  of  Ilepresentatives,  "We  have  Indians 
there  [in  Arizona]  of  every  style  and  character.  We  have 
Indians  that  differ  as  much  from  each  other  as  Americans 
do  from  Japanese  or  Chinese.  We  have  a  class  of  Indians 
whose  tendency  is  to  civilization.  We  have  a  large  class 
whose  tendency  is  to  barbarism,  who  are  as  wild  a&  the  birds 
of  the  air  or  the  beasts  of  the  mountains.  We  have  thece- 
fore  to  pm'sue  a  varying  course  towards  the  Indians  in  that 
territory  and  in  all  our  frontier  country."  This  is  simple 
truth.  There  is  as  much  difference  between  a  Pueblo  and  an 
Apache,  or  a  Nez  I'ereo  and  an  Arapahoe,  as  there  is  between 
a  Broadway  merchant  and  a  Howery  rough.  AVhen  the  Nez 
Perce  captives  were  brought  down  the  Missouri  River,  the 
people  along  the  streaiii,  wlio  had  been  used  to  Indians  all 
their  lives,  were  constantly  remarking,  "  What  line -looking 
men!"  "  How  clean  they  are!"  "  How  dignified  they  appear!" 
These  are  extremes,  and  there  are  all  gradations  between 
them. 

But  wc  have  wandered  from  the  subject  of  concentration. 
The  worst  result  of  a  forced  removal  is  its  hiiiderance  to  civ- 
ilization. If  the  Indian  is  to  be  civilized,  he  must  first  be 
brought  into  a  complacent  state  of  mind.  You  may  force  a 
man  to  do  rigiit,  buc  yon  cannot  f (  '-ce  him  to  think  right. 
You  cannot  compel  him  to  lie  contented.  Apparently,  then, 
it  is  absuvd  to  begin  t!ie  work  of  improving  and  making 
gentle  a  mind,  by  an  act  of  harshness  that  will  be  felt  longer 
and  more  keenly  than  anything  else  imaginable.  The  Indian 
problem  is  not  solved.  It  will  require  years  of  patient  effort 
to  bring  these  people  to  a  self-relijint,  honorable,  civilized 
manhood.  It  is  extremely  impolitic  to  do  anything  need- 
less'- lat  will  increase  the  difficulties  in  the  way.  If  not 
impeded,  humanity  and  charity  will  tolvc  the  problem,  but 
the  "  peace  policy  "  ot  the  past  eigliteen  years  will  not  do  it. 
It  is  no  humanity  to  offer  a  man  a  theoretically  better  home, 


26 


MASSACRES   OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


and  kill  lum  because  he  will  not  accept  it.  It  is  no  charity 
to  give  a  man  a  nickel  with  one  hand,  and  rob  him  of  five 
dollars'  worth  of  property  with  the  other.  It  is  nb  Chris- 
tianity to  starve  a  man,  and  offer  him  a  Sunday-school  by  way 
of  extreme  unction.  Let  us  be  honest  and  fair  with  the  In- 
dian, and  temper  our  justice  with  religion  and  education. 
Tlie  missionary  and  teacher  are  working  nobly,  though  the 
fields  are  white  with  the  harvest  and  the  harvesters  are  but 
few.  Religion  is  within  the  reach  of  most  of  the  tribes.  The 
schools  at  Carlisle,  Hampton,  Forest  Grove,  Chilocco,  Genoa, 
and  Albuquerque  are  doing  much  towards  the  education  of 
the  rising  generation.  If  the  government  and  the  people 
will  supplement  these  efforts  by  the  observance  of  common 
honesty  and  good  faith,  if  an  intelligent  effort  is  made  to 
prevent  wrong  and  remove  disturbing  causes,  by  the  close 
of  the  century  the  Indian  will  be  almost  lost  in  the  American. 


CHAPTER  II. 

THE  ACQUISITION  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 

About  half  a  century  has  ekpst.I  since  the  idea  of  pos- 
sessing and  settling  the  Kacky  Mountain  region  began  to 
(i-n'elop  in  the  minds  of  the  American  people.  Before  that 
line  it  existed  only  as  a  speculative  belief  of  far-sighted  men, 
or  a  daring  hope  of  adventurous  ones.  Wo  then  owned  but 
little  of  our  present  western  territory.  On  the  south  and 
west  our  boundary  was  the  presei'.t  eastern  border  of  Texas, 
with  the  line  of  the  "Panhandle"  carried  north  to  the  Ar- 
kansas River,  thence  up  the  Arkansas  and  the  continental 
divide  to  parallel  forty-two  of  north  latitude,  and  west  on  it 
to  the  Pacific.  We  have  since  acquired  on  that  side  all  of 
Texas,  New  Mexico,  Arizona,  California,  Nevada,  and  Utah, 
the  greater  portion  of  Colorado,  and  parts  of  Wyoming,  Kan- 
sas, and  Indian  Territory.  On  the  north  our  line  was  wholly 
u!isettl':d  west  of  the  summit  of  the  Rockies — we  claiming  as 
far  norrli  ;i.^  the  Russian  possessioTis,  and  England  claiming 
as  f;u  soiiHi  as  California,  but  both  offering  to  take  less. 
M'jaiuinio  Uie  disputed  territory  was  under  a  joint  occupancy 
by  the  'rji'ors  of  both  countries. 

'I^he  au8<?:<  .vhich  operated  on  the  public  mind  in  regard 
to  occup-  ..'i.;  this  mountain  region  were  various,  though  they 
afterwards  blended  to  a  certaiii  extent.  First  may  be  men- 
tioned the  Texas  agitation.  Large  numbers  of  Americans 
had  settled  in  Texas,  under  grants  of  the  various  Mexican 
governments,  but  they  did  not  revolutionize  with  the  facility 
of  the  natives,  and  the  two  races  did  not  harmonize.  In 
V  ,Vi  the  Americans,  who  numbered  over  20,000,  determined 
if  jp.irate  from  the  State  of  Coahuila,  of  which  they  formed 
a  j'lVi*  and  seek  admission  as  a  separate  State  into  the  Mcx- 
ieati  lepuLiic.     Tliis  did  not  meet  with  favor  when  submitted 


28 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


to  Santa  Anna,  tlien  President,  and  he  managed  to  put  the 
Texans  off  until  lie  had  an  opportunity,  between  insurrec- 
tions,  to  throw  his  troops  into  tiieir  country.  Open  liostili- 
ties  followed  in  1S35  and  1836,  and  in  the  latter  year  Texas 
declared  and  virtually  established  her  independence.  The 
State  became  a  bone  of  contention  in  our  politics  at  the  first, 
and  remained  one  until  the  dissolution  of  the  Whig  party. 
There  was  a  feeling  of  friendliness  to  the  struggling  Texans 


SANTA   ANNA. 


which  was  naturally  strongest  in  the  South  and  West,  whence 
ciiiefly  thoy  had  emigrated,  but  when  the  real  ])olitical  mo- 
tives in  the  controversy  are  reached,  all  feelings  and  all  inter- 
ests are  found  to  ho  subordinated  to  one  consideration — the 
extension  of  slave  territory.  The  South  wanted  "the  Lone 
Star  admitted  to  the  galaxy  of  her  sister  States,"  and  broadly 
threatened  secession  if  the  desire  were  not  gratified.  It  was 
claimed  that  Texas  was  needed  to  preserve  the  equilibrium 
north  and  south  of  Mason  and  Dixon's  line.     With  the  South 


THE  ACQUISITION  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS 


29 


this  consideration  outweighed  every  other.  Martin  Van 
Ijiiren,  who  had  until  tiien  been  the  popular  candidate  for 
nomination,  ventured,  shortly  before  the  Den)ocratic  conven- 
tion, to  write  a  public  letter  in  which  he  took  a  position 
against  annexation.  The  South  abandoned  him  at  once,  and 
was  strong  enough  to  defeat  him  in  the  convention.  The 
Whigs  took  the  position  that  any  interventi(jn  on  our  part 
against  Mexico  was  an  outrage  on  a  sister  republic;  that 
Houston  and  his  followers  had  gone  to  Texas  to  stir  up  a 
rebellion;  and  that  the  whole  affair  was  "  the  consummation 
of  tiie  perfidious  treason  of  Aaron  Burr."  It  is  true  that 
Tyler  extended  the  offer  of  annexation  to  Texas,  which  was 
accepted,  but  it  was  after  his  veto  of  the  bank  bill  had  caused 
the  desertion  of  his  party  and  the  resignation  of  his  cabinet, 
excepting  Webster.  The  position  of  the  WhigL  »va8  unfort- 
unate for  them,  as  it  forced  them  to  oppose  the  brilliantly 
successful  Mexican  war,  to  object  to  the  occupation  of  New 
Mexico  and  California,  and  to  advocate  compromise  with 
England  in  the  Oregon  matter.  The  Democratic  party,  on 
tiie  other  hand,  having  no  legitimate  reason  to  offer  for  the 
acquisition  of  slave  territory  only,  drifted  into  the  advocacy 
of  the  acquisition  of  turritory  in  general,  a  position  naturally 
attractive  to  the  American  peo})le,  and  which  soon  became 
very  popular. 

A  second  instrumentality  in  moulding  public  sentiment 
was  the  Santa  F6  trade.  Tiiis  had  been  carried  on  for  a 
number  of  years  in  a  desultory  and  generally  unsuccessful 
way.  There  had  even  been  one  or  two  traders,  though  of 
small  importance,  who  reached  Santa  ^6  before  the  expedition 
of  Lieutenant  Pike.  This  officer  was  sent  up  the  Arkansas 
River  in  1800  with  instructions  to  penetrate  to  the  sources 
of  the  Ked  Kiver,  for  which  those  of  the  Canadian  fork  were 
then  mistaken.  He  missed  both  but  reached  the  Itio  drrando 
and  prepared  to  winter  there,  supposing  it  to  i)e  the  Red 
River.  Jjoing  only  seventy  or  eighty  miles  from  the  northern 
Mexican  settlements,  his  presence  was  soon  discovered  and 
a  force  was  sent  to  remove  him.  On  being  informed  that  ho 
was  in  Mexican  territory,  and  that  an  escort  had  been  sent  to 
convoy  his  men  and  baggage  out  of  the  country,  he  consented 


mmmmmmgm 


30 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


to  leave,  it  being  agreed  that  tliey  should  go  by  way  of 
Santa  Fe.  Arrived  there,  however,  the  governor  sent  Pike 
and  his  men  to  the  commandant-general  at  Chiluiahua,  who 
seized  most  of  his  papers  and  returned  the  party  to  the 
United  States  by  way  of  San  Antonio  de  I'exar.  Their  glow- 
ing reports  of  the  country  excited  general  attention,  and  in 
1812  a  considerable  party  of  traders  started  across  the  plains, 
following  the  directions  given   by  Lieutenant  Pike.     They 


TllADKKS    APl'UOACIUNO    SANTA    1-E. 


reached  Santa  Fc  just  in  time  to  get  the  benefit  of  a  rcvuln- 
tion  in  favor  of  the  royalists.  Tlieir  goods  were  confiscated  ; 
they  were  seized  as  spies,  and  imprisoned  in  the  enlahozos  of 
Chihuahua.  At  the  end  of  nine  years  the  Mexican  repub- 
licans, under  Iturbide,  regained  the  ascendancy,  and  the  luck- 
less traders  were  released.  Two  of  them  returned  home  in 
1821,  and  two  small  expeditions  were  sent  out  in  the  same 
year,  both  of  which  were  successful.     Tiie  trade  was  a  very 


THE  ACQUISITION  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


31 


profitable  one,  us  all  other  New  Mexican  supplies  were 
brought  in  by  way  of  Vera  Cruz,  at  such  enormous  expense 
that  common  calicoes  sold  for  two  and  three  dollars  per  yard. 
These  expeditions  were  therefore  kept  up  from  year  to  year, 
notwithstanding  the  hardship  and  peril,  though  on  a  rather 
small  scale  and  with  varying  success,  until  the  year  1831. 
In  that  year  Independence,  Mo.,  became  the  starting- place 
for  the  Santa  ¥6  trains,  and  the  trade  began  to  assume 
greater  proportions.  In  1822  the  goods  sent  out  amounted 
to  $15,000,  and  the  men  employed  were  fifteen,  besides  the 
sixty  proprietors.  In 
1831  the  goods  exported 
were  valued  at  $250,000. 
There  were  eighty  own- 
ers and  three  hundred 
men  employed. .  In  18-13 
the  trade  had  come  under 
the  control  of  thirty  i)ro- 
prietors,  who  sent  out 
half  a  million  dollars' 
worth  of  goods  and 
employed  four  hundred 
men.  These  caravans 
moved  across  the  plains 
in  military  order,  usual- 
ly four  wagons  abreast. 
They  were  escorted  by 
troops  on  only  two  oc- 
casions   prior    to    1843. 

The  published  narratives  of  the  traders  afforded  the  principal 
information  concerning  the  regions  traversed,  and  their  pros- 
perity demonstrated  that  the  mountain  country  was  by  no 
means  worthless. 

The  fur  trade  of  the  North-west  was  a  large  factor  in  the 
determination  of  our  boundaries.  The  fur- traders,  French, 
English,  and  American,  were  ever  the  pioneers  in  the  North. 
In  I'ritish  America  Frobisher  established  a  trading-post  on 
Lake  Athabasca  in  1778.  In  1780  Mackenzie  followed  down 
the   river  bearing  his  name  to  the  Arctic,  and   in   1703  he 


COL.  ZKHLLON    PIKK. 


32 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


gained  tlie  Pacific  overland.  On  his  recotnmendation  tiiere 
followed  a  union  of  the  North-west  and  Hudson's  Bay  com- 
panies in  the  occupancy  of  the  explored  country,  which  con- 
tinued until  their  consolidation  in  1821.  In  1805  the  North- 
west Company  sent  one  Laroque  with  an  expedition  to  occupy 
the  Columhia  country,  but  he  did  not  cross  the  mountains. 
After  the  Louisiana  purchase,  in  1803,  the  United  States  sent 
out  the  Lewis  and  Clarke  expedition  to  explore  the  new  ter- 
ritory, which  was  then  almost  unknown.  They  returned  in 
1800,  and  their  reports  quickly  begot  an  active  interest  in  the 
fur  trade  with  this  region.  In  1808  the  American  Fur  Com- 
pany was  organized,  with  head -quarters  at  St.  Louis.  Tliey 
established  posts  on  the  sources  of  the  Mississippi  and  Mis- 
souri, and  Major  Henry,  one  of  their  agetits,  established  Post 
Henry  on  the  Lewis  liiver,  the  first  trading-post  located  by 
white  men  in  the  Columbia  basin.  In  1810  Astor  started  his 
overland  expedition  from  St.  Louis  to  Oregon.  The  estab- 
lishment of  Astoria,  its  terrible  misfortunes  and  final  dis- 
graceful sale  and  surrender  by  Mr.  Astor's  Canadian  associ- 
ates, need  only  be  referred  to  here.  Their  publication  in 
Irving's  "x\storia"  in  1836  had  a  wide-spread  effect  in  the 
formation  of  public  opinion,  not  so  much  b}'  acquainting  the 
people  with  the  country  as  by  arousing  the  national  prejudice 
against  Enghind.  This  last  has  always  been  a  potent  factor 
in  our  affairs,  and  was  never  more  so  than  at  this  time.  It 
was  known  that  England  desired  to  have  Texas  remain  inde- 
pendent and  without  slavery.  It  was  currently  believed  that 
she  was  plaiming  to  obtain  California.  A  Southern  congress- 
man did  not  much  misrepresent  the  American  feeling  when 
lie  said,  "  It  were  worth  twenty  years'  war  to  prevent  Cali- 
fornia falling  into  the  hands  of  the  English." 

The  British  flag  floated  over  Astoria,  then  called  St. 
George,  until  1818.  In  that  year  there  was  a  nominal  sur- 
render of  the  country,  and  the  American  flag  was  once  more 
raised,  but  Astoria  remained  in  the  possession  of  the  consoli- 
dated "Honorable  Hudson's  Bay  Fur  Company"  until  1845. 
At  the  time  of  its  final  surrender  by  the  British  it  had  be- 
come a  formidable  stockade  fort,  250  feet  by  150,  with  two 
bastions,  and  walls  twelve  feet  high.    It  was  garrisoned  by 


THE  ACQUISITION  OF  THE   MOUNTAINS. 


33 


sixty-five  riieii,JiMd  l)y  way  of  annaineiit  had  two  18-ponnders, 
six  (l-poiindere,  four  4-i)oiind  carruiiades,  two  0-pound  coe- 
horns,  and  seven  swivels.  Jiy  tlie  agreement  of  1818  tliere 
M'as  to  be  a  joint  occupation  for  ten  years  of  "atiy  country 
tiiat  may  be  claimed  by  either  party  on  the  North-west- 
ern coast  of  America,  westward  of  the  Stony  Mountains;" 
and  this  agreement  was  extended  indelinitely  in  1827,  with 
the  privilege  of  termination  at  any  time  by  either  party  on 
one  year's  notice.  The  occupation  tluvt  resulted  was  prac- 
tically the  occupation  of  the  British  fur  companies,  for  the 
Americans  did  not  succeed  in  permanently  establishing  a 
trading -post  in  the  whole  Columbia  country'.  When  one 
was  set  up,  the  British  companies  quickly  ruined  its  trade  by 
setting  up  a  rival  and  underselling.  They  were  even  success- 
ful in  causing  the  failure  of  trading  expeditions  such  as  Pil- 
cher's  and  Capt.  Bonneville's. 

In  1832  a  novel  expedition  for  Oregon  left  Cambridge, 
under  N.  J.  AVyeth.  There  were  twenty-two  of  them,  all 
equipped  for  an  ideal  frontier  11  "^^  They  wore  uniforms, 
and.  had  prepared  themselves  for  .e  hardships  of  AVestern 
life  by  camping  out  for  ten  days  on  an  island  in  Boston 
Harbor.  In  company  with  a  pai'ty  of  experienced  trappers, 
led  by  William  Sublette,  they  reached  the  head-waters  of  the 
Snake  River  and  established  Fort  Ilall.  The  Hudson's  Bay 
Company  soon  after  established  Fort  Boisee  and  ruined  their 
trade.  In  1839  Mr.  Wyeth,  who  had  returned  home  a  less 
romantic  but  wiser  person,  announced  the  truth  that  "the 
United  States  as  a  nation  are  unknown  west  of  the  mount- 
ains." But  while  the  British  companies  succeeded  in  monop- 
olizing the  fur  trade  of  the  Columbia  country,  the  Americans 
were  pushing  up  to  its  borders.  In  1823  Ashley  had  his 
men  on  Green  Kiver  and  the  Sweetwater.  In  1824  he  es- 
tablished a  trading -post  in  the  Great  Salt  Lake  basin,  to 
which  he  conveyed  a  six-pound  cannon  in  1826,  and  wagons 
two  years  later.  The  return  of  .^180,000  worth  of  furs  by 
Ashley's  company  in  a  single  year  aroused  great  interest  in 
the  trade,  and  caused  the  organization  of  the  Kocky  Mount- 
ain I'ur  Company,  which  carried  its  trade  through  all  Cali- 
fornia.    Private  enterprise  reached  out  into  every  corner  of 

3 


Si 


MASSAC'KES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


the  wilderness.  Posts  were  established  all  along  tlie  foot- 
liills — Bent's  Fort  on  the  Arkansas,  St.  Train's  on  the  South 
Platte,  Laramie  on  the  North  Platte,  Union,  Clark,  Berthold, 
and  others  on  the  Missouri.  In  1834  John  Jacob  Astor  sold 
his  interest  in  the  American  Fur  Company  to  Pierre  Chou- 
teau, Jr.,  of  St.  Louis,  and  liis  associates.  The  company 
known  as  P.  Chouteau,  Jr.,  «fe  Co.,  was  organized  soon  after- 
wards, and  eventually  secured  the  control  of  both  the  fur 
trade  and  the  Santa  Fc  trade.  The  information  concerning 
the  western  mountains  and  plains  which  reached  the  people 
through  the  fur-traders  was  of  course  considerable.  It  would 
be  impossible  to  estimate  it  with  accuracy  as  to  quantity,  but 
its  value  will  be  easily  appreciated  by  those  who  remember 
the  "Great  American  Desert"  of  earlier  days,  as  portrayed 
in  the  geographies  of  Mor.se,  Cummings,  and  others,  indi- 
cated by  those  little  dots  which  are  the  geographical  symbols 
of  sterility  and  starvation,  and  comparable  in  size  only  to  the 
(Jreat  Sahara.  Lieutenant  Pike,  in  his  account  of  his  explo- 
rations, had  reported  the  great  plains  as  a  providential  desert 
barrier  which  would  restrain  the  American  people  from  thin 
diffusion  and  ruin.  lie  said,  "  Our  citizens  being  so  prone  to 
rambling  and  extending  themselves  on  the  frontiers  will, 
through  necessity,  be  constrained  to  limit  their  extent  on  the 
west  to  the  borders  of  tlie  Missouri  and  Mississippi,  while 
they  leave  the  prairies  incapable  of  cultivation  to  the  wander- 
ing and  uncivilized  aborigines  of  the  country."  Lieutenant 
Long,  in  1818,  improved  on  Pike's  account  only  by  placing 
the  beginning  of  the  desert  some  two  hundred  miles  farther 
westward.  Even  so  lately  as  18-13  George  McDnffie,  of 
Georgia,  announced  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  his 
understanding  that  the  country  for  "seven  hundred  miles 
this  side  of  the  Iloeky  Mountains  is  uninhabitable." 

A  fourth  agency  in  the  occupation  and  settlement  of  the 
mountain  country,  and  the  last  one  I  shall  consider,  was  mis- 
sionary work  in  Oregon.  Away  back  in  1817,  Hall  J.  Kelly, 
a  Boston  teacher,  became  impressed  with  the  idea  of  coloniz- 
ing Oregon,  converting  the  Indians,  and  establishing  a  new 
republic  on  the  Pacific  coast.  For  this  end  he  worked  ar- 
dently, memorializing  Congress  for  co-operation  repeatedly. 


THE  ACQUISITION  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


85 


and  issning  several  pamphlets  treating  of  liis  project.  In 
1829  lie  formed  a  society  to  carry  out  his  views,  which  had 
then  become  definite  in  a  plan  for  an  overland  expedition. 
In  1831  he  induced  the  Legislature  of  Massachnsetts  to  incor- 
porate *'  The  American  Society  for  Encouraging  the  Settle- 
ment of  Oregon  Territory."  Several  hundred  names  were 
enrolled  on  the  emigration  books,  among  others,  Captain 
Bonneville  and  N.  J.  Wyeth,  when  opposition  sprung  up. 
If  seems  to  have  been  customary  in  those  days  to  suspect  ev- 
ery pioneer  leader  of  being  another  Aaron  Burr,  Kelly's 
motives  were  assailed,  the  press  misrepresented  the  difficul- 
ties of  the  undertaking,  and  the  expedition  was  broken  up. 
But  several  of  tlie  members  went  out,  of  whom  Bonneville 
and  Wyeth  have  already  been  mentioned.  John  Ball,  Calvin 
Tihbitts,  and  others  went  also  in  1832.  They  reached  Ore- 
gon, established  the  first  school  among  the  Indians,  under  the 
auspices  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Contpany,  and  did  the  first  farm- 
ing in  that  region  in  1833.  The  Methodist  Board  of  Missions 
was  to  have  sent  two  missionaries  with  this  party,  but  on  its 
being  broken  up  the  nunisters  selected  were  sent  to  Liberia 
instead.  Kelly  tried  vainly  to  reconstruct  his  company,  and 
finally,  in  desperation,  started  for  Oregon  himself,  by  way  of 
Mexico.  At  Vera  Cruz  the  revenue  officials  appropriated 
most  of  his  goods,  although  they  were  not  subject  to  duty, 
and  though  he  was  travelling  under  a  passport  from  our  de- 
partment of  State,  endorsed  by  the  Mexican  Government. 
At  Monterey,  Cal.,  he  induced  Ewing  Young  and  a  small 
party  to  accompany  him,  ajid  sailing  thencb  arrived  at  Fort 
^''ancouver  in  183-1-.  The  Monterey  party  settled  perma- 
nently, and  formed  the  nucleus  of  the  subsequent  settle- 
ment. The  estate  of  Ewing  Young,  which  escheated  in  de- 
fault of  heirs,  gave  the  provisional  government  of  Oregon  its 
first  and,  for  some  time,  only  fimds.  Kelly's  health  was  im- 
paired and  his  spirits  depressed  by  misfortune.  He  soon  re- 
turned to  the  East,  and  w'ent  down  to  death  in  poverty,  worn 
out  by  exposure,  and  in  premature  decay. 

There  were  others  besides  Kelly  who  were  advocating  a 
settlement  in  Oregon  at  an  early  day.  The  idea  of  a  seaport 
on  the  Pacific  coast,  which  should  be  the  western  terminus  on 


M 


;30 


MASSACRES  OF  THE   MOUNTAINS. 


our  continent  of  a  line  of  trade  witii  Asia,  liad  originated 
with  Tiioinas  Jefferson.  lie  foresaw  a  vast  Oriental  traffic 
across  America,  and  tried  to  have  the  country  explored  long 
before  he  sent  out  Lewis  and  Clarke.  Sonic  of  his  worship- 
pers followed  np  the  thought,  particiUarly  Colonel  Jienton, 
who  wrote  newspaper  articles  favoring  the  settlement  of  the 
North-west  as  early  as  1819.  In  1820  Dr.  Floyd,  of  Virginia, 
endeavored  to  got  action  towards  that  end  in  the  House  of 
Kejiresentatives.  In  1825  Benton  introduced  in  the  Senate 
a  bill  for  the  occupation  of  the  Coluinl)ia,  which  received 
fourteen  votes.  While  philosophers  were  still  speculating 
and  enthusiasts  arguing,  a  romantic  event  occurred  which 
brought  about  the  desired  end.  In  1S32  a  deputation  of  four 
Kez  Perec  Indians  visited  St.  Louis.  They  were  no  usual 
visitors  there,  and  they  had  come  on  a  strange  errand.  Some 
trajiper  had  told  their  tribe  of  a  wonderful  Book  that  the 
wliite  men  had — a  Book  which  told  all  about  the  (ilreat  Spirit, 
the  happy  hunting-grounds,  and  the  trail  that  led  to  them — 
and  they  had  come  after  it.  From  away  in  their  mountain- 
girt  valleys  beyond  the  Columbia  they  had  searched  out  a 
pathway,  (iver  mountains  and  plains,  through  the  fierce  tribes 
of  their  deadly  enemies,  until  they  reached  the  great  village 
of  the  white  man.  They  found  there,  as  Indian  Superintend- 
ent, Gen.  William  Clarke,  who  had  visited  their  country 
twenty-seven  years  before.  He  received  them  kindly.  They 
were  feasted,  and  loaded  with  presents,  but  they  failed  to  ob- 
tain the  Book.  It  was  not  printed  in  a  language  which  they 
could  understand,  and  no  missionaiy  volunteered  to  return 
with  them.  The  two  older  Indians  died  at  St.  Louis,  and 
the  younger  ones  returned  to  their  homes,  ascending  the  Mis- 
souri to  the  mouth  of  the  Yellowstone  by  the  first  steamboat 
that  traversed  those  waters.  It  was  sent  up  by  the  American 
Fur  Company,  and  bore  also  the  celebrated  George  Catlin, 
whose  work  among  the  Indians  is  known  to  the  world. 
When  the  Nez  Percds  bade  farewell  to  General  Clarke  they 
were  full  of  sadness  at  the  failure  of  their  mission,  and  por- 
trayed, in  their  graceful  imagery,  the  disappointment  which 
their  tribe  would  feel.  A  young  clerk  overheard  the  con- 
versation.    It  was  one  of  those  happenings  which  seem  to  be 


THE  ACQUISITION  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


8f 


the  work  of  some  great  «j;iiiiliiig  liaiid.  lie  w  rote  an  account 
of  the  entire  circunistance  to  friends  in  Pittsburg,  who 
showed  the  letter  to  Catlin  on  his  return.  Catlin  felt  sure 
tiiero  was  some  mistake  about  it,  for  lie  had  become  ac- 
4Uiiinted  with  the  Xez  Perec's  on  the  boat,  and  they  had  not 
spoken  of  their  mission  to  him,  but  on  correspoiidijig  with 
General  Clarke  he  found  it  to  bo  trne.  They  had  come  solely 
to  obtain  the  Book,  and  they  had  failed.  The  young  clerk's 
letter  was  then  ])ublished.  It  touched  the  hearts  of  Chris- 
tian America.  The  Methodist  Board  of  Missions  at  once 
sunt  out  Jason  and  Daniel  Lee  and  others.  The  American 
Hoard  of  Commissioners  of  Foreign  Missions  sent  Samuel 
Parker  and  Marcus  Whitman,  M.D.,  who  were  to  have  gone 
with  the  Lees  but  missed  the  convoy  of  the  American  Fur 
Company,  and  did  not  reach  the  American  rendezvous  on 
'ireen  lliver  until  1835.     Here  they  luckily  met  a  party  of 

ez  Perces  whom  Mr.  Parker  accompanied  to  their  home. 

J  remained  with  them  until  183C,  and  then  returned  home 
by  way  of  the  Sandwich  Islands.  Whitman  saw  a  great  duty 
placed  before  him,  and  he  undertook  it  without  hesitation. 
Having  persuaded  two  of  the  Xez  Perce  boys  to  accompany 
him,  he  returned  to  the  East  to  prepare  for  his  life-work.  In 
the  following  spring  he  married  Miss  Narcissa  Prentiss,  and 
having  secured  as  colleagues  Kev.  II.  II.  Spalding  and  wife, 
a  newly-married  couple  who  were  about  going  as  missionaries 
to  the  Usages,  they  started  on  their  bridal  tour  to  Oregon. 
Hut  taking  women  among  the  Indiaiis  was  a  new  project, 
and  was  looked  on  as  foolhardy  by  experienced  frontiersmen. 
They  had  to  turn  a  deaf  ear  to  warnings  of  danger  from  the 
time  they  started  until  they  left  the  settlements.  The  Amer- 
ican Fur  Company  at  first  refused  to  convoy  them,  but  finally 
consented.  At  Council  Bluffs  they  found  that  the  company's 
])arty  had  started  six  days  before  them,  but  accompanied  by 
W.  II.  Gray,  who  had  joined  them  as  agent  for  the  proposed 
mission,  they  followed  on  and  overtook  it  at  Loup  Fork. 
They  crossed  the  South  Pass  six  years  before  Fremont  "dis- 
covered it,"  and  in  July  reached  the  place  of  the  annual  fair 
of  the  Indians  and  traders,  midway  between  South  Pass  and 
Fort  Hall.    Here  they  met  their  Nez  Perce  friends,  and  ao- 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


companied  by  them  and  some  Hudson's  Bay  Ccupany  men, 
tliey  proceeded  on  their  journey.  They  reache.l  Fort  WaUa- 
AVaUa  in  Septeiidjer ;  tlie  missions  at  Waihitpu  and  Lapwai 
were  soon  established,  and  the  Book  was  given  to  the  Nez 
Perces  and  tlieir  neiylil^ors. 

It  had  been  usual  for  these  trading  parties  to  leave  their 
wag(tns  at  Fort  Laramie,  but  Dr.  Whitman  insisted  on  taking 
his  through,  lie  succeeded  in  getting  it  as  far  as  Fort  Hall, 
then  under  British  control,  and  tiiere,  after  many  objections 
and  representations  of  the  impassability  of  the  trail  by  the 
Hudson's  Bay  ncn,  he  compromised  by  making  a  cart  of  it. 
At  Fort  Boisee  the  convoy  rebelled.  They  said  that  if  he 
wanted  to  take  the  wagon  farther  he  must  take  it  apart  and 
pack  it  on  horses,  as  the  road  was  absolutely  impassable.  The 
cart  was  accordingly  left  till  a  future  tiu\e.  It  appeared  to 
be  a  part  of  the  policy  of  the  British  companies  to  prevent 
wagons  passing  beyond  Fort  Hall,  thus  building  up  the  im- 
pression that  there  could  be  no  overland  route  to  Oregon. 
They  succeeded  with  party  after  ])arty  following  Whitman, 
and  in  1S42,  when  one  hundred  and  twenty-seven  emigrants 
had  reached  Oregon,  of  whom  thirty-four  were  white  women, 
thirty-two  white  chiklren,  and  twenty-four  ministers,  no  wag- 
on had  passed  Fort  Hall  except  the  doctor's  cart. 

In  October,  18-12,  Dr.  Whitman  was  at  Fort  Walla- Walla, 
attending  a  patient,  when  word  was  brought  of  the  arrival  of 
a  party  of  British  settlers  at  Fort  Colville.  Prior  to  that  time 
the  representatives  of  England  were  trappers  and  attaches  of 
the  fur  companies  only.  The  people  of  the  fort  were  at  din- 
ner when  the  news  was  annoiuiced.  General  jo}'  prevailed, 
and  a  young  priest,  in  the  excess  of  his  enthusiasm,  tossed  up 
his  cap  and  cried,"  Hurrah  for  Oregon  !  Anierr^a  is  too  late, 
and  we  have  got  the  country."  Dr.  Whitman  was  the  only 
American  ])resent.  To  him  that  cry  was  an  expression  of 
the  Britisii  policy.  They  were  ])lanning  an  act\ial  occupa- 
tion of  the  country  as  a  basis  of  future  action.  A  few  ino- 
nients'  talk  confirmed  this  opinioti,  and  he  was  taunted  with 
his  inability  to  prevent  it.  On  he  instatit  he  determined  to 
defeat  the  scheme.  AV'inter  was  at  hand,  but  he  n>;isi  net  at 
once.     The  latent  information  he  had  was  that  Lord  As)ibur- 


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THE   ACQUISITION  OF  THE   MOUNTAINS. 


41 


ton,  on  tlie  part  of  the  Eiiglisli,  and  Daniel  Webster,  on  tlio 
part  of  the  Aniericans,  were  negotiating  a  treaty  for  the  set- 
tlement of  the  disputed  boundary.  Any  delay  might  pre- 
vent his  reaching  Washington  before  a  treaty  was  signed. 
In  two  hours  he  was  at  Wailatpu,  twenty-five  miles  away ;  in 
twenty-four  hoars  he  was  started  for  Washington ;  in  eleven 
(lays  ho  was  at  Fort  Hall,  six  hundred  and  forty  miles  on  his 
journey.  Here  he  made  a  mistake.  Deterred  from  the  usual 
South  Pass  route  by  anticipations  of  severe  weather,  he  and 
his  companion,  Mv.  Lovejoy,  undertook  a  long  detour  to 
Bent's  Fort  by  way  of  Fort  Uintah,  Fort  Uncompahgre,  Taos, 
and  Santa  Fu.  Instead  of  being  a  better  route,  it  took  them 
into  the  desert  of  Eastern  Utal»  and  Western  Colorado,  and 
forced  them  to  cross  the  lofty  San  Juan  Mountains,  where 
FremoJit's  fourth  expedition  narrowly  escaped  destruction  af- 
terwards. They  succeeded  in  reaching  Bent's  Fort  on  Janu- 
ary 3, 1843,  after  appalling  perils  and  exposure,  and,  pressing 
on  alone,  Dr.  Whitman  reached  St.  Louis,  clad  in  furs,  with 
lingers,  ears,  nose,  and  feet  frost-bitten,  after  four  months  in 
the  saddle.  From  there  lie  took  the  stage  to  Washington, 
and  reached  his  destination  on  March  3d.  He  found  that  the 
Ashburton  treaty  had  been  signed  before  he  left  Oregon,  but 
O'-  gon  had  been  left  out.  The  lino  had  been  determined 
only  to  the  Rocky  Mountains.  He  was  too  late  for  that 
treaty,  but  in  good  time  for  the  next  one.  He  furnished  the 
government  with  ex])lieit  and  reliable  information  concern- 
ing the  country,  and  in  the  summer  led  back  an  enn'grant 
train  of  two  hundred  wagons. 

As  soon  as  Whitman  reached  the  settlements  he  had  spread 
broadcast  his  report  of  the  country,  by  word  and  in  printed 
circulars,  and  notified  the  people  that  an  emigrant  company 
would  leave  Westport,  Missouri,  in  the  June  following.  Eight 
hundred  and  seventy-five  emigrants  met  him  there  and  accom- 
jianied  him,  while  others  followed  in  their  trail.  In  1846  the 
American  population  of  Oregon  was  fully  10,000,  and  of  oth- 
er nationalities  not  to  exceed  one  tenth  of  that  number,  living 
under  a  local  government  which  was  established  in  1843.  It 
was  this  emigration  that  decided  public  sentiment  on  the 
Oregon  (question.     It  settled  the  mooted  questions  of  the  agri: 


42 


MASSACRES  OF  THE   MOUNTAINS. 


cultural  value  of  Oregon  and  the  feasibility  of  overland  emi- 
gration, besides  binding  the  Mississippi  Valley  to  the  Colum- 
bia by  ties  of  blood  and  friendship.  The  government  had 
understood  well  enough  that  emigration  would  settle  the 
Oregon  question,  beforehand,  but  how  to  get  the  emigration 
was  another  matter.  Congress  had  l)een  discussing  the  bill 
"for  the  occupation  and  settlement  of  Oregon"  while  Whit- 
man was  makinghis  long  ride, and  the  plan  of  inducing  "  fifty 
thousand  riHes"'  to  settle  on  the  Columbia,  by  giving  each  set- 
tler 640  acres  of  land  and  100  additional  for  his  wife  and 
each  child,  had  met  with  favor,  until  Mr.  Choate  pointed  out 
its  infringement  on  the  joint-occupation  agreement,  and  told 
the  Senate  that  America  could  not  afford  to  sully  her  honor, 
however  much  she  advanced  her  interests.  Congress  had  no 
other  inducement  to  offer.  Dr.  Whitman  got  the  emigration. 
It  is  true  that  Linn,  Benton,  and  others  had  shown  Oregon  to 
be  much  more  desirable  than  it  had  been  believed  to  be,  a 
few  years  back,  but  other  congressmen  had  controverted  their 
propositions,  and  the  matter  was  left  in  doubt.  Whitman 
solved  the  doubt,  lie  accomplished  what  the  statesmen,  with- 
out him,  had  been  unable  even  to  plan  for.  That  is  the  meas- 
ure of  his  work  and  the  just  measure  of  his  praise. 

Meantime,  the  Democratic  party  had  asserted  the  right  of 
tlie  United  States  to  the  whole  of  Oregon,  in  their  ])latform 
of  1844,  and  the  campaign  in  which  "  Fifty-four,  Forty,  or 
Fight"  was  a  rallying-cry  had  resulted  in  the  election  of  Mr, 
Polk  by  a  majority  of  sixty-five  of  the  two  hundred  and 
seventy-five  electoral  votes.  Mr.  Polk,  in  his  message,  advised 
giving  the  agreed  one  j-ear's  notice  of  the  termination  of  joint 
occupation,  and  an  armed  occupation  of  the  country.  The 
question  received  a  long  consideration  in  Congress,  during 
which  it  was  made  manifest  that  the  only  land  really  in 
controversy  was  that  between  parallel  49  and  the  Columbia 
River,  for  the  United  States  had  repeatedly  offered  to  com- 
promise on  49,  and  England  had  as  often  offered  to  compro- 
mise on  49  to  the  Columbia  and  by  it  to  the  ocean.  A 
bill  ordering  notice  finally  passed  in  April,  1846,  bearing,  by 
amendment,  a  pacificatory  ]>reamble  and  a  provision  leaving 
the  time  of  serviri";  the  notice  at  the  discretion  of  the  Presi- 


THE  ACQUISITION   OF  THE   MOUNTAINS. 


43 


dent.  It  was  served  at  ojice,  and  England  came  to  terms 
fortliwith.  Mr.  Piikenham  offered  to  compromise  on  49. 
Jlere  was  a  dilemma.  England  offered  all  America  had 
asked,  but  could  Mr.  Polk,  after  the  declarations  of  the  late" 
campaign  and  subsequent  debate,  consistently  accept  it?  He 
did  so  secretly,  and  threw  the  responsibility  of  a  public  accept- 
ance on  the  Senate.  The  Senate  accepted  it  by  a  full  vote 
of  the  Whigs  and  the  compromise  faction  of  the  Democrats. 
Tlie  treaty  establishing  the  present  line  was  signed  on  June 
15,  and  proclaimed  as  a  law  of  the  land  on  August  5,  1846. 
The  meaning  of  the  treaty  as  to  what  was  "  the  channel  sepa- 
rating Vancouver's  Island  from  the  mainland  "  was  not  final- 
ly settled  until  1872,  and  thet;  under  arbitration,  by  Emperor 
William  of  (iermany. 

It  should  be  borne  in  mind  that  although  the  Democratic 
platform  of  1844  declared  in  favor  of  "the  reoccupation  of 
Oregon  and  the  reannexatior.  of  Texas  at  the  earliest  practica- 
ble period,"  the  great  political  parties  were  not  thoroughly 
united  either  for  or  against  these  propositions.  The  Whig 
platform  did  not  mention  either  subject,  and  many  Whigs  in- 
sisted that  they  were  not  in  issue  between  the  parties.  The 
fact  is  that  there  was  serious  question  in  the  minds  of  many 
thoughtful  men  as  to  the  policy  of  extending  our  territory  to 
so  great  an  extent.  To  some  it  appeared  that  the  occupation 
of  these  vast  regions  would  create  a  detrimental  diffusion  of 
our  population,  for  they  could  not  foresee  the  wonderful  in- 
crease our  population  was  destined  to  have.  Others  feared 
the  extension  of  slavery,  for  they  could  not  foresee  that  slav- 
ciy  was  to  be  blotted  out  forever.  Others  feared  the  union 
of  distant  sections  with  no  means  of  ready  communication,  for 
they  could  not  foresee  the  rails  and  wires  of  to-day.  Others 
thought  the  country  impracticable  of  settlement  and  worthless, 
fur  they  could  not  foresee  the  discovery  of  the  enormous  min- 
eral wealth  which  now  makes  the  mountains  to  resound  with 
the  hum  of  labor.  The  two  objections  last  mentioned  were  the 
moreserious.  When  we  rememl)er  tliat  thefirst  railroad  reached 
the  Mississippi  in  1854,  we  are  nut  so  much  surprised  that  ten 
years  earlier  a  railroad  to  the  Pacific  was  viewed  by  many  as 
chimerical.     At  that  time  it  took  months  to  get  letters  across 


44 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


the  continent  by  the  swiftest  couriers,  and  the  transportation  of 
supplies  was  proportionately  slower.  The  difficulty  of  trans- 
porting armies,  with  their  subsistence,  to  the  frontier  of  such 
domains,  niii^ht  well  appal  a  statesman.  The  feasibility  of 
even  a  wagon-road  to  the  Pacific  was  not  yet  settled.  Who 
then  could  foresee  that  in  forty  years  three  lines  of  railroad 
should  cross  the  Kocky  Mountains,  and  half  a  dozen  span  the 
great  plains?  It  is  true  that  at  that  time  a  transcontinental 
railroad  was  widely  discussed,  but  it  was  from  a  wholly  specu- 
lative standpoint.  AVith  the  information  then  had,  I  doubt 
if  a  more  sensible  statement  of  the  situation  was  made  than 
the  following  in  the  New  York  Evrning  Post,  in  1S4C :  "  I 
apprehend  it  would  require  the  whole  white  population 
west  of  Independence,  Missouri,  to  act  as  mere  servants  of  the 
line,  allowing  it  was  now  built  and  in  operation ;  and  to  pre- 
vent the  Indians  and  storms  from  destroying  the  road  would 
require  an  army  of  10,000  soldiers,  laborers  besides.  It  will 
be  time  enough  for  the  (xovernment  of  the  United  States  to 
make  railroads  beyond  St.  Louis  when  the  people  shall  have 
completed  roads  from  New  York  to  St.  Louis  or  the  Missis- 
sippi Iliver.  .  .  .  Such  a  railroad  will  be,  but  not  within  forty 
years."  There  was  just  one  thing  that  prevented  the  accom- 
plishment of  this  prediction,  and  of  it  no  one  dreamed  then. 
It  was  the  mineral  wealth  of  the  Ilocky  Monntains.  Without 
it  there  had  not  been  a  rail  laid  in  the  mountains  to-day. 
Nevertheless,  John  I'lumbe  liad  begun  his  survey  of  a  road 
from  Lake  Michigan  to  the  Pacific  in  1830,  fifteen  years  be- 
fore a  road  reached  Chicago,  had  received  aid  from  Congress 
in  1838,  and  was  still  appealing  to  the  people  to  buy  stock 
long:  after  the  above  extract  was  written. 

As  to  the  value  of  the  territory  to  be  acquired  or  held,  the 
popular  notion  of  the  country  east  of  the  mountains  has  been 
mentioned.  In  regard  to  Texas,  it  was  contended  by  those 
who  opposed  the  annexation  that  the  country  was  not  worth 
enough  to  compensate  us  for  her  del)t  of  ^10,000,000,  which 
we  were  to  assume.  The  country  west  of  the  mountains  waa 
generally  estimated  a  desert.  In  the  year  1839  Robert  Green- 
how,  translator  and  librarian  to  the  Department  of  State,  pre- 
pared an  exhaustive  memoir  on  this  question,  for  the  use  of 


THE  ACQUISITION  OF  THE   MOUNTAINS. 


45 


Congress.  lie  Iiad  all  the  information  in  the  country  at  his 
disposal,  and  he  favored  onr  claim  to  Oregon.  His  statements 
may  therefore  be  taken  as  at  least  not  underestimating  the 
country  as  it  was  then  known.  He  says  of  the  California 
coast :  "  The  soil  and  climate  appear  to  be  favorable  to  the 
growth  of  every  vegetable  substance  necessary  for  the  subsist- 
ence and  enjoyment  of  man  ;  bnt  Jio  large  portion  of  the  terri- 
tory will  probably  be  found  fruitful  without  artificial  irriga- 
tion. Of  the  interior  of  California  little  is  known."  Oregon 
he  divides  into  three  parts;  the  first  reaching  from  the  coast 
to  the  Cascade  Mountains ;  the  second,  from  the  Cascade  range 
to  the  Bine  Mountains;  the  third,  the  remaining  country,  to 
the  Ilockies.  Of  the  first  he  says:  "The  climate  of  this  re- 
gion is  more  favorable  to  agriculture  than  those  of  the  other 
parts  of  Oregon,  although  it  is  certainly  adverse  to  great  pro- 
ductiveness." Of  the  second  ho  (piotes  Wyeth,  that  "  the 
agriculture  of  this  territory  must  always  be  limited  to  the 
wants  of  a  i)astoral  people."  Of  the  third  he  says  that  the 
climate  is  "sufficient  to  render  any  attempts  at  cultivation  in 
this  region  entirely  fruitless."  He  continues :  "  The  country 
oast  of  the  Rocky  Mountains,  for  more  than  two  hundred 
miles,  is  almost  as  dry  and  barren  as  that  immediately  on  the 
western  side."  The  whole  matter  is  summed  up  as  follows: 
"In  what  other  pursuits  besides  the  fur  trade  British  capi- 
talists may  advantageously  employ  their  funds  in  Northwest 
America,  is,  therefore,  an  interesting  question  at  present. 
From  what  has  been  hitherto  learned  of  those  countries,  they 
do  not  offer  prospects  of  a  speedy  return  for  the  investment 
of  capital  in  any  other  way.  They  contain  lands  in  detached 
portions  which  will  immediately  yield  to  the  industrious  cul- 
tivator the  means  of  subsistence,  and  enable  him,  perhaj^o,  to 
purchase  some  foreign  articles  of  luxury  or  necessity.  But 
this  is  all ;  they  produce  no  precious  metals  or  commodities, 
no  gold,  nor  silver,  nor  coffee,  nor  cotton,  nor  opium,  nor  are 
they,  like  India,  iidiabited  by  a  numerous  population,  who 
may  be  easily  forced  to  labor  for  the  benefit  of  a  few."  With 
such  information  before  them,  and  lacking  the  gift  of  proph- 
ecy, our  statesmen  certainly  had  little  reason  to  desire  the 
territory  on  account  of  its  intrinsic  value. 


46 


MASSACRES   OF  THE   MOUNTAINS. 


Bnt  back  of  all  these  questions  was  a  more  serious  question 
with  many  patriots.     Was  our  form  of  government  adequate 
for  the  wants  of  so  great  domains,  with  their  conflicting  inter- 
ests, and  might  not  the  undue  extension  disrupt  the  whole 
union  ?     Washington  thought  there  was  danger  of  losing  our 
territory  west  of  the  Alleghanies  when  we  extended  only  to  the 
Mississippi.    Jefferson  always  favored  more  than  one  govern- 
ment within  our  present  boundaries.    In  a  letter  to  Mr.  Astor, 
expressing  his  regret  at  the  failure  of  the  Astoria  venture,  ho 
tells  how  it  had  been  his  hope  to  see  the  Pacific  coast  covered 
with  "free  and  independent  Americans,  unconnected  with  us 
but  by  the  ties  of  blood  and  interest,  and  enjoying,  like  us, 
the  right  of  self-government."     Jackson   early  advised   the 
limitation  of  our  boundaries  until   our   territory  was  more 
densely  populated.     Benton  wrote  the  first  newspaper  article 
calling  attention  to  the  importance  of  occupying  Oregon,  but 
at  the  first  he  wanted  it  occu|)ied  as  Jefferson  had.     In  fact, 
he  says  he  took  his  idea  from  Jefferson.    In  this  vein  he  said, 
on  March  1,  1823 :  "  The  ridge  of  tiie  Rocky  Mountains  may 
be  named  without  offence  as  presenting  a  convenient,  natural, 
and  everlasting  boundary.     Along  the  back  of  this  ridge  the 
western  litnits  of  the  republic  should  be  drawn,  and  the  statue 
of  the  fabled  god  Terminus  should  be  raised  upon  its  highest 
peak,  never  to  be  thrown  down.     In  planting  the  seed  of  a 
new  power  on  the  coast  of  the  Pacific  Ocean,  it  should  be  well 
understood  that,  when  strong  eiiough  to  take  care  of  itself, 
the  new  government  should  separate  from  the  mother  empire 
as  the  child  separates  from  the  parent  at  the  age  of  manhood." 
Mr.  Winthrop,  of  Massachusetts,  referred  to  this  sentiment 
with  approval,  in  184:4,  wlien  Penton  had  changed  his  mind, 
and  when  he  saw  in  the  Pacific  Ocean  a  more  satisfactory 
boundary.     Of  Oregon,  McDuffie,  of  Georgia,  said   in  the 
Senate,  in  1843  :  ''  If  there  was  a;r>  embankment  of  five  feet  to 
be  removed,  I  would  not  consent  to  expend  five  dollars  to  re- 
move that  embankment  to  enable  our  population  to  go  there. 
I  thank  God  for  h  s  mercy  in  placing  the  liocky  Mountains 
there."     Mr.  Webster  said,  in  184:5,  when  opposing  the  ad- 
mission of  Texas:  "The  government  is  very  likely  to  be  en- 
dangered, in  my  opinion,  by  a  further  enlargement  of  the  tor- 


THE    ACQUISITION   OF  THE   MOUNTAINS. 


47 


ritorial  surface,  already  so  vast,  over  which  it  is  extended." 
In  184:7,  in  a  speecli  at  Springfield,  after  disclaiming  any  sym- 
pathy with  Mexico,  he  said  :  "Mexico  had  no  ground  of  com- 
plaint in  the  annexation  of  Texas;  we  are  the  party  to  com- 
plain— we  did  not  want  Texas."  This  feeling  \vas  not  caused 
by  any  want  of  sympathy  on  the  part  of  the  citizens  of  the 
United  States  for  those  of  other  parts  of  America.  The  an- 
nouncement of  the  Monroe  doctrine,  in  1823,  and  the  popular 
favor  which  it  received,  preclude  such  a  supposition.  It  was 
a  doubt  of  the  elasticity  of  the  Union,  which  was  well  for- 
mulated by  the  venerable  Genevan,  Albert  Gallatin,  thus: 
"  Viewed  as  an  abstract  proposition,  Mr.  Jefferson's  opinion 
appears  correct,  that  it  will  be  best  for  both  the  Atlantic  and 
the  Pacific  American  nations,  while  entertaining  the  most 
friendly  relations,  to  remain  independent,  rather  than  to  be 
united  under  the  same  government."  The  statesmen  were 
not  yet  ready  for  the  bold  position  of  Stephen  A.  Douglas — 
"I  would  n)ake  this  an  ocean  bound  republic,  and  have  no 
more  disputes  about  boundaries,  or  'red  lines'  upon  the 
maps." 

The  people  were  less  timorous,  perhaps  because  less 
thoughtful.  AVhen  the  question  was  subniitted  to  them  they 
M-arndy  supported  the  extensions.  The  defeat  of  Mr.  Van 
liuren,  as  a  candidate  for  nomination,  and  of  Mr.  Clay,  as  a 
candidate  for  election,  by  Mr.  Polk,  who  was  then  a  compara- 
tively unknown  man,  showc'^  '  ow  strongly  the  people  were 
attached  to  the  principle.  ^Ir.  Polk  liad  therefore  no  occa- 
sion for  hesitancy  in  his  policy  after  the  Mexican  war  was 
begun,  and  ho  acted  promptly  and  wisely.  One  of  the  first 
steps  of  the  war  was  to  despatch  an  army  under  General 
Kearny  to  occupy  New  Mexico  and  California,  in  order 
that  if  the  war  should  close  with  a  treaty  on  a  nti  j>os- 
mldis  basis  we  should  hold  those  states.  New  Mexico  was 
taken  without  opposition.  California  had  been  partially  con- 
quered by  Commodore  Stockton  and  Lieutenant  Fremont 
when  Kearny  reached  it.  Insurrection  broke  out  afterwards, 
but  their  united  forces  soon  disposed  of  it;  and  when 
the  Mexican  war  ended,  with  the  treaty  of  Guadalupe 
Hidalgo,   in    consideration    of    $15,000,000,    we    were    left 


48 


MASSACRES   OF  THE   MOl'NTAINS. 


JOHN  C.  FREMONT. 


in  jiossession  of  all 
of  our  present  western 
territory  except  tlic 
strip  south  of  the 
(Jila  Kiver  in  Arizona 
known  as  "  the  Gads- 
den Purchase."  This 
we  bonglit  of  Mexico  in 
1853,  for  $10,000,000. 
There  was  an  insur- 
rection in  New  Mexico 
after  General  Kearny 
left  it,  but  it  was,  in 
its  nature,  rather  an 
Indian  massacre  than 
a  war  nioveinent  by 
a  military  force.  An 
account  of  it  forms  the 
chapter  following. 


CHAPTER  III. 


THE   ONE  OFFENX'E  OF  THE  PUEBLOS. 

On  the  30th  of  June,  1846;  the  advance  of  the  "Army  of 
the  West,"  under  Colonel  Stephen  W  Kearny,  inarched  from 
Fort  Leavenworth  for  Xew  Mexico.  Two  troops  of  dragoons 
followed  in  July,  and  overtook  the  first  division  at  Uent's 
Fort.  Tlio  remainder  of  the  army,  consisting  of  a  regiment 
of  mounted  volunteers  from  Missouri,  under  Colonel  Price,  and 
the  Mormon  battalion  of  500  men,  did  not  march  until  early 
autumn,  None  of  the  trooj)s  followed  the  regular  Santa  Fe 
trail,  which  led  in  an  almost  direct  line  from  Independence 
to  the  Mexican  settlements,  but  left  it  at  the  Arkiinsas,  and 
followed  up  the  river  to  Bent's  Fort.  Tiie  first  division,  as  it 
invaded  New  Mexico,  numbered  1G58  men,  including  six  com- 
panies of  dragoons,  two  batteries  of  light  artillery  with  sixteen 
pieces,  two  companies  of  infantry,  and  a  regiment  of  cavalry. 
The  dragoons  were  regulars  and  the  rest  raw  recruits.  They 
straggled  across  the  plains  very  much  at  will,  and  took  posses- 
sion of  New  Mexico  without  a  struggle.  The  Mexican  gen- 
eral, also  goveiiior  and  despot,  Armijo,  had  collected  some- 
thing over  5000  men,  and  partly  completed  fortificatioiis  at 
Apache  Canon,  the  natural  approach  to  Santa  Fe.  His  posi- 
tion there  was  almost  impregnable — a  breastwork,  thrown 
across  the  road  where  it  hangs  in  mid-air,  with  a  solid  rock 
wall  on  one  side  and  a  precipice  on  the  other,  that  could  be 
taken  only  by  a  direct  assault,  under  a  Haidviiig  lire  from  both 
sides  of  the  canon — but  he  and  his  army  retired  as  the  Ameri- 
cans advanced.  This  has  been  usually  mentioned  as  an  in- 
stance of  Mexican  cowardice,  but  there  is  a  bit  of  secret  history 
back  of  it.  There  accompanied  the  expedition  a  ]\Ir.  James 
Magoffin,  an  old  Santa  Fe  trader,  well  acquainted  all  through 
the  Mexicos,  who  went,  with  Lieutenant-colonel  Cooke,  in  ad- 


50 


MASSACRlvS  OF   TIIK   MOUNTAINS. 


t#---J«^i::.?^- 


KKAUNY's   SOLDIKliS    CKOSSINO    TIIK    MOIINTAINS. 

vance  of  the  unny,  from  l»ent'8  Fort,  on  a  little  mission  to 
Santa  Fe.  lie  "operated  upon  (iovernor  Armijo,"  anu  se- 
cured from  him  a  promise  to  make  no  stand  at  the  canon. 
Armijo's  second  in  command,  Colonel  Diego  Archuleta,  was 
determined  to  fight,  but  ^lagortin  got  rid  of  him  by  informing 
him  that  Kearny's  mission  was  only  to  occupy  th.o  country  east 
of  the  liio  del  Xorte,  and  that  the  country  west  of  the  river 
might  easily  be  seized  by  him,  Archuleta,  and  held  under 
an  independent  government.  The  original  intention  had  been 
as  ^lagoflin  stated,  and  as  he  still  believed  it  to  be,  I)Ht  Kear- 
ny had  subsequendy  received  different  orders.  Kearny  was 
notified  that  the  coast  was  clear;  he  made  a  hurried  march, 
and  passed  the  point  of  danger  in  safety.  Magoffin,  for  his 
services,  received  $8(),0()0  from  the  government,  which,  he 
said,  barely  covered  his  "expenses"  in  this  and  a  similar  move 
attempted  in  behalf  of  Colonel  Donii^han  in  Chihuahua. 
The  conquest  of  New  Mexico  might  othervise  have  been 
stopped  at  Apache  Canon,  a  place  which  was  destined  to  be 
the  scene  of  a  decisive  battle,  but  not  yet — not  until  18G2, 


THE  ONE  OFFENCE  OF  THE  PUEBLOS. 


61 


when  tlic  Southern  Confederacy  was  strctcliing  ont  a  brawny 
;irm  to  seize  tlie  mountains. 

Armijo's  army  was  riisbanded  at  Santa  Fe,  and  lie  fled  to 
flie  soutii,  leaving  the  invaders  to  enter  the  New  Mexican 
fa]>ital,  the  oldest  city  in  the  United  States,  in  peaceful  tri- 
umph, on  August  18.  Five  weekn  later,  (i(MU'ral  Kciirny  (ho 
had  received  his  commission  eti  routi')  marched  with  300  dra- 
goons to  conquer  California.  On  October  12  the  Morinon 
i)attalio';  reached  Santa  Fu.  They  were  undisciplined,  poorly 
equipped,  and  much  worn.  They  had  received  permission  to 
bring  their  families  with  them,  u.id  were  badly  encumbered 
with  women  and  children.  About  one  hundred  of  the  more  in- 
efficient met!,  with  all  of  the  women  except  five  of  the  ifficers' 
wives,  were  sent  to  the  pueblo  on  the  Arkansas  (pi'oscnt 
Pueblo,  Colorado),  where  they  remained  all  winter.  The  re- 
mainder, under  Lieutenant-colonel  Cooke,  marched  for  Cali- 
fornia or:  ()i  tober  19,  taking  a  route  south  of  the  Gila  River. 
Cooke  wns  "iistructed  to  report  on  the  practicability  of  this 
route  for  a  railroad.  I J  is  report  was  favorable,  so  far  as 
natural  obstacles  were  concerned,  and  was  largely  the  cause 
of  the  Gadsden  purchase.  Southern  interests  prevailed  in  the 
administration  of  1853,  and  a  Southern  Pacific  railroad  would, 
(•f  course,  have  been  a  desirable  institution,  when  slavery 
siiould  be  carried  across  the  continent  under  the  Southern 
theory  of  the  Missouri  Compromise.  On  December  1-t  and  16 
Colonel  Doniphan's  command,  of  856  men,  started  on  the 
conquest  of  Chihuahua.  The  advance,  500  strong,  met  and 
routed  a  force  of  1220  Mexicans  at  Bracito,  and  tliis  was 
Mic  only  battle  fought  on  New  Mexican  soil  during  the  con- 
.ju.  -t.  The  remainder  of  the  army  left  in  Now  ^lexico,  after 
these  detachments  had  marched,  was  under  command  of 
C<  nel  Sterling  Price,  subsequently  a  noted  leader  of  the 
Cuufederacy. 

From  a  military  standpoint,  the  expedition  into  NewMcxico 
was  in  many  respects  remarkable.  An  "  army  "  of  less  than 
1700  men  was  cut  to  reduce,  reorganize,  and  occupy  a  terri- 
tory large  enough  for  an  empire — a  long-settled  territory, 
protected  by  regular  troops.  It  marched  across  a  waste  coun- 
try, peopled  only  by  hostile  sa^'ages,  hundreds  of  miles  beyond 


52 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


its  base  of  supplies,  leaving  no  force  to  protect  its  conununica- 
tion.  It  was  so  pocrly  supplied  that  its  rations  from  Bent's 
Fort  to  Santa  F<5  were  calculated  barely  to  hold  out  by  rapid 
and  uninterrupted  marches.  ]Iavin<»  reached  its  destination, 
the  entire  territory  was  "annexed,"  and  its  people  declared 
citizej.s  of  the  con<iuering  nation,  thus  taking  from  the  in- 
vaders the  conqueror's  right  to  levy  supplies,  although  at  that 
time  the  army  was  completely  destitute  of  means.  Having 
brushed  away  these  trifling  obstacles,  the  army  divides  into 
bands,  each  of  which  moves  or»  to  conquer  equal  empires  be- 
yond. 

Before  leaving  Sante  Fe,  General  Kearny,  under  authority 
of  the  Secretar}'  of  War,  organized  a  provisional  government, 
with  Charles  IJeiit  as  governor.  This  appointment  was  prob- 
ably the  he.-^t  that  could  have  been  made.  Mv.  Bent  was  one 
of  the  pioneers  of  the  Santa  V6  trade,  and  had  wide  experience 
all  along  the  frontier.  lie  and  his  brothers  had  afforded  a  hos- 
pitable shelter  to  hundreds  of  weary  wayfarers  at  their  fort  on 
the  Arkansas.  This  structure,  built  in  1829,  was  one  hundred 
feet  square,  with  adobe  walls  thirty  feet  high.  It  had  bastions 
at  the  nortlieast  arid  southwest  corners,  armed  with  cannon. 
On  the  inside  the  apartments  were  built  against  the  walls,  in 
the  Mexicati  fashion,  and  in  the  centre  was  the  robe-press  or 
storehouse  for  furs.  In  lS4fi  it  justified  ('olonel  Cooke's  as- 
sertion lliat  it  was  '*  in  reality  tl  <*  ou\y  fini  at  the  West."  In 
1880  it  was  "a  rude  and  wild  orral,  deserted  and  decaying.'' 
It  may  also  be  mentioned,  in  this  connection,  that  (Jharles 
Bent  introduced  the  custom  of  furnishing  the  draught-oxen 
of  the  plains  with  iron  shoes.  Besides  being  a  man  of  prac- 
tical knowledge,  lient  was  a  man  of  talent,  energ}',  and  patri- 
otism, lie  had  married  a  Spanish  lady,  and  estaijlished  his 
residence  at  Don  Fernandez  de  Taos,  wiiove  Kit  Carson,  Judge 
Jk'aubien,  the  St.  Vrains.  and  oth(  r  pioneers  had  also  settled.* 
The  community  over  which  B)ent  v/as  called  lo  rule  was  com- 
plex. The  Americans  were  trifling  in  nuiui)er,  outside  the 
military.     The  people  generally  may  be  classed  as  Mexicans, 

*  This  town  is  now  pliiiii  Taos,  as  Santa  Fe  <le  San  Franc  isco  lias  become 
only  Santa  Fe,  uud  San  Francisco  de  Asia  is  iinown  to  us  simply  as  San 
Francisco. 


THE  ONE  OFFENCE  OF  THE  PUEBLOS. 


53 


I'lieblos,  and  wild  Indians,  though  there  existed  in  abundance 
civcry  imaginable  gradation  in  blood  and  habits  between  these 
classes.  The  wild  Indians  were  treated  witli,  to  some  extent, 
but  were  not  ni:der  control.  Tliey  were  at  lirst  very  friendly 
to  the  Americans  because  of  their  enmity  to  the  Mexicans; 
but  when  the  country  passed  under  American  rule,  and  the 
government  was  put  under  obligations  to  protect  its  Mexican 
citizens,  their  friendship  went  with  the  cause  of  it.  The  large 
majority  of  the  Mexicans  were  thou,  as  now,  in  the  state  of 
peonage,  a  sort  of  cross  between  slavery  and  service,  owned 
and  controlled  by  a  few  grandees,  or  rlcos^  as  they  are  called. 
They  were  avaricious,  revengeful,  lickle,  and  treacherous.  The 
Pueblos  were  the  most  interesting  and,  indeed,  the  most  re- 
liable class  of  the  three. 


pjtf*^-      x-'.iT*^^™'' 


l<K.STUIUl'll>N    UK   rLKUI.U    lll.NUO    I'AVIK 


They  are  not  a  nation  or  tribe,  as  is  the  too  common  im- 
pression,  but  include  a  number  of  tribes,  speaking  six  distinct 
languages.  They  are,  as  the  name  signifies,  Indians  n  !n>  live 
ill  permanent  towns.  Most  of  them  were  Chri.itianized,  afte" 
;i  lashion,  at  an  early  date,  and  they  are  sometimes,  accordingly, 
spoken  of  as  the  Christian  or  (Catholic  Indians.  The  term  is 
misleading,  for  a  ('atholic  New  Mexican  Indian  is  not  neces- 
sarily a  I'neblo,  nor  is  a  Pueblo  necessarily  a  convert.  At  tiie 
time  of  our  concpjest  they  iidiabited  the  twenty-six  villages 
wliieh  they  still  occupy.  Of  these  the  seven  villages  of  the 
MofpiiH  are  separated  from  the  rest,  being  situated  in  that 
northeastern  portion  of  Arizona  which  is  cut  oil  by  the  Little 


54 


MASSACRES   OF  THE   MOUNTAINS. 


Colorado  Itivcr.  The  original  name  of  the  Moquis  was  Ilapeka. 
They  received  the  name  Moqui,  which  means  "death,"  many 
years  ago,  at  a  time  wiieu  stiiallpox  was  ravaging  tiiei,  villages. 
Znni  is  also  within  the  bounds  of  Aiizona,  just  on  the  edge  of 
the  Pacific  slope.  It  is  a  well-built  town,  covering  some  ten 
acres  of  land,  and  having  a  population  of  about  3000.  The 
other  villages  are  situated  in  the  valley  of  the  Ilio  Grande, 
extending  over  two  hundred  miles,  interspersed  with  Mexican 
towns,  from  Tiios,  on  the  north,  to  Ysleta,  on  the  south.  Of 
the  origin  of  these  Indians  nothing  certain  is  known.  They 
were  there,  and  living  in  their  pueblos,  when  Alvar  Xufiez  and 
his  three  companions,  the  sorry  remnatit  of  the  Floridan  ex- 
pedition of  ramtilio  Narvaez,  |)assed  through  the  land,  from 
the  Gulf  of  ^lexico.  seeking  their  way  to  the  Spanish  settle- 
ments. This  was  j)rior  to  loliS,  and  was  the  first  time  that 
white  men  had  reached  their  country.  They  were  then,  as 
now,  an  agricultural  people,  raising  grain  and  vegetables. 
They  also  manufactured  pottery  and  cotton  fabrics,  but  this 
latter  art  they  now  appear  to  have  lost.  There  is  no  tnice  of 
even  the  rudest  forms  of  poetry  or  music  among  them.  Some 
have  thought  the  Pueblos  to  be  of  the  same  stock  as  the  Incas 
of  I'eru,  it  theory  whose  only  support  is  that  they  are  sun- 
worshippers,  and  communicate  to  some  extent  by  kiu>tted 
cords.  The  opinion  tiiat  they  arc  the  remains  of  a  former 
Aztec  settlement  of  the  country  has  received  much  support. 
They  have  tiaditions  of  an  early  government  by  the  ]\Ionte- 
zunias,  and  are  said  still  to  preserve  the  sacred  flies  instituted 
by  them.  On  the  other  hand,  these  ])eople  were  utterly  un- 
known in  ^Mexico  at  the  time  of  the  Spanish  conquest,  and 
many  of  the  best  aulhorities  doubt  that  the  Aztecs  came  from 
the  korth  at  all. 

There  is  a  general  tendency  to  believe  that  they  are  a  dis- 
tinct people,  having  no  connection  with  any  of  the  other 
civilized  aborigines  of  Ame.ica.  The  best  evidence  of  tiiis 
is  found  in  the  hwmlvcds  of  ruins,  lying  principally  to  the 
soulhwest  of  the  present  villages,  similar  to  them  in  struct- 
ure, and  which  catinot  be  identified  >vith  any  other  archi- 
tecture. These  ruins  extend  over  a  territory  more  than  four 
hundred   miles  i;\   length,  from  northeast  to  southwest,  and 


vs 

sc 
in 
sa 
til 

I'd 
It 

III: 

l>ii 

CO 

ii/'i 
of 
UK 

1)01 

A I 
of 
of 
in 

.|UI 

■  l-.i 

CIll 

ficii 


TIIK  OXK  OFFENCE  OF   THE  I'UEULOS, 


67 


^-i*V     rt 


'  '^jMfSH-  -Tl^v 


lUIN.S   OK    IMKIII.O    riNTAlM). 


varying  in  wiilth  from  iifty  to  one  Imiulrcd  miles,  besides  some 
scattered  ones  outside  these  limits.  They  are  usually  collected 
in  groups,  s(tme  of  the  cities  having  evidently  cojitained  thou- 
sands of  inhahitants.  The  largest  building  yet  discovered  is 
three  liundred  ati<l  fifty  feet  by  one  hundred  and  fifty,  sur- 
rounded with  embankments,  n<oats,  outer  walls,  and  reservoirs. 
It  stands  in  the  centre  of  a  city  near  Salt  Uiver.  some  twenty 
miles  above  the  town  of  PhoMii.x,  Arizona.  There  are  also 
liuildiiigs  which  apjtear  to  have  been  joined,  surrounding 
cdurts  of  such  magnitude  that  no  roof  could  have  covered 
them.  All  through  this  country  are  the  ruins  of  immense 
(/'yYy///^?.><  (irrigating  canals — sometimes  written  sri/uia),  some 
of  which  can  yet  be  traced  through  letigths  of  fifty  miles  or 
more.  Their  grade  is  so  perfect  that  modern  engineers  have 
licen  unable  to  gain  an  inch  of  fall  to  the  mile  over  theirs. 
.\nother  fact  showing  a  knowleilgc  of  engineering  is  that  many 
of  their  towns  and  works  are  laid  out  with  regard  to  the  points 
of  the  compass.  The  ledges  of  rock  in  this  country  abound 
in  hicroglyplis.  Pottery  and  stone  impleirumts  are  found  in 
i|iiantities.  but  no  implenuMits  of  iron  and  no  bones  of  large 
'lomostic  animals  have  been  discovered  in  these  ruins.  The 
people  who  built  thes(>  towns  must  have  had  all  this  laiul  under 
('!dtivation,and  jnust  have  been  more  advanced  in  the  arts  and 
sciences  than  the  I'ucblos.     This,  however,  dfjes  ijot  show  that 


)8 


MASSACRES   OK  Till':   MOrSTAIXS. 


the  Piichlos  are  not  tlioir  descendants,  for  they  may  have  rotro- 
ijraded.  As  1  liave  ah'cady  niciitioiied,  tl)ey  have  lost  the  art  of 
nianiifactiirinij  cotton  fal)ries  since  the  whites  knew  them,  and 
this  is  an  art  wiiich  tlie  prehistoric  race  had,  for  cotton  ch>th 
has  been  found  in  the  cliff  dwellings,  six  feet  below  the 
present  surface  of  the  tloors.  It  is  also  (juitc  probable  that 
they  have  had  and  lost  the  art  of  writing.  In  the  Pueblo  of 
Zuni  is  said  to  be  preserved  a  book  of  dressed  skins,  the  pages 
of  which  are  covered  with  figures  and  characters  of  all  shapes, 
in  red,  blue,  and  green.  They  say  it  is  a  history  of  their 
tribe,  which  has  moved  fourteen  times,  this  being  their  fif- 
teenth settlement.  The  last  mm  who  could  read  it  died 
many  years  ago,  atid  it  is  now  kept  as  a  .sacred  relic.  A  more 
enticing  field  for  some  American  Champollion  could  hardly 
be  imagined. 

The  common  characteristic  of  the  ancient  and  modern  laccs 
is  the  jMieblo  itself,  whicdi  is  a  large  building,  of  many  rooms, 
capalde  of  accommodating  numerous  families.  Some  of 
them  are  l)uiit  of  stone,  some  of  adobes,  and  some  are  caves 
cut  in  the  cliffs,  with  artificial  structure  added  where  neces- 
sary. They  range  from  two  to  eigiit  stories  in  height;  the 
walls  of  each  succeeding  story  set  back  from  those  of  the  one 
below,  making  a  succession  of  terraces  to  the  top  of  the  build- 
ing. There  are  no  entrances  through  the  lower  walls.  The 
interior  is  reached  by  mounting  from  terrace  to  terrace  on 
ladders,  and  then  dcscemling  through  trap-doors.  At  night 
the  ladders  are  pulled  up.  and  the  inmates  rest  out  of  reach 
of  their  enemies.  Each  Si  )rv  is  divided  into  tiers  of  rooms, 
the  outer  ones  lighted  by  narrow  windows;  the  inner  ones, 
which  are  used  ehietly  as  store-rooms,  being  dark.  In  each 
pueblo  is  a  large  room  called  the  entnfa,  which  serves  as  a 
conneil-chaml)er.  a  place  of  worshi]),  and  a  jiublic  hall.  Some 
of  these  pueblos  have  furnished  a  habitation  for  hundnids  of 
l)eople  for  centuries.  In  general,  the  religion  of  this  people 
is  an  odd  mixture  of  r'atholicMsm  and  paganism,  but  the  dif- 
ferent villaires  vary  widely  in  their  tenets.  In  government 
and  laws  the  villages  are  entirely  independent.  They  hold 
vearlv  elections  of  their  officers,  who  are  u  irovertujr  or  ca- 
cique,  a  judge  or  alcalde,  a  constable,  ami  a  war  captain,  the 


last 
(;oui 
the , 

r 

witl; 

(ist, 

si  a  VI 
year 
then 
tliei 
(|iiei 
the} 
afte 
wer 
and 


had 
mar 
wur 
mer 

(itlu 

Wh 

iiisii 

blo 

wer 

loi 

des| 

wer 

and 

Me; 

eeir 

to  ( 

1)0  1 

seiz 
iiat 
tael 
(.f  I 


THE  ONE  OFFENCE  OF  THE   PUEIJLOS. 


01 


last  having  no  aiitliority  in  time  of  peace.  They  have  also  a 
ciiiiiicil  of  wise  men  in  each  village,  who  act  as  advisers  to 
the  governor. 

The  Pneblos  are  ignorant  and  supei-stitious,  as  compared 
with  modern  civilized  peoples,  but  they  are  indnstrioiis,  hon- 
est, sober,  frugal,  brave,  and  peaceable.  When  first  conquered 
I)y  the  Spanish  they  were  reduced  to  a  grievous  state  of 
slavery,  which  they  endured  restlessly  till  1680.  In  that 
year,  roused  by  persistent  attempts  to  force  Catholicism  on 
them,  they  rebelled  and  drove  the  Spanish  out.  They  held 
their  country  for  thirteen  years  before  they  could  be  recon- 
([ucred.  Though  then  forced  to  accept  the  Spanish  faith, 
they  were  treated  more  liberally,  but  several  revolts  occurred 
afterwards.  At  the  time  of  the  American  conquest  they 
were  practically  in  harmony  with  the  Mexican  population, 
and  accepted  the  new  government  with  ecpial  resignation. 

Notwithstanding  the  good  grace  with  which  the  people 
had  submitted,  maiiy  of  them  were  sore  over  the  cowardly 
iiianiier  in  which  the  country  had  been  surrendered,  and 
were  ready  for  the  machinations  of  designing  men.  Such 
Mion  were  there,  and,  as  the  various  bodies  of  troops  left  for 
•  •ther  points,  they  began  to  plot.  Th'S  was  only  natural. 
When  a  Mexican  has  nothing  else  to  busy  him  he  gets  up  an 
insurrection.  Indeed,  some  of  them  would  neglect  a  protita- 
l)le  business  for  this  purpose.  The  leaders  in  this  project 
were  the  disappointed  Colonel  Diego  Archuleta  and  his  fricn(^ 
Tomas  Ortiz,  men  of  talent  and  enterprise,  made  doubly 
desperate  by  intemperance  and  unlucky  gambling.  They 
were  supported  by  a  number  of  prominent  ricos  and  priests, 
and  had  enlisted  the  aid  of  the  Taosan  Indians,  as  well  as  the 
Mexicans.  The  rising  was  to  have  been  on  the  lOtli  of  De- 
cember, but,  owing  to  defective  organization,  it  was  postponed 
to  Christmas  Eve.  At  dead  of  night  the  church  bells  were  to 
he  rung,  and,  at  that  signal,  the  conspirators  were  to  sally  forth, 
seize  the  artillery,  and  murder  every  American  and  friendly 
native  in  the  province.  Three  days  before  the  time  of  at- 
tack the  plot  was  revealed  to  the  Aniericans.  An  ex-ofticei' 
of  the  Mexican  army  was  arrested,  and  a  list  of  the  disbanded 
soldiers  of  Armijo  was  found  on  him.     Several  others  sup- 


02 


MASSACRES   OF   THE   MOINTAIN.S. 


posed  to  l)e  iiiipliciitcd  were  arrested,  but  Ortiz  and  Archu- 
lotiv  escaped  to  the  south  and  reached  Mexico.  Early  in 
.fauuary  Governor  i>ent  issued  a  prochiination  calculated  to 
quiet  the  people.  The  insurrection  was  believed  to  have 
been  suppressed  by  these  measures,  but  the  leaderless  organi- 
zation remained  like  a  giant  ijlast  in  the  m*  1st  of  the  social 
fabric,  ready  to  explode  at  the  touch  of  any  spark.  The  ex- 
plosion came  on  January  11),  1847. 

Early  in  the  morning  of  that  day  a  large  number  of  Pue- 
blos assembled  at  Don  Fernandez  and  insisted  on  the  release 
of  three  of  their  tribe,  notorious  thieves,  who  were  coniined 
in  the  calahozo.  The  sheriff,  Stephen  Lee,  seeing  no  means  of 
resistance  at  hand,  was  about  to  comply  with  their  demand, 
when  the  Mexican  prefect,  Cornelio  Vigil,  appeared  and  for- 
ba<le  him,  at  the  same  time  denouncing  all  the  Indians  as 
thieves  and  scoundrels.  This  was  the  needed  spark.  The 
Indians  sprang  on  him  with  the  fury  of  devils,  killed  him, 
cut  off  his  limbs,  cut  him  to  pieces,  and  then  released  the 
jirisoners.  Lee  escaped  in  the  confusion,  but  was  followed 
and  killed.  The  blood  of  the  Indians  was  now  at  fever  heat, 
and  the  slumbering  impulses  of  savagery  came  into  control 
again,  as  they  were  incited  to  further  action  by  the  Padre 
Martinez  and  others  of  the  original  conspirators.  They  lias- 
tened  to  the  house  of  Governor  Pent,  who  had  been  in  Fer- 
nandez for  several  days.  Ho  was  yet  in  bed,  but  was  aroused 
i)y  his  wife  and  warned  of  the  imminent  peril.  He  quickly 
realized  the  situation.  Telling  his  wife  it  was  useless  to  at- 
tempt fighting  such  a  mob  siiiirle-handed,  he  sj^rang  to  a  win- 
dow which  opened  into  an  adjcjining  house  and  asked  for  as- 
sistaiU'O.  Tile  Mexicans  tiiere  told  him  it  was  useless  to  hope 
for  aid  —  that  he  must  die.  At  tlie  same  time  he  was 
wounded  by  two  arrows  from  Indians  who  had  mounted  the 
housetoj>s.  He  withdrew  into  his  room  and  the  Indians  be- 
gan tearing  up  the  roof.  With  all  the  calmness  of  a  noble 
soul  he  stood  awaiting  his  doom.  His  wife  brought  him  his 
pistols  and  told  him  to  tight,  to  avenge  himself,  even  if  he 
must  die.  The  Indians  were  exj)osed  to  his  aim,  but  he  re- 
])lie(l :  "No;  I  will  not  kill  any  one  of  them  ;  for  the  sake 
of  you,  my  wife,  and  you,  my  children.      At   present,  my 


tll( 

va 
al)^ 

^'■" 
an 

iiii 

'I'd 

ail' 

oil 

ill 


(■V( 

!"•' 
hit 

tin 

dr; 

u-li 

she 

aw 

tlu 

till 

hy 

olil 

tilt 

801 

in 

nil! 

he 

15c 

to 

j"^ 
i>li 

1,13. 

viii 

\va 

fri( 

Til 

ore 


IIIK   f)NE   Ol'FKNCK  OF  TIIK  ri'KllLOW. 


65 


(It'iitli  is  all  these  people  \vi.sli."  As  tlio  savages  poured  into 
tlie  njoiu  ho  appealed  to  their  iiiaiiliood  and  honor,  i)nt  in 
vain.  1'lioy  laughed  at  his  i)lea.  They  told  liini  they  were 
:il)()ut  to  kill  every  American  in  New  Mexico  and  M-ould  be- 
gin with  hiui.  An  arrow  followed  the  word — another,  ancl 
another — but  the  mode  was  not  swift  enough.  One,  more 
impatient,  sent  a  bullet  tlirough  liis  heart.  As  lie  fell, 
'l\imas,  a  ehief,  stepped  forward,  snatched  one  of  his  pistols, 
and  shot  him  in  the  face.  They  took  his  scalp,  stretched  it 
on  a  boartl  with  brass  nails,  and  carried  it  through  the  streets 
in  triumph. 

James  W.  Leal,  a  private  in  the  I.,a  Clede  Rangers,  fared 
even  worse.  lie  was  on  furlough,  and  had  been  appointed 
prosecuting  attorney  for  the  .iv..l!"'rn  district.  They  seized 
him  at  his  house,  stripped  him  naked,  and  marched  him  about 
the  streets,  pushing  arrows  into  his  flesh,  inch  by  inch,  as  they 
dragged  him  along.  They  conducted  him  again  to  his  house, 
where  they  made  a  target  of  him,  and  amused  thcmsjclves  l)y 
shuoting  at  his  eyes,  his  nose,  and  his  mouth.  They  tore 
away  his  bleeding  scalp,  and  left  him  writhing  in  agony  vhile 
they  went  in  search  ot"  other  victims.  Several  hours  av^er 
they  began  their  fietidish  work  they  returned  and  iinished  it 
by  shooting  him  to  death  with  arrows.  His  l)ody  was  thrown 
out,  and  the  hogs  had  citen  ])art  of  it,  M-hen  ]\Irs.  l>eaubien, 
the  Spanish  wife  of  .Tudgo  Ijcaubien,  learned  of  it,  and  had 
some  men  bury  the  remains.  ^leanwhile  the  ISeaubiens  were 
in  deep  atHiction.  There  had  been  at  their  house  another 
member  of  the  J.a  (Hede  Hangers,  Robert  Cary  by  name,  but 
he  had  gone  to  Santa  Fo  on  the  day  previous  with  Judge 
iSeaub'en.  The  Indians,  supposing  him  to  bo  there  still,  went 
to  the  house,  where  they  were  met  by  Narcissus  IJeaubion,  the 
judge's  son,  a  ])romisiiig  youth  of  twenty,  who  had  just  fin- 
ished his  education  in  the  States.  They  murdered  him,  )>roba- 
bly  mistaking  him  for  Cary.  They  also  murdered  Pablo  Ilar- 
vimeah,  a  friendly  Mcxieaii.  (teneral  Elliott  Lee,  of  St.  Louis, 
was  in  Fernandez  at  the  time.  lie  fled  to  the  house  of  a 
friendly  priest,  who  cuncealed  him  ujider  some  sacks  of  wheat. 
The  Indians  searched  for  liim  some  time  before  they  discov- 
ered his  hiding-place.     They  were  then  about  to  drag  him 

5 


66 


MASSACRES   OF   THE  MOUNTAINS. 


forth  and  kill  I?im,  but  tlie  priest  interceded  and  persuaded 
them  to  go  away.  They  returned  several  times,  with  renewed 
determination  to  have  l-is  life,  but  the  padre  succeeded  in  sav- 
ing him.  The  only  other  American  who  escaped  from  the 
place  was  Charles  Towne.  Ills  father-in-law,  a  Mexican, 
mounted  him  uii  a  swift  mule,  and  he  broiij^iit  the  news  of 
the  massacre  to  Santa  Fc'. 

The  insurrection  was  now  under  full  headway.  Messengers 
were  sent  in  every  direction  to  urge  the  people  to  rise  against 
the  Americans.  The  Jiio  Abajo  (the  luw  ur  river  country,  as 
di.^tinguiBlied  from  the  Itio  Arriba,  or  upper  river  country) 
was  especially  called  on  foi  aid.  On  the  evening  of  the  same 
day  eight  Americans  were  captured,  robbed,  and  shot,  by  the 
insurgents,  on  the  road  near  Mora,  a  town  of  some  2(X>0  in- 
habitants, situated  about  seventy-five  miles  liast  of  Santa  Fe, 
near  the  road  to  the  States.  They  were  Ivomuliis  (!'ulver,  L.  L. 
Waldo.  ])enjamin  Fraett,  Louis  Cabano,  Mr.  Xoyes,  and  thret! 
others  in  company.  On  the  same  day  also  two  Americans 
were  killed  on  the  Colorado,  and  shortly  afterwards  several 
grazing  camps  were  attacked,  the  giuirds  killed,  and  the  cattle 
run  olT.  These  outragcf  .verc  by  Mexicans,  and  are  not  prop- 
erly within  our  province.  I  will  mention,  however,  that  Cap- 
tain Ilendley,  who  was  stationed  near  Mora,  attacked  the 
.Mexicans  there  oii  Jiinuary  24.  He  was  killed  and  his  force 
repulsed.  On  iVbraary  1,  CaptP"';  .Morin,  with  2(»0  men,  at 
tacked  and  destroyed  the  town,  with  everything  in  it;  but 
Cortez,  the  Me.xican  leader  there,  escaped.  Let  us  now  n  turn 
to  our  Indians. 

Twelve  miles  ahuve  Don  Fernandez  the  roa'l  through  the 
V(tlli  (It  Titos  crosses  the  Arroyo  Hondo  (Deep  Crcadv.  Arroyo 
nu'ans  a  small  river,  itut  is  conunoidy  u.sed  in  the  West  to 
indicate  any  land  sulijcct  to  overflow,  from  a  di'y  gnlch  to  a 
ri\er  bottom).  At  this  place  Simeon  Tinlcy,  an  .\Mierican, 
had  estal)lished  a  mill  and  adistillerv.  Tliese  bnildinirs,  with 
the  stables  and  out;  auses,  were  enclosed  in  a  s(|iiare  corral. 
On  oiu!  side,  at  a  distance  of  about  twenty  yards,  ran  the 
stream  ;  on  the  otiior  the  ground  was  l)roken,  and  rose  abrupt- 
ly, at  a  short  distance,  forming  the  baidv  of  the  ravine.  At 
the  rear  was  a  little  garden,  to  which  a  snnill  gate  opened  from 


THE  ONK   OFKP^N'Ct;  OF  THE   ITEBLOS. 


0( 


tlic  corral.  Turley  was  not  ajiprelieiisivo  of  daiii,'er,  and, 
indeed,  had  persotially  little  cause  to  be.  He  had  married  a 
Mexican  woman.  lie  was  well  known  and  {.generally  liked. 
He  was  celebrated  for  his  generosity  and  humanity  ;  no  needy 
man  was  turned  unaided  from  his  door.  He  had  even  been 
warned  of  the  intended  revolt,  hut  had  paid  no  attention  to  the 
warning.  On  the  morning  of  the  19th  one  of  hW  "mployes, 
named  Otterbces,  who  had  ijeeii  to  Santa  IV'  on  ;i(i  errand, 
rode  up  to  the  mill  at  full  epeed.  He  reined  his  panting 
hoioe  only  lon<;  enough  to  tell  them  that  the  Indians  had 
risen  and  massatrred  (Jovernor  licnt  ami  others,  and  then  gal- 
loped on.  Even  then  Turley  did  not  anticipate  ajiy  moles- 
tation, but  there  were  eight  white  men,  mostly  American 
trappers,  at  the  mill,  and  on  their  solicitarion  the  gates  of  the 
corral  were  closed  and  preparations  ma  ie  for  defence.  In  a 
few  hours  a  large  crowd  of  Pueblos  and  Mexicans,  armed  with 
guns,  bows,  and  lances,  made  their  appearance,  ai 


d,  ad 


vanciii;; 


Milder  a  white  Hag,  demanded  the  surrender  of  the  place  aiul 
tiic  men.  They  told  Turley  that  they  would  spare  his  life, 
but  that  the  other  Americans  must  die;  that  tlu^y  had  killed 
the  governor  and  all  the  Americans  at  I''erii!'.ndez,  and  not  one 
was  to  be  left  alive  in  New  Mexico.  It  was  a  hard  choice  for 
Turley.  On  one  side  was  his  life,  his  family,  and  his  property. 
<  >ii  the  other  were  the  lives  of  eiirht  of  his  cnuntrymen.  He 
(lid  not  hesitate  for  an  inst-'ui*-  ills  answer  was:  "  I  will  never 
surrender  my  houhc  or  my  men.  If  you  want  them  you  must 
take  them."  The  en  'my  drew  off,  con  ilted  for  a  few  niin- 
iitts,  scattered,  and  began  their  attack.  I'nder  cover  of  the 
rcH'ks  and  ced.ir  bushes,  which  were  abundant  on  all  sides, 
tlicy  surrounded  the  corral  and  kept  up  an  incessant  but  in- 
ilTi'otual  lire  ori  the  mill.  The  defemlers  did  better.  They 
hail  l'|ncki'<l  the  windows,  leaving  only  loopholes,  and  from 
one  of  these  therf;  sped  a  i)all  with  unerring  aim  at  every 
ass:iilant  who  sIiovmmI  himself.  During  the  day  several  were 
killed,  and  parties  w'?re  kept  busy  hearin'jr  the  wounded  out  of 
the  canon.  Nightfall  brought  no  material  change  in  the  condi- 
tion of  the  besieged.    Thev  waited  no  ammunitit»n  in  thi;  dark. 


1 


CO 


It  passed  the  iiiglit  in  nmriing  l>ullets,  cutting  piitches.  am 
m])li'ting  the  defenses  of  the  place.     It  was  the  last  night 


o!i  earth  for  all  but  two  of  them. 


OS 


MASSACRKS  OF  TlIK   MOUNTAINS. 


TliL'  uttiU'kini;  i>a«'ty  ori<finally  numbered  about  five  liuii- 
'Irc'd,  and  was  (U)iistaiitly  growirii;.  Tlicy  kept  up  a  cotitimial 
iiri!  diiriiii^  tlu'  iiiirlit  at  the  upper  part  of  tliu  buildiii_i,'s,  while 
a  part  ol"  theiu  I'llVcted  a  lodgnieut  in  the  stables  and  out- 
buildinirs.  One  .-^tpiad  reached  a  shed  which  joined  the  main 
buildiiii;  and  atteni|)ted  to  secure  an  entrance  by  breakini:; 
thront:;h  the  wall,  but  its  combined  stren<;th  of  io^s  and 
adobes  resisted  all  their  elforts.  When  morning  broke,  this 
party  ^till  remained  in  the  shed,  which  proved  unavailable, 
liowever,  as  a  ])oint  of  attack.  Findin«^  that  they  could  not 
injure  the  besieged  from  that  jxtsition  they  lieiran  rniininif 
across  the  open  space  to  the  stabli-s  beyond,  and  several  liad 
done  so  in  safety  before  the  men  in  the  mill  noticed  them. 
The  ne.xt  who  attempted  to  cross  nas  a  J'ueblo  chief,  lie 
dropped  dead  in  his  tracks  near  the  centre  of  the  open  space. 
An  Indian  at  oiu^e  dashed  out  and  attem|>t<'d  to  dra<j;  his  body 
in.  A  rlHe  crackeil.  the  ludiati  leaped  into  the  air,  and  fell 
across  the  body  of  his  ciiief,  shot  throuj;li  flic  heart.  A 
second  followed,  and  a  third,  only  to  meet  the  same  fate. 
Then  three  Indians  rushed  to  the  place  together.  They  had 
laid  hold  of  the  chief's  corp.se  by  the  hea<l  and  legs  and  lifted 
it  up.  when  three  pnifsof  blue  smoke  came  from  tlie  loo|)hol(>s, 
three  ritles  rang  out.  and  three  more  Itodies  were  added  to  the 
ghastly  ))ile.  Then  a  groat  shout  of  rage  went  up  from  tin 
besiegers.  an<l  a  rattling  volley  was  poured  into  the  mill.  I'litil 
then  no  one;  in  the  mill  bad  i)een  injured,  but  fiom  this  vol 
ley  two  men  fell  mortally  wounded.  One  was  shot  through 
tlie  loins  aiid  sulTered  great  agony,  lie  was  removed  to  the 
still-hoiise  and  |)hiced  on  a  pile  of  grain,  whicli  was  the  softest 
bed  at  hand.     The  conflict  then  lulled  a  little. 

In  the  middle  of  the  day  the  assailants,  growing  inore 
furious  at  their  baillcd  attempts,  renewed  the  attack  more 
fiercely  than  ever.  The  little  garrison  stood  to  their  defence 
as  coolly  and  bravely  as  before,  and  their  rifles  spoke  death  to 
every  Indian  or  ]\Iexi(an  who  exposed  himself.  l!ut  (hini 
ammunition  was  failing,  and,  what  was  worse,  the  enen)y  had 
feuccee(led  in  liring  the  mill.  It  blazed  up  fiercely  and  threat 
cued  destruction,  but  the  inmates  succeeded  in  ipienching  the 
fiames.     "While  they  were  thus  occupied  tlje  assailants  entered 


TIIK   ONi:   OFri:XCK   cm-  TIIK   I'UKIILOS. 


m 


the  coiT.il  Jind  vented  their  rixijc  hy  s|)e;irin<^  tlie  hoijs  and 
sliccp,  whifli  had  Iteeti  <:;!ithercd  there  fur  protectiuii.  As 
fast  as  the  flaii.es  were  extini^uislied  in  uiie  phice  they  hioke 
out  in  another.  The  assaihmts  wurc  constantly  increasing  in 
iniinhers.  It  was  evident  that  a  siu;cessfid  defeiKU!  was  lope- 
Icss.  The  besieij;','d  therefon;  determined  to  fi^^lit  nntil  ui^^dit, 
and  then  eaeh  oiu;  make  his  escape  as  best  he  cudd.  .Inst  at 
(hisk  two  of  the  men  ran  to  the  wicket-gate  tliat  opened  into 
the  garden,  in  which  were  a  nundter  of  armed  .Mexicans.  They 
riisiied  on*^  at  the  same  time  ami  discharged  tlieir  rifles  full  in 
the  faces  of  tlu!  crowd.  In  tiie  confusion  that  ensued  one  of 
thiMu  threw  himself  under  tlui  fence,  and  from  tiiere  he  saw 
his  coni|>anion  shot  down  and  heard  Ids  cricR  f»jr  mere}',  inin- 
g- a  ■. -ith  shrieks  of  pain,  as  the  assassins  pierced  him  with 
ti..  i  •  '  idves  and  lances.  He  lay  motionless  under  the  fence 
nntil  it  was  (piito  dark,  and  then  escaped  to  the  mountains. 
.\fter  travelling  day  and  night,  with  scarcely  an  hour's  rest,  he 
liiially  succeeiled  in  reaching  a  trader's  fort,  half  dead  with 
lningr!r  and  fatigue.  Tnrley  also  succeediil  in  reaching  the 
mountains  unseen.  There  he  tnet  a  Mexican  with  whom  he 
liad  been  on  intimat(!  terms  f..r  years.  He  was  mounted. 
TurU'y  offered  him  his  watch  for  the  use  of  the  horse,  the 
aninnil  itself  m»t  !ieiiig  worth  one  third  as  much,  but  was  re- 
fused. Still  the  inhuman  liy]iocrite  atfeeied  compassion  for 
him  and  prondsed  to  britig  him  assistance  if  he  would  remain 
lit  a  certain  rendezvous.  lie  then  proceeded  to  the  null  and 
informed  t\\e  Indians  of  'i'urley's  whereabouts.  A  large  party 
of  them  hurrie(l  to  the  plaiH!  and  shot  him  to  ileath.  One 
other  man  made  his  escape  and  reached  Santa  Vc.  in  safety. 
The  others,  Albert  Turi)ush,  William  Hatfield,  Louis  Tohpie. 
I'eter  lioberts.  Joseph  Marshall,  aTuI  William  .\ustin.  perished 
it  the  mill.  Kverytliing  alMUit  the  place  that  the  victorious 
party  desired  they  carrieil  «(tf,  and  tin;  rest  was  burned.  ( >n 
the  morning  of  the  '2Iwt  all  that  remained  of  Turley's  mill  was 
a  smouhlering  ruin  the  .-moking  ashes  of  a  bloody  funeral 
pyre. 

The  news  of  the  murders  at  Don  Kermindez  was  l)rought 
to  ("oloiud  I'riee  on  the  2!>tli.  and  on  the  sann.'  <iay  he  inter- 
t'cpted  some  of  tiie  niexsengers  sent  by  the  insurgcJits  to  the 


70 


MASSACRES   OF  THK   MOUNTAINS. 


STKIILIMI    I'ltlOK. 


Rio  Ahajo,  on  whom  were  found  letters  which  showed  their 
plans  in  lull.     All  the  Americans  in  Santa  Fu  were  thrown 

into  a  fury  of  excitement  and 
indignation  when  they  heard 
of  the  horrible  treatment  of 
their  nniverwilly  beloved  gov- 
ernor. Colonel  I'rice  reviewed 
the  troops,  and  announced  to 
them  that  he  would  inHict 
summary  punishment  on  the 
guilty.  JIo  at  once  sent  or- 
l!^\  ders  to  i\[ajor  Edmonson  to 
come  up  from  Albuqucnjue 
with  his  regiment  of  mount- 
ed Aliftsouri  volunteers  and 
garrison  8anta  Fu.  Cajitain 
Jiurgwin,  who  was  at  the  same  place  with  two  companies 
of  dragoons,  was  instructed  to  leave  one  company  at  Santa 
Fu  ajid  join  Price!  in  the  Held  with  the  other.  Fcslix  St.  Vrain, 
lient's  partner,  organized  a  cdrnpany  of  mounted  volunteer 
"avengers,"  wiiich  was  joined  by  mtirchants,  clerks,  teamsters, 
and  mountaineers,  to  the  number  of  lifty.  Without  waiting 
for  tilt;  trot)pR  from  All)Ui|ii('n|U(',  \'\U'(i  marched  for  Taos  on 
the  12;id,  witii  ?>'>'.\  infantry,  four  lli-pound  howitzers,  and  St. 
Vrain's  company.  On  the  next  day  tlu^y  met  the  insurgents 
near  La  Canada,  about  loOO  strong,  seemingly  anxious  for  a 
tight,  but  a  brief  cannonade  and  a  gallant  charge  |)Ut  them  to 
flight.  A  detachment  of  them  imdertook  to  destroy  the 
wagon-train,  but  ('aptain  St.  Vrain's  force  beat  them  oiT.  Our 
loss  was  two  killed  and  seven  wounded;  the  insurgents  left 
thirty-six  dead  on  the  field.  On  tlu;  28th  the  conimainl 
reacihed  Lut  ros,  and  was  there  joined  by  Captain  I'urgwiM 
with  two  companies,  one  mounted,  and  Lieutenant  Wilson  of 
the  Ist  dragoons,  with  a  (i-pounder,  increasing  the  command, 
rank  and  file,  to  47S>  men. 

The  succeeding  day  it  was  hiariied  that  the  enemy,  <>5() 
strong,  were  posted  ii\  the  canon  leading  to  the  town  of  Em- 
budo.  As  the  road  through  the  canon  was  impassable  for  ar 
tillery  and  wagons,  a  detachment  of  180  men,  under  Captain 


Hiir 

ami 
sere 
iiiiii: 
tirin 
Kiiil 
iiiei! 
at  T 
ami 

\V(»I1 

»lii|> 

valit 

twu 

tlio 

ricil 

phii: 

tlMI. 

tu  1 

tHK" 

I.ioi 


l"('ri 
mioi 
\VL'r( 
by  a 

a  rci 

in   t 

llOll! 

SCVd 

eacli 
opoi 
ItuiL 
also 
toti 
west 
wall 
over 
buili 


Tin;  uxi:  <»i  FFACi:  of  tiif  I'I'eijlo.s. 


7:5 


I5iiri,'\vin,  including  St.  N'raiii'-s  voluntdorp,  was  sent  to  dis- 
ludgi'  them.  Tlii.s  defaciiniont  roacdiod  the  o!u;iiiy'rt  position 
and  fiiuiid  tiieiii  posted  on  Ijoth  sides  of  the  narrow  .i^or<i;c, 
screened  l)y  forests  and  masses  of  rock.  The  Americans  dis- 
mounted and  charji^ed  up  Itoth  sides  of  tlie  canon,  in  open  order, 
liriii^  rapidly.  The  enemy  hmke  at  once  and  Ih'd  towanls 
Kiiihiido,  with  a  spi'cd  whicii  made  pursuit  vain.  Tlio  detach- 
ment occupied  Kndtudo  that  night,  and  rejoine(l  tlic  main  hody 
at  Trampas  on  tiie  .'Jlst.  Their  loss  at  Kndjudo  was  one  killed 
and  Due— Dick,  the  colored  servant  of  the  late  governur — se- 
verely wnunded  ;  the  insurgents  lost  twenty  killed  and  sixty 
wounded.  The  march  from  Trampas  was  one  of  great  hard- 
,-lii|>,  the  road  l)eing  uj)  Taos  nu>untain  and  down  into  the 
valley  heyoud.  The  troops  had  to  wade  through  deep  siiow, 
two  and  three  feet  of  it  at  the  summit,  ami  hreak  a  roatl  for 
the  wagons.  Thoy  had  no  tents,  and  tludr  i)lankets  were  car- 
ried on  their  hacky.  They  horo  their  trials  with  the  uiu!oin- 
plaiiiintr  ]>atiei  ce  of  veterans,  althougli  many  were  frost  hit- 
ten,  and  ail  were  jaded.  The  exposure  of  this  inarch  proved 
to  he  as  fatal  as  the  arms  of  the  enemy,  for  numhers  con- 
tracted fevers  which  residtcd  in  death  ;  among  these  were 
Lieutenants  Lackland  and  ^^anslield. 

The  commaml  marclu'd  up  the  valley,  passing  through  Don 
I'crnandez  de  Taos  without  any  opi)osition,  until,  on  the  after- 
noon of  February  t3,  they  reached  the  puchlo  where  the  enemy 
were  strongly  fortified.  The  village  was  entirely  surrounded 
l>y  adobe  walls  and  strong  picdvcts,  the  enclosure  being  almost 
a  rci'tangle  in  shajjc,  about  'J.'tO  yards  long  and  20n  yards  wide, 
ill  the  northeast  ami  southeast  comers  were  the  two  large 
houses,  or  ])ueblos  ]iroi>er,  rising  like  pyramids  to  heights  of 
seven  and  eight  stori's,  and  capable  of  sheltering  S<h>  men 
each.  In  the  northwesiern  corner  w.js  the  large  adobe  church, 
opening  to  the  south  in  a  corral.  JJetween  each  of  these 
buildings  and  the  walls  was  i.n  open  passage-way.  There  were 
also  a  number  of  small  luiihLngs  within  the  eiwdosure,  nu)stly 
to  the  north  of  the  small  stre-tni  which  entiTs  near  the  south- 
we,-<t  corner  and  passes  out  on  the  east  side.  The  exterior 
wall  and  those  of  the  buildings  were  pierced  for  rifles,  and 
every  point  of  the  exterior  wall  was  flanked  by  projecting 
buildings  at  the  angles. 


u 


MASSACKl'.S   or  THE  MorNTAINS. 


The  little  iiriiiy  halted  before  this  stniiij^hold  of  the  ancient 
time.  Its  inhal)itaiits  luirleii  their  jtM-rinj,'  tleiiance  from  their 
housetops,  or  peered  with  curious  eyes  throUiih  their  narrow 
windows  at  the  deluded  foe  who  had  expected  to  injure  them. 
They  were  face  to  face;  the  oldest  civilization  of  the  I'nited 
States  and  its  newest;  the  one  confident  in  its  nnml)ers  and 
its  mas.-y  wall.-,  the  other  in  its  eiii^ines  of  war,  its  discipline, 
and  its  valor.  There  they  fought  their  hattlo  out,  and  settled 
their  differences  forever.  The  artillery  was  unlimhered,  and 
played  on  the  west  side  of  tiie  cliurcli  for  two  hoiu's  and  a 
half,  but  with  no  perce])til)le  elTect.      At  the  end  of  that  time. 


as  the  nuMi  were  suiiermg  Irom  the  cold,  and  the  ammunition- 
wasjon  ha*l  not  come  up,  the  AnuMMcans  retired  to  Fernandez 
for  the  nij^lit.  Colonel  I'rice,  in  the  meantime,  had  thoroujjjhly 
ri'coni'oitred  the  villajre,  and  decided  on  his  plan  of  attack. 
The  Indians  on  the  housetops  mistook  the  withdrawal  for  a 
retreat,  and,  with  insultiiif^  f^estures  and  epithets,  told  the 
Americans  to  come  on  if  they  wanteil  to  he  killed.  The  invi- 
tation was  accepted  early  on  the  foll(»winj;  niornint^,  the  vil- 
laj^e  heing  Rurrotinded  and  work  heiijun  in  earnest.  Captain 
l!urji;win,  with  the  draffoons  and  two  howit/ers,  was  stationed 
on  the  west  side,  opposite  the  church.  Captains  Slack  and  St. 
\'rain,  with  the  mounted  men,  were  placed  on  the  east  side, 
to  ])revent  the  esc.ipe  of  fuicitives  to  the  mountains.  The 
balance  of  the  command  was  on  the  north  side,  with  the  re- 
niainin<j  two  howitzers  and  the  (i-pounder.  The  batteries 
oj)ened  upon  the  villayo  at  nine  o'clock,  and  continued  firing 
till  eleven.  Finding  it  impossible  to  breach  the  walls  with 
the  cannon,  the  troops  charged  t)n  the  north  and  west  sides. 
They  gained  the  shelter  of  the  church  walls,  and  some  began 
thciir  attack  on  []\v.  thick  clay  barrier,  while  others  moinited  a 
rude  ladder  and  fired  the  roof.  The  artillery  meanwhile  plied 
the  village  with  grape  and  shell.  The  battle  was  becoming 
more  exciting.  The  soldiers  cut  holes  through  the  church 
walls  and  threw  in  lighted  shells  with  their  hands.  The  In- 
diatis  and  their  allies  maintained  a  rambling  lire  on  them  from 
the  church  and  the  bastions.  Captain  IJurgwin,  with  Lieu- 
tenants ]\lcllvaiiie,  Iloyall,  and  Lackland,  climbed  over  into  the 
corral  at  the  front  of  the  church,  and  tried  to  force  the  door. 


THE  ONE   OFFKNCK  Ol'   THE  ITEHLOS. 


77 


In  lhic«  exposed  position  tlie  f];alliint  captain  received  a  Ijullet 
uciiiiid  wlilcli  disabled  liiin,  and  from  wliicii  Ik;  died  on  tlie 
tUli.  Tii(!  fatal  sliot  is  supposed  to  iiave  hcen  lired  hy  a  Del- 
aware Imlian  desperado,  well  known  on  the  frontier  as  "  l!ii^ 
Neirro,"  wlio  had  joined  the  insnr;;ents,  and  afterwards  made 
his  escape  to  the  (Jlieyennes  and  (Jomanehes.  lie  claimed  to 
have  killed  five  Americans  at  the  piii-lilo.  The  olHcers  who 
followed  Hurj^win  found  their  elforts  fruitless,  and  retired 
iichind  the  wail.  At  lialf-past  three  in  the  afternoon  the 
<!-pounder  was  run  up  within  sixty  yards  of  the  ehnreh,aml  in 
ten  rounds  made  a  practicable  hreach  of  one  of  the  holes  cut 
liy  tiie  axe-men.  The  i^uii  was  hrouirht  within  ten  yards,  and 
three  charges  of  ijrape  and  a  shell  were  thrown  in.  Tlien  the 
r-torminj;  party  poured  in,  iinder  cover  of  the  dense  smoke 
which  filled  the  eliureli.     TluiV  occupied  it  without  opposi- 

t  were  hurryiii<^ 


tioii,  no  Indians  hein;;  seen  except  a  few  win 


ol 


It  of  the  j;allery,  where  an  open  door  admitted  the  air.     An- 


other ehar<;e  was  made  at  once  on  the  north  side,  and  the  ene- 
my then  abandoned  the  western  part  of  the  tctwn  alto<feth(!r. 
."^ome  took  refuse  in  the  two  lari^e  houses,  while  others  tried 
to  escape  to  the  mountains  on  the  east.  They  miijht  better 
have  tried  any  other  place,  for  here  were  the  "  aveni;ers," 
who  were  oidy  desirous  of  an  opportunity  to  earn  their  title. 
I'ifty-one  of  the  fujj;itiv<'s  fell  by  their  hands,  and  only  two 
or  three  escapeil.  Amon^  those  killed  was  ,lesus  de  Tafoya, 
one  of  the  leaders,  who  was  wearini;  (iovernor  IJent's  coat  and 
sliirt.  He  was  shot  by  ('aptain  St.\'rain.  When  ni^ht  fell, the 
troops  moved  (piictly  forward  and  occupied  the  deserted  build- 
ings of  the  Indians.  In  tlu;  niornini^  the  Indians,  men  and 
Women,  bearin<^  wliite  tla<^s,  (trucilixes,  and  imajfes,  came  to 
Colonel  Price,  and  on  their  knees  begged  for  mercy.  They 
had  lost  abo\it  150  killed,  besides  the  W(»unded,out  of  a  force  of 
-ome  Gr)t»,  and  the  colonel  thought  that  their  punishment  was 
almost  enough.  He  granted  their  prayer,  on  condition  that 
they  surrendered  a  number  of  the  leading  oITenders,  e.'speciall}- 
their  chief  Tomas.  who  has  been  mentioned  in  connection  with 
(nivernor  IJent's  murder,  and  who  had  taken  an  active  part 
througho\it. 

The  principal  Mexican  leaders  of  the  insurrection  were  Ta- 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


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Photographic 

Sciences 

Corporation 


23  Wt5r  MAIN  STREET 
WEBSTER,  N.Y.  14580 

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78 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


foya,  Pablo  Chaves,  Pablo  Montoya,  and  Cortez,  the  leader  at 
Mora.  Chaves  was  killed  at  Eiiibudo,  and  Tafoya  at  the 
pueblo.  Montoya,  a  man  of  considerable  influence,  who  styled 
himself  the  Santa  Anna  of  the  North,  was  tried  by  court- 
martial  and  hanged  in  the  presence  of  the  army,  at  Fernandez, 
on  February  7.  Tomas  was  shot  by  a  sentinel  while  trying  to 
escape  from  the  guard-house  at  the  same  place.  Fourteen  of 
the  insurrectionists  were  indicted  for  the  murder  of  Governor 
Bent,  and  tried  at  Taos.  They  were  all  convicted  and  ex- 
ecuted. V  ntonio  Trujillo  and  several  others  were  sentenced  to 
be  hanged  on  convictions  of  treason,  but  were  pardoned  by  the 
President  on  the  ground  that  Mexican  citizens  could  not  com- 
mit treason  against  the  United  States  while  actual  war  existed 
between  the  two  countries.  The  army  returned  to  Santa  Fe, 
and  there,  on  the  13th,  the  bodies  of  Governor  Bent  and  Prose- 
cuting-attorney  Leal  were  buried  with  civic,  masonic,  and 
military  honors.  After  a  third  interment,  the  remains  of 
Governor  Bent  now  lie  in  the  Masonic  Cemetery  at  the 
New  Mexican  capital,  beneath  a  handsome  monument  and 
honorable  epitaph. 

On  no  other  occasion  have  the  Pueblos  proven  hostile  to 
the  Americans,  :.L)d  in  this  instance  the  Taosans  only  were 
guilty.  Even  in  the  insurrectionary  troubles  of  the  succeed- 
ing summer  the  Pueblos  took  no  part.  For  what  they  did 
they  wei'e  not  really  very  blameworthy,  except  for  their  savage 
cruelty.  "What  feelings  of  patriotism  they  had  attached  them 
to  the  Mexicans,  and  their  Mexican  leaders  had  persuaded 
them  that  they  could  easily  drive  out  the  Americans,  capture 
Santa  Fe,  and  repossess  the  country.  Insurrection  was  an 
every-day  affair  with  the  entire  community,  and  assassination 
was  the  popular  method  of  warfare.  Fiendish  as  their  crime 
was,  it  was  little  worse  than  was  ])erpetrated  on  soldiers  of 
our  army  by  Mexicans  in  the  course  of  the  war ;  and  the  recol- 
lection of  it,  even  as  an  historical  fact,  has  been  almost  blotted 
out  by  their  faithful  and  trustworthy  conduct  in  the  years 
that  followed.  At  the  time  of  our  con(piest  the  number  of 
the  Pueblos  was  between  ten  and  eleven  thousand,  but  they 
have  now  declined  to  about  nine  thousand,  besides  having  de- 
generated somewhat  physically.     The  cause  of  their  decadence 


THE   ONE   OFFENCE   OF  TFIE    PUEBLOS. 


79 


is  probably  their  continuous  intermarriage  in  the  same  pueblo, 
the  young  men  very  rarely  seeking  wives  from  other  villi-ges. 
They  have  been  judicially  recognized  as  citizens  of  the  United 
States,  but  they  have  not  exercised  the  right  of  suflErage,  un- 
der the  laws  of  New  Mexico."  The  old  Spanish  grants  were 
confirmed  to  them  in  18.58  by  Congress,  and  on  these  they  pur- 
sue in  peace  their  quiet  agricultural  life.  The  only  troubles 
tliat  have  ruffled  their  quietude  in  late  years  were  some  slight 
religious  dissensions,  for  which  they  were  not  much  to  be 
blamed.  In  1808  a  new  policy  was  inaugurated  for  the  con- 
trol of  the  Indians,  and  under  it  the  various  tribes  were  as- 
signed to  the  different  churches  for  missionary  work.  This 
was  done  with  the  best  of  intentions,  but  the  military  impar- 
tiality with  which  the  allotment  was  made  seemed  to  indicate 
a  desire  to  give  each  denomination  a  fair  show  at  the  heathen, 
rather  than  to  gratify  any  sectarian  preferences  of  the  In- 
dians themselves.  In  the  distribution  the  Pueblos  fell  to  the 
Campbellites,  and  afterwards,  on  their  failure  to  act,  to  the 
Presbyterians.  Calvinism  would  not  hinge  with  even  the 
crude  Catholicism  of  the  Pueblos,  and  a  period  of  "rum,  Ro- 
manism, and  rebellion"  ensued.  In  1872  the  caciques  of 
fifteen  pueblos  protested  against  their  established  church,  and 
in  1874  appealed  to  the  government.  The  matter  was  satis- 
factorily adjusted  and  peace  has  since  reigned  supreme. 

*  An  attempt  has  recently  been  made  to  tax  them,  and  a  delegation  of 
their  leadiug  men  visited  Washington  a  short  time  since  to  protest  against 
this  privilege  of  citizenship. 


CHAPTER  lY. 
THE  MURDER  OF  THE  MISSIONARIES. 

We  will  Jiovv  leave  New  Mexico  for  a  time  and  see  what  is 
being  done  in  Oregon.  As  we  make  this  change  of  position 
let  ns  examine  the  conntry  and  its  inhabitants,  in  a  general 
way.  Snpposc  we  can  rise  in  the  air  to  a  convenient  height 
and  take  a  bird's-eye  view  of  the  entire  region.  We  are  now 
over  the  southeastern  corner  of  the  mountain  country.  Directly 
nortli  from  na  runs  the  i^reat  continental  divide,  until  it  reaches 
about  the  41st  parallel  of  latitude,  just  west  of  the  site  of  the 
future  city  of  Cheyenne ;  there  it  turns  to  the  left  and  trends 
northwest  to  our  boundary.  The  foothills,  which  occupy  oidy 
a  narrow  strip  of  cuuntr^'  between  the  main  range  and  the 
plains  as  far  nortli  as  parallel  41,  bear  gradually  to  the  east 
above  that  point,  thus  leaving  a  great  triangular  bod}'  of  com- 
paratively low  mouutait^  land,  east  of  the  continental  divide, 
for  the  northeastern  corner  of  our  region.  It  will  eventually 
form  Western  Dakota  and  nearly  all  of  Wyoming  and  Mon- 
tana. AVcst  of  the  divide  the  country  is  separated  into  four 
great  natural  division.^.  The  farthest  from  ns  is  the  imme- 
diate slope  of  the  Pnclfic,  cut  off  from  the  great  central  basins 
by  the  Sierra  Kevada  and  Cascade  mountain  ranges,  which 
follow  the  genei  il  contour  of  the  coast-line.  This  division 
will  hereafter  make  California  and  the  western  parts  of  Ore- 
gon and  Washington  Territory.  At  about  parallel  42  of  north 
latitude  we  see  an  immense,  transverse  water-shed  crossing  the 
central  mountain  region  from  the  Rockies  to  the  Sierra  Nevada. 
To  the  north  of  it  the  country  is  drained  by  the  tributaries  of 
the  Columbia,a  noble  stream,  which  breaks  its  way  through  the 
Cascade  Mountains  and  flows  to  the  Pacific.  Idaho,  with  the 
eastern  parts  of  Oregon  and  AVashington  Tcri'itory,  will  be 
carved  from  this  section.     On  the  south  side  of  the  transverse 


THE  MURDER  OF   THE   MISSIONARIES. 


81 


\v!iter-slied  lie  the  great  Utah  basin  and  the  valleys  of  the 
head-waters  of  the  Kio  Colorado,  separated  by  the  Wahsatch 
]\Iountain8  at  about  longitude  111°  west  of  Greenwich  (the 
western  line  of  Wyoming)  as  far  south  as  37J°  of  north  lati- 
tude, where  this  water-shed  turns  to  the  west  at  a  right  angle 
and  continues  to  the  Sierra  Nevada.  The  Utah  basin  includes 
tlie  future  state  of  Nevada  and  western  Utah.  The  land  drained 
by  the  Colorado  system  will  be  known  after  some  years  as 
Eastern  Utah,  Western  Colorado,  and  Arizona.  The  artificial 
divisions  of  the  mountain  country,  as  we  look  at  it,  art  very 
simple.  All  the  country  east  of  the  divide  is  embraced  in 
]\Iissouri  Territory  and  New  Mexico,  which  are  separated  by 
the  Arkansas  River.  West  of  the  divide  likewise  there  are 
two  sections,  Oregon  and  Upper  California,  separated  by  par- 
allel 42  of  north  latitude. 

There  are  few  whites  in  the  country  as  yet.  There  is  a 
little  settlement  at  Pueblo,  on  the  Arkansas,  a  considerable 
colony  of  Mormons  southeast  of  the  Great  Salt  Lake,  and  a 
few  ranches  in  California.  Aside  from  the  scattered  forts  and 
trading-posts,  we  see  no  more  establishments  of  white  men  ex- 
cept in  Oregon,  where  they  are  almost  wholly  west  of  the  Cas- 
cade range.  The  natives  find  their  tribal  boundaries  to  a 
large  extent  in  the  natural  ones  mentioned  above.  On  the 
neighboring  plains  to  the  east  of  us  are  the  Kiowas  and 
Coinanches.  North  of  them,  on  the  plains  near  the  moun- 
tains, are  the  Cheyennes  and  Arapahoes,  ranging  from  the 
Arkansas  to  the  Platte.  To  the  north  again,  along  the  border 
of  the  foothills,  is  the  numerous  Sioux  or  Dakota  family,  ex- 
tending to  our  northern  boundary  and  far  to  the  east.  Parts 
of  the  great  northeastern  triangle  are  inhabited  by  the  Crows 
and  the  Assinaboines,who  are  of  the  Dakota  family;  the  lilack- 
feet,  who,  like  the  Cheyennes,  are  a  branch  of  the  great  Algon- 
(piiii  family  of  the  p]ast;  and  the  confederated  Minnetarees  or 
Ilidatsa,  Ricarees  (Arikaras,  Rees)  or  Black  Pawnees,  and 
Mandans,  the  latter  a  sti-ange  tribe,  b(  lieved  by  many  to  be 
descendants  of  Madoc's  Welsh  colony  of  the  twelfth  century. 
The  southeastern  part  of  the  triangle  is  a  common  battle- 
ground for  the  surrounding  tribes,  who,  though  nearly  all 
related,  are    hostile  —  a  veritable   dark  and    bloody  ground, 

G 


S2 


MASSACKES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


over  wliich  tlie  besom  of  destruction  swept  again  and  again 
both  before  and  after  the  wliites  entered  it.  On  the  Pacific 
coast  the  principal  families  are  the  Ciiinooks  and  Nascpial- 
las,  of  Oregon,  and  tiie  California  Indians.  From  the  llio 
Colorado  to  onr  point  of  observatii)n,  the  Pima  nation 
dwells,  and  the  tribes  of  Apaches  and  ^"avahos,  whose  lan- 


CIIINOOK   WOMAN   AND  CHILD. 


guage  identifies  them  with  the  extensive  Athabascan  family 
of  British  Amer'^a.  In  the  la])se  of  years  they,  as  well  as 
the  Umpquas  of  western  Oregon,  have  been  separated  from 
their  northern  brethren,  and  are  also  much  changed  in  char- 
acter, onr  Kew  Mexican  neighbors  being  very  demons  in  their 
daring  and  fierceness,  while  tlie  Tiiine,  or  northern  Athabas- 


THE  MURDER   OF  THE  MISSIONARIES. 


83 


cans,  are  inild  and  timid.  Nearly  all  the  remainder  of  the 
mountains  is  held  oy  the  great  Slioshonec  stock,  which  in- 
cludes many  tribes.  Of  these  the  Shoshonees  proper,  or 
Snakes,  live  on  the  Snake  River,  south  of  the  Salmon  Moun- 
tains; the  Jjannocks  (Honacks,  Panocks)  south  of  the  Snakes, 
on  the  same  stream ;  and  the  ■  arious  tribes  of  the  Utahs 
(Voutas,  Ewtaws,  or  Utes)  hold  the  Utah  basin  and  the  head- 
waters of  the  Colorado.  The  Modocs  of  Southwestern  Ore- 
<ron  are  related  to  them,  as  are  also  the  Kiowas  and  Co- 
nianches.  These  latter  tribes  have  separated  from  their  rela- 
tives over  the  most  natural  roadway  across  the  mountains, 
southeast  from  the  Dalles  of  the  Columbia  to  the  South 
Pass.  (It  now  forms  the  route  of  a  proposed  railway  to  con- 
nect Oregon  with  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  the  building  of  which 
is  only  a  question  of  time.)  It  is  the  same  road  that  Dr. 
Whitman  followed  with  his  emiffrants.  We  will  follow  it 
into  his  missionary  field  of  Eastern  Oregon,  the  only  part  of 
the  central  region  not  occupied  by  the  Shoshonees. 

'We  find  Eastern  Oregon  subdivided  in  two  parts  by  the 
Blue  and  the  Salmon  Mountains,  really  one  range,  which  is 
cut  by  the  Lewis  or  Snake  Tliver.  These  mountains  form  the 
northern  limits  of  the  Shoshonees,  except  tiiat  the  lower  Xez 
'/crces  own  the  country  as  far  south  as  the  Powder  River. 
At  present,  however,  they  are  across  the  mountains,  with  their 
brethren,  receiving  "The  Rook"  from  Mr.  Spalding.  North 
and  west  of  these  mountains  is  the  mission  field,  in  which 
there  are  three  principal  Indian  families.  Nearest  the  Rrit- 
ish  possessions  is  the  Selish  (Salish,  Saalis)  or  Flathead  fami- 
ly, including  the  Flatheads  proper  (to  whom  belong  the  Spo- 
kiines),  the  denv  d'Alenes  (Pointed  Hearts  or  Skitsnish),  the 
Kulispeis  (Pend  d'Oreilles),  and  some  small  tribes  grouped 
about  forts  Colville  and  Okanogan.  None  of  these  Indians 
practice  fiattening  the  head, as  their  name  would  imply;  that 
is  a  custom  confined  to  the  tribes  of  the  Lower  Columbia  and 
the  coast,  and  by  them  allowed  only  to  the  higher  classes.* 

*Tliis  liabit  lias  l)ecn  (liscontiimed,  okl  settlers  stilting  that  they  have  not 
known  t)f  a  case  in  the  last  thirty  years;  a  refonn  uiKiuestionahly  due  to 
I  he  precept  and  exaninle  of  white  mothers  who  settled  among  them.  The 
Xez  Fcrces  liad  formerly  a  custom  of  piercing  the  cartilage  of  the  nose,  and 


8i 


MASSACRt:S   OF  THE  BIOUNTAINS. 


To  tlie  south  of  tlie  Selish  is  tlio  Saluiptiu  or  Sciptin  family, 
including  the  Noz  Perces  and  the  Walla- Wallas,  the  latter  em- 
bracing the  Klickitiito  (Tlickitacks),  l)es  Chutes,  Yakinias,  and 
Pelouso  (Pains,  Paloose).  Still  south,  below  the  Columbia, 
is  the  Wailatpu  family,  including  the  Cajnses  (Kajouse,  Ciiil- 
loux,  Caaguas,  Skyuse*)  and  the  Moleles  (MoUallas),  a  proud 
and  insolent  people,  quite  wealthy,  especially  in  horscs.+ 

AVe  follow  the  emigrants'  road  through  the  (Jrande  Ilonde, 
over  the  Pine  Mountains  and  down  Walla-Walla  Creek.    The 


INDIAN   SWEAT-HOUSE. 

first  white  settlement  we  find  is  the  mission  at  AVailatpu  (the 
Place  of  Wild  Rye),  the  home  of  Dr.  Whitman,  close  by  the 
village  of  the  Cayuse  chief  Tilokaikt  (Crawfish  that  Walks 
Foi  ward).  The  establishment  and  its  surroundings  indicate 
peace  and  prosperity.  It  covers  a  triangular  piece  of  ground 
of  about  four  liundred  feot  to  the  side,  in  a  bit  of  bottom-land 
between!  Mill  Creek  and  Walla- Walla  Creek.  The  wooden  build- 
ing :Jc  the  southern  apex  is  the  mill.  The  rest  of  the  buildings, 
along  the  Tiorthern  line,  are  in  order,  at  the  east  a  story  and 


putting  a  1)0110  thrmisrli  the  ptincture  until  it  lical  1.  This  was  abandoned 
SI)  hnvj;  siiiee  tliut  many  modern  writers  have  been  puzzled  to  know  the 
orijiiii  of  their  name. 

*  The  word  is  probably  Calllou.x,  the  French  for  flints. 

f  An  Indian  jiony  is  eidletUa  cayiise  throughout  the  western  country  north 
of  parallel  42.     South  of  that  it  is  a  broneo. 


yinlhrad  /, 


y 


SrilS-'n    /^ 


r^ 


IKES 


/  V 


IS-  1811 


VllltJ 

c  / 

"l^i 

<tflaumi%^^\ 

'  Spukane      +-\^ 

iii-i: 


^1 


(I  N  /  1« 


IHE  SORI^I  IN  isll. 


THE   MURDER  OF  THE  MISSIONARIES. 


87 


ii  half  house,  called  tlie  mansion;  eif^hty  yards  west,  the  hlack- 
smith-shop;  at  the  end  of  the  line,  the  doctor's  house,  fronting 
west.  This  last  is  quite  commodious.  The  main  building  is 
isx  02  feet,  with  ailohe  walls.  At  the  south  end  is  the  libra- 
ry and  bedroom  ;  in  the  middle  the  dining  and  sitting  room, 
ISx  2-i  ;  on  the  north  end  the  Indian  room,  18  x  20,  Joining 
the  house  on  the  east  is  the  kitchen,  18x20,  with  fireplace  in 
the  centre  and  bedroom  in  the  I'ear.  .foining  the  kitchen  on 
tlie  east  is  trie  schoolroom,  18  x  3(».  On  the  southeastern  side 
of  the  mission  are  the  mill-pond  and  Walla -AValla  Creek. 
Al(»ng  the  north  side  runs  the  waste-water  ditch  from  the 
mill,  which  also  serves  for  irrigating. 

Tiie  miiision  has  no  immediate  white  neighbors.  Twenty- 
five  miles  west,  at  the  mouth  of  the  creek,  is  Fort  Walla-Walla, 
a  Hudson's  Bay  Company's  post  (present  village  of  Wallula). 
It  is  a  strong-looking  stockade,  built  of  driftwood  taken  from 
the  Columbia,  with  log  bastio'  '  the  northeast  and  south- 
west corners,  each  provided  with  two  light  cannon  and  small 
arms.  Down  the  Columuia,  at  the  Dalles,  is  the  nearest  of 
the  original  Methodist  missions,  lately  transferred  to  the 
American  Board,  and  others  are  west  of  the  Cascade  range, 
especially  in  the  Willamette  or  Wallamet  Valley,  where  most 
uf  the  pioneer  settlers  have  established  themselves.  On  the 
north  side  of  the  Columbia,  just  above  the  mouth  of  the  Wal- 
lamet, is  Fort  Vancouver,  headquarters  of  the  Hudson's  Bay 
Company,  a  substantial  stockade  enclosing  two  acres  of  land, 
with  hewn-timber  houses,  well  armed  and  manned.  One  hun- 
dred and  twenty  miles  northeast  of  Wailatpu,  whore  Lapwai 
Creek  debouches  into  the  Kooskoosky  or  Clear-water  liiver, 
]\Ir.  Spalding  and  wife  are  laboring  successfully  with  the  Xez 
I'crces.  Away  to  the  north,  near  the  Spokane  River,  sixty- 
five  miles  south  of  Fort  Colville,  is  Cimiakin  (Chemakane, 
Ishimikane),  another  mission  of  the  American  Board,  whore 
Messrs.  Walker  and  Eells,  with  their  helpers,  are  making  last- 


nig  conversions. 


In  order  to  understand  the  real  condition  of  affairs  which 
exists  under  the  seeming  peaceful  exterior  of  the  country,  we 
must  go  back  a  little.  Whitman's  missionary  party  had  boon 
kindly  received  by  the  officials  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company, 


88 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


and,  liaving  been  put  on  their  guard  as  to  its  designs,  they  re- 
mained on  friendly  terms  for  some  years.  Bnt  a  time  came  at 
length  when  they  were  forced  to  go  in  opposition  to  it,  or 
throw  away  all  patriotldin,  and  they  took  the  former  course, 
as  we  have  seen.  The  company  realized  that  its  control  of 
the  fur  trade,  and  of  the  country  in  general,  depended  on 
England's  retaining  its  sovereignty.  It  desired  England  to 
retain  control,  simply  because  it  would  make  more  money  in 
that  event.  To  maintain  the  immense  profits  which  they 
reape('  from  the  trade,  its  managers  used  every  means,  fair 
and  foul.  They  gave  the  Indians  rum,  because  it  was  a  prof- 
itable commodity.  They  countenanced  and  maintained  In- 
dian slavery,  because  it  gave  control  over  the  natives.  They 
strenuously  opposed  agriculture,  even  by  British  missionaries, 
because  agriculture  spoiled  good  hunting-grounds,  and,  if 
learned  by  the  Indians,  would  give  them  an  easier  mode  of 
support  than  hunting.  They  paid  the  Indians  very  little  for 
furs,  and  allowed  no  one  to  pay  more  than  their  established 
"  tariff."  They  sold  the  Indians  guns  and  ammunition,  be- 
cause it  made  their  hunting  more  successful.  When  it  be- 
came evident  that  the  Americans  were  forcing  the  settlement 
of  the  country,  the  company  fought  every  step  of  their  prog- 
ress, and  yet  reaped  the  advantages  of  civilization  as  well  as 
savagery.  At  first  it  owned  nearly  all  the  cattle  in  the  coun- 
try, and  would  let  the  settlers  have  them  only  on  terms  that 
they  and  all  their  increase  should  belong  to  the  company,  sub- 
ject to  its  recall  at  any  time ;  and,  if  they  died,  to  be  paid  for 
by  the  borrower.  In  order  to  obtain  cattle  of  their  own,  the 
Methodist  missionaries,  with  Mr.  Ewiiig  Young  (one  of  the 
party  brought  into  Oregon  by  Hall  J.  Kelly),  organized  the 
Wallamet  Cattle  Company,  and  brought  in  stock  from  Cali- 
fornia. As  soon  as  they  got  their  cattle  in,  the  Hudson's  Bay 
Company  organized  the  Puget  Sound  Agricultural  Company, 
which  was  maintained  out  of  the  fund  established  by  the  cor- 
poration for  the  purpose  of  fighting  hostile  interests,  and 
began  selling  cattle  lower  than  the  other  company  could. 
In  1842  the  American  settlers,  with  great  difficulty,  succeeded 
in  getting  a  mill  started  at  the  falls  of  the  Wallamet.  Tlie 
company  at  once  put  up  an  opposition  saw  and  grist  mill  at 


THE  MURDER   OF  THE  MISSIONARIES. 


89 


tlie  same  place.  Some  parties  settled  at  those  falls,  and  forth- 
with Dr.  McLaughlin,  chief  factor  of  the  company,  claimed 
the  land  as  his,  warned  tjie  trespassers  oflF,  and  laid  oflE  the 
town  site  of  Oregon  City. 

Dr.  McLaughlin,  liowever,  had  too  much  conscience  for 
the  company.  He  had,  indeed,  carried  out  their  instructions 
up  to  this  point,  but  they  desired  him  to  go  further.  They 
insisted  that  he  must  no  longer  furnish  supplies  on  credit  to 
needy  American  settlers,  and  he,  after  explaining  to  them 
that  he  could  not,  in  common  humanity,  obey  them,  told  the 
directors :  "  If  such  is  your  order,  gentlemen,!  will  serve  you 
no  longer."  He  served  them  no  longer,  and  his  place  was 
filled  by  James  Douglass  (afterwards  Sir  James),  who  was 
more  complaisant.  About  the  same  time  McKinley,  their 
factor  at  Fort  Walla-Walla,  who  was  a  little  friendly  with  the 
Americans,  was  removed,  and  his  place  filled  by  one  McBean, 
who  proved  thoroughly  reliable,  from  a  company  standpoint. 
By  misrepresentations  American  immigrants  were  prevented 
from  bringing  their  wagons  farther  than  Fort  Hall,  until  Dr. 
Whitman  broke  their  blockade  in  1843,  and  after  that  Cap- 
tain Grant,  the  factor  at  that  place,  and  others,  used  all  their 
powers  of  persuasion  to  turn  the  immigration  into  California. 
Among  those,  it  is  claimed,  whom  they  succeeded  in  turning 
into  those  then  unknown  deserts  was  the  Donner  party, 
whose  frightful  sufferings  and  enforced  cannibalism  have 
since  furnished  a  theme  of  horror  to  many  writers.  At  the 
same  time  Sir  George  Simpson,  at  Washington,  and  other 
emissaries  elsewhere,  were  representing  to  our  government 
the  desert  nature  of  the  country  and  slandering  our  settlers. 
Jn  short,  tliey  tried  to  do  in  Oregon  what  they  had  done  in 
J'ritish  America,  where,  by  an  English  authority,  they  "hold 
a  monopoly  in  commerce  and  exercise  a  despotism  in  govern- 
ment; and  have  so  used  that  monopoly  and  wielded  that 
power  as  to  shut  up  the  earth  from  the  knowledge  of  man, 
and  man  from  the  knowledge  of  God."  From  tiiese  facts  it 
is  only  a  fair  inference  that  the  Jesuit  priests,  who  came  into 
Oregon  in  1838,  were  brought  there  by  the  Hudson's  J3ay 
Company  to  counteract  the  effect  of  the  Protestant  missions. 
Certain  it  is  that  the  Jesuits  caino  under  their  convoy,  and, 


90 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


from  first  to  last,  received  such  sympathy  and  assistance  as  no 
Protestant  missionary,  British  or  American,  ever  received  at 
their  hands. 

Tlie  motives  of  the  Jesuits  need  not  he  questioned.  Fa- 
ther Do  Smet  probahly  states  them  truly  in  a  letter  written 
to  their  Belgian  friends  for  further  assistance.  lie  says : 
"Time  passes;  already  the  sectaries  of  various  shades  are  pre- 
paring to  penetrate  more  deeply  into  the  desert,  and  will 
wrest  from  those  degraded  and  unhappy  tribes  their  last  hope 
— that  of  knowing  and  practising  the  sole  and  true  faith.'' 
Aside  from  this  apprehension  of  heresy,  there  was  no  need  of 
their  concentrating  on  Oregon.  If  they  were  merely  solicitous 
for  the  eternal  welfare  of  Indians,  there  were  thousands  of 
them  elsewhere  to  whom  no  missionary  had  yet  spoken.  The 
fact  cannot  be  evaded  that  they  made  their  war  on  Protes- 
tantism, not  heathenism.  The  results  of  their  labors  might 
reasonably  have  been  anticipated.  In  a  short  time  the  simple 
natives  were  involved  in  the  same  sectarian  controversy  that 
had  deluged  all  Europe  in  blood.  The  priests  told  the  In- 
dians that  if  they  followed  the  teachings  of  the  Protestants 
they  would  go  to  hell.  The  Protestants  extended  the  same 
cheering  information  in  regard  to  Catholicism.  The  priests 
used,  in  teaching,  a  colored  design  of  a  tree  surmounted  by  a 
cross,  and  called  "the  Catholic  tree."  It  showed  the  Protes- 
tants continually  going  out  on  the  limbs  and  falling  from 
their  ends  into  fires,  whi^h  were  fed  with  Protestant  books 
by  the  priests,  while  the  Catholics  were  safely  climbing  the 
trunk  to  the  emblem  of  salvation  above.  Mr.  Spalding  was 
equal  to  the  emergency.  lie  had  his  wife  paint  a  series  of 
Bible  pictures  in  water-colors,  the  last  and  crowning  one  of 
which  showed  the  "  broad  way  that  leadeth  to  destruction," 
crowded  with  priests,  who  were  tumbling  into  hell  at  the  ter- 
minus, while  the  Protestants  ascended  the  narrow  path  to 
glory.  The  Indians  became  divided  among  themselves,  and 
bitter  controversies  became  common.  Tlio  priests  gained 
steadily.  Churches,  nunneries,  and  schools  sprang  up  at 
French  Prairie,  Oregon  City,  Vancouver,  the  Dalles,  Umatilla, 
Pend  d'Oreille,  Colville,  and  Ste.  Marie.  They  liad  potent 
allies  in   the  French  -  Canadian  interpreters  aud  other  em- 


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THE  MURDER  OF  THE   MISSIONARIES. 


ployes  of  tlie  company.  When  the  Indians  appealed  to  these 
to  know  which  was  the  true  religion,  they  were  informed  that 
the  priests  had  the  genuine  article.  So  it  went  on  until  the 
Indians  were  in  a  tit  state  of  mind  for  the  crime  which  fol- 
loweu.  They  became  restless  and  turbulent.  Some  of  the 
IVotestant  missionaries  left  the  country.  Even  the  indomita- 
ble Dr.  Whitman  called  his  Cayuses  together  several  times, 
and  told  them  he  would  leave  whenever  a  majority  of  them 
said  he  should,  but  the  majority  remained  with  him. 

In  the  snmmer  of  1847  the  newly-appointed  Jesuit  Bishop 
uf  Oregon,  F.  N.  Blanchet,  returned  witli  a  reinforcement  of 
thirteen  clergymen,  of  different  ranks,  and  seven  nuns;  eight 
priests  and  two  nuns  also  arrived  overland  the  same  season. 
The  bishop  proceeded  up  the  river,  and  on  September  5 
reached  Fort  Walla-Walla,  accompanied  by  the  superior  of 
Oblatesand  two  other  clergymen.  On  September  23  lie  was 
met  there  by  Dr.  Whitman,  who,  according  to  Father  Brouil- 
lot,  showed  that  he  was  agitated  and  wounded  by  the  bishops' 
arrival.  He  said  :  "  I  know  very  well  for  what  purpose  you 
have  come."  The  bishop  replied:  "All  is  known.  I  come 
to  labor  for  the  conversion  of  the  Indians,  and  even  of  the 
Americans,  if  they  are  willing  to  listen  to  me."  The  bishop 
and  his  party  remained  at  the  fort  enjoying  the  hospitality  of 
the  company.  On  October  26,  Ta-wai-tau  (Young  Chief),  a 
Catholic  Cayuse  chief,  arrived  and  held  a  conference  with  the 
bishop.  On  November  4  a  general  council  was  held,  at  which 
Tilokaikt,  who  owned  the  land  on  which  Whitman's  mission 
stood,  was  present.  The  Protestants  say  the  Indians  were 
given  to  understand  that  the  priests  would  like  to  have  Whit- 
man's place;  the  Jesuits  say  it  was  offered  to  them  and  they 
refused  to  take  it.  O'j  November  27  the  '  ishop  and  party 
left  for  the  Umatilla,  iw  miles  below,  to  occupy  a  house 
offered  them  by  Young  Chief  at  his  and  Five  Crows'  village, 
wliich  was  twenty-five  miles  southwest  of  Wailatpu. 

Two  days  have  passed.  It  is  half-past  one  o'clock  of 
Monday,  November  29.  Nothing  appears  to  mar  the  usual 
quiet  which  prevails  at  the  Wailatpu  mission.  The  only 
rounds  distinguishable  are  the  rumbling  of  the  mill,  where 
Mr.  Marsh  is  grinding,  rnd  tlio  tapping  of  a  hammer  in 


94: 


MASSACRES   OF  THE   MOUNTAINS. 


one  of  the  rooms  of  tlio  doctor's  house,  where  Mr.  Hall  is  lay- 
ing a  floor.  There  is,  too,  the  low  hnm  of  the  school,  which 
Mr.  Sanders  has  just  called  for  the  afternoon.  Between  the 
buildings,  near  the  ditch,  Kimball,  IIofiEinan,  and  Canfield  are 
dressing  an  ox.  Gillan,  the  tailor,  is  on  his  bench  in  the  man- 
sion. Mr,  lingers  is  in  the  garden.  In  the  blacksmith's 
shop,  where  Canfield's  family  lives,  young  Amos  Sales  is  ly- 
ing sick.  Crockett  Bewley,  another  young  man,  is  sick  at 
the  doctor's  honsc.  The  Sager  boys,  orphans  of  some  unfor- 
tuTiate  emigrants,  who  with  their  younger  sisters  had  been 
adopted  by  the  doctor,  are  scattered  about  the  place.  John, 
who  is  just  recovering  from  the  measles,  is  in  the  kitchen, 
Francis  in  the  school-room,  and  Edward  outside.  In  the 
dining-room  are  Dr.  Whitman,  Mrs.  Whitman,  three  of  the 
little  Sager  girls — all  sick — Mrs.  Osborne,  and  her  sick  child. 
As  the  doctor  reads  from  the  Bible  several  Indians  open  the 
door  from  the  kitcheti  and  ask  him  to  come  out.  He  goes, 
Bible  in  hand,  closes  the  door  after  him,  sits  down,  and  Tilo- 
kaikt  begins  talking  to  him.  As  they  converse,  Tamsaky 
(Tninsuckee)  steps  carelessly  behind  the  doctor,  and  the  other 
Indians  gather  about,  seeming  nmch  interested.  Suddenly 
Tamsaky  draws  a  pipe-tomahawk  from  beneath  his  blanket, 
and  strikes  the  doctor  on  the  head.  His  head  sinks  on  his 
breast,  and  another  blow,  quickly  following,  stretches  him 
senseless  on  the  floor.  John  Sager  jumps  np  and  draws  a 
pistol.  The  Indians  in  front  of  him  crowd  back  in  terror 
to  the  door,  crying,  "  lie  will  shoot  us,"  but  those  behind 
seize  him  and  throw  him  to  the  floor.  At  the  same  time 
knives,  tomahawks,  pistols,  and  short  Hudson's  Bay  Company 
muskets  flash  from  beneath  their  blankets,  and  John  is  shot 
and  gashed  until  he  is  senseless.  His  throat  is  cut,  and  a 
woollen  ti[)pet  is  stuffed  in  the  wonnd.  With  demoniac  yells 
the  Indians  rush  outside  to  join  in  the  work  there.  The 
sounds  of  the  deadly  struggle  are  heard  in  the  dining-room. 
Mrs.  Whitman  starts  up  and  wrings  her  hands  in  agony,  cry- 
ing, "  Oh,  the  Indians,  the  Indians  !  That  Joe  [meaning  Joe 
Lewis]  has  done  it  all."  Mrs.  Osborne  runs  into  the  Indian 
room  with  her  child,  and  they,  with  Mr,  Osborne,  are  soon 
secreted  under   the  floor,     Mrs,  Hall  comes  screaming  into 


THE  MURDER   OP  THE   MISSIONARIES. 


96 


tlic  dining-room,  from  the  mansion.  With  her  help,  ]\Irs. 
Whitman  draws  the  doctor  into  that  room,  places  his  head  on 
a  jiiilow,  and  tries  to  revive  him.  In  vain  !  he  is  unconscious, 
and  past  all  lielp.  To  every  loving  word  and  sympathetic 
question  he  faintly  whispers,  "  No." 

Outside  is  a  scene  of  wild  confusion.  At  the  agreed  sig- 
nal all  the  members  of  the  mission  had  been  attacked.  Gil- 
lan  was  shot  on  his  bench ;  Marsh  was  shot  at  the  mill ;  he 
ran  a  few  yards  towards  the  house  and  fell.  Sanders  had 
Inirried  to  the  door  of  the  schoolroom,  where  he  was  seized 
by  a  crowd  of  Indians,  thrown  to  the  ground,  shot,  and 
wounded  with  tomahawks.  Being  a  powerful  man,  he  threw 
oil'  his  assailants,  regained  his  feet,  and  tried  to  run  away,  but 
was  overtaken  and  cut  down.  Hall  snatched  a  loaded  gun 
from  an  Indian  and  escaped  to  the  bushes.  The  men  work- 
ing at  the  ox  received  a  volley  from  pistols  and  guns,  which 
wounded  them  all,  but  not  mortally.  Kimball  fled  to  the 
doctor's  house,  with  a  broken  arm.  Canfield  escaped  to  the 
mansion,  where  he  hid  until  night.  Hoffman  lunged  desper- 
ately among  the  Indians  wnth  his  butcher-knife,  but  was  soon 
cut  down  ;  his  body  was  ripped  open  and  his  vitals  torn  out. 
Rogers  was  shot  in  the  arm,  and  wounded  on  the  head  with 
a  tomahawk,  but  managed  to  get  into  the  doctor's  house. 
Several  women  and  children  have  fled  in  the  same  direction. 
To  this  place,  the  Indians,  who  have  been  running  to  and  fro, 
howling  wildly  as  they  pursued  their  prey,  now  assemble,  led 
by  Joe  Lewis  and  Nicholas  Finlay,  French  iialf-breeds,  Tam- 
saky  and  his  son  AVaiecat,  Tilokaikt  and  his  sons  Edward  and 
Clark.  Joe  Lewis  enters  the  schoolroom  and  brinijs  into  the 
kitchen  the  children,  who  had  hid  in  the  loft.  Among  them 
U.  Francis  Sager,  who,  as  he  passes  his  brother  John,  kneels 
and  takes  the  bloody  tippet  from  his  throat.  John  attempts 
to  speak,  but  in  the  effort  only  gasps  and  die;.  The  trem- 
bling children  remain  huddled  together,  surrounded  by  the 
savages,  who  point  their  guns  at  them  and  constantly  cry, 
"  Shall  wo  shoot  J"  On  the  other  side  of  the  house  an  In- 
dian approaches  the  window,  and  shoots  Mrs.  Whitman  in  the 
breast.  She  falls,  but  creeps  to  the  sofa,  and  her  voice  rises 
in  pi-ayer  for  her  adopted  children  and  her  aged  father  and 


96 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


mother.  Tiie  fugitives  up-stairs  hear  her  and  help  her  up  to 
them.  Tliere  are  now  gathered  in  that  upper  chamber  Mrs. 
Hays,  Mrs.  Whitman,  Miss  Bewley,  Catharine  Sager  and  her 
three  sick  sisters,  three  half-breed  girls,  also  sick,  Mr.  Kimball, 
and  Mr.  llogers.  Hardly  have  tliey  closed  and  fastened  the 
doors,  when  the  war-whoop  sounds  below ;  the  Indians  break 
in  the  lower  doors  and  windows  and  begin  plundering,  while 
Tilokaikt  goes  to  the  doctor,  who  still  breathes,  and  chops  his 
face  to  shreds  with  his  tomahawk. 

The  people  up-stairs  have  found  an  old  gun,  and  the  In- 
dians, as  they  start  to  go  up,  find  it  pointed  in  their  faces. 
They  retire  in  great  alarm.  A  ])arley  is  held,  and  Tamsaky 
goes  up.  He  assures  the  fugitives  that  he  is  sorry  for  what 
has  been  done,  and  advises  them  to  come  down,  as  the  young 
men  are  about  to  burn  the  house.  lie  promises  them  safety. 
They  do  not  know  of  his  part  in  the  tragedy,  and  follow  him. 
As  they  enter  the  .dining-room  Mrs.  Whitman  catches  sight 
of  the  doctor's  mangled  face.  She  becomes  faint,  and  is 
placed  on  the  sofa.  They  pass  on  through  the  kitchen,  Mrs. 
Whitman  being  carried  on  the  sofa  by  Joe  Lewis  and  Mr. 
Rogers.  As  they  reach  the  outside  Lewis  drops  his  end  of 
the  sofa  and  the  Indians  tire  their  guns.  Mr.  Rogers  throws 
up  his  hands,  cries,  "  Oil,  my  God,  save  me !"  and  falls  groan- 
ing to  the  earth.  Mrs.  Whitman  receives  two  balls  and  ex- 
pires. Tlie  Indians  spring  forward,  strike  her  in  the  face, 
and  roll  her  body  into  the  mud.  They  heighten  the  terror 
of  the  wretched  survivors  by  their  terrible  yelling,  and  the 
brandisliing  of  their  weapons.  Miss  Bewley  runs  away,  but 
is  overtaken  and  led  over  to  the  mansion.  Mr.  Kimball  and 
the  Sager  girls  run  back  through  the  house  and  r?gain  tlie 
chamber,  where  they  remain  all  night.  Darkness  has  now 
come  on,  and  the  Indians,  having  tinished  their  plundering, 
and  perpetrated  t.heir  customary  indignities  on  tlie  dead,  re- 
tire to  Finlay's  and  Tilokaikt's  lodges  to  consult  on  their 
future  action.     The  first  and  great  day  of  blood  is  ended. 

It  may  easily  be  imagined  that  the  night  was  one  of  gloom 
and  horror  to  the  unfortunate  captives,  and  yet  it  afforded 
security  to  some  of  those  who  were  in  peril.  Under  its 
friendly  cover  Mr.  Canfield  escaped  and  made  some  progress 


ce; 


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THE  MURDER  OF  THE  MISSIONARIES. 


09 


tuwarda  Lapwai,  which  he  eventually  reached  in  safety.  Mr. 
( Ksborne,  with  his  family,  stole  forth  from  their  place  of  con- 
ceuliiient  under  the  doctor's  house,  and  reached  Fort  Walla- 
Walla  on  the  following  day.  Mr.  Hall  reached  the  same 
place  early  in  tlie  morning,  nearly  naked,  wounded,  and  ex- 
liausted.  He  was  put  across  the  river  by  McBean,  the  factor, 
and  was  never  heard  of  afterwards.  It  is  probable  that  in- 
formation of  the  massacre  was  sent  that  night  to  the  other 
Cayuso  villages,  Camaspelo's  and  the  one  on  the  Umatilla. 
The  other  chiefs  were  consulted  before  the  affair  occurred, 
and  Five  Crows  (called  by  the  whites  Ilezekiah,  which 
Ihoiiilk't  mistakes  for  Achekaia)  was  then  head  chief  of  the 
tribe.  On  the  next  day  Mr.  Kin\ball  was  shot  as  he  went 
from  his  concealment  in  the  chauiber  for  water  for  himself 
and  the  sick  children.  The  young  Indian  who  shot  him  af- 
terwards claimed  his  eldest  daughter  for  a  wife,  as  a  recom- 
])ense  for  this  murder.  On  the  same  day  they  killed  Mr. 
Young,  a  young  man  who  had  come  up  from  the  saw-mill, 
twenty  miles  away.  In  the  evening  Vicar-general  Brouillet 
Mirived.  On  Wednesday  Brouillet  and  Joseph  Stantield 
buried  the  victims.  This  Stanfield  was  a  F-ench  Catholic 
who  had  been  euiployed  at  the  mission,  and  was  without 
(luubt  deeply  implicated  in  the  massacre,  though  he  escaped 
conviction.  Later  in  the  day,  Brouillet,  having  made  a  sym- 
piithetic  call  on  the  widows  and  orphans,  returned  to  the 
I'lnatilla.  On  the  way  lie  met  Mr.  Spalding  and  notified 
liiin  of  the  massacre.  Spalding  struck  off  into  the  woods  and 
reached  Lapwai,  after  six  days  of  terrible  exposure  and  suf- 
fering, without  shoes,  blanket,  or  horse.  On  Saturday  night, 
and  repeatedly  afterwards,  the  three  oldest  of  the  girls 
were  dragged  out  and  outraged.  On  the  Monday  follow- 
ing, young  Bewley  and  Sales  were  murdered.  On  Thursday 
Miss  Bewley  was  taken  to  the  Umatilla  and  turned  over  to 
tlie  tender  mercies  of  Five  Crows.  At  the  same  time  the 
other  two  of  the  older  girls  were  taken  as  wives  by  the  sons 
of  Tilokaikt  (called  Edward  and  Clark  Tilokaikt  by  the 
whites),  in  pursuance  of  an  agreement  which  had  been  made 
at  the  Umatilla.  One  of  these  young  braves,  whose  Indian 
name  was  Shuraahiccie  CPainted  Shirt),  became  very  much 

7 


100 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


attached  to  liis  enforced  bride,  a  beautiful  girl  of  fourteen, 
and  wanted  her  to  remain  with  him  when  tiio  other  captives 
were  surrendered.  lie  said  ho  was  a  great  brave  and  owned 
many  cattle  and  horses ;  he  would  give  them  all  to  her,  or,  if 
she  did  not  like  his  people,  he  would  forsake  them  and  live 
with  the  pale  faces.  IJut  he  pleaded  in  a  hopeless  cause. 
Ilis  hands  were  stained  with  the  blood  of  her  elder  brotiier, 
and  she  had  lived  with  him  until  that  time  only  because  he 
had  threatened  to  kill  her  younger  sisters  if  she  did  not. 

The  news  of  the  massacre  reached  the  settlements  west  of 
the  mountains  on  December  7,  by  a  messenger  of  the  Hudson's 
Bay  Company.  Mr.  Ogden,  of  the  company,  at  onco  started 
for  Fort  Walla-Walla,  and  on  December  23,  by  his  efforts,  an 
arrangement  was  effected  for  the  surrender  of  all  the  cap- 
tives, in  exchange  for  a  considerable  amount  of  goods,  includ- 
ing guns  and  aimnunition.  On  December  2i)  the  captives  at 
Wailatpu,  forty-six  in  number,  arrived  at  the  fort.  On  Janu- 
ary 1,  Mr.  Spalding  and  wife,  with  the  other  whites  from 
Lapwai,  came  in.  Tlio  Nez  Percus  offered  to  protect  them 
and  the  mission,  if  they  would  remain,  but  affairs  were  so  un- 
settled, and  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Spalding  were  in  such  anxiety  for 
their  daughter,  that  they  decided  to  leave.  All  of  these, 
together  with  the  five  fugitives  already  at  the  fort,  started 
down  the  river  on  January  2,  and  arrived  in  safety  below. 

On  December  8,  Governor  Abernethy  had  convened  the 
provisional  legislature  at  Oregon  City  and  pre]iared  at  once  for 
a  levy  of  troops.  A  company  of  forty-two  men  was  oi-ganized, 
and  started  within  twenty -four  hours,  and  Captain  Lee  with  ten 
of  the  men  reached  the  Dalles  on  the  21st.  This  being  the  last 
settlement  on  the  river,  below  the  missi*^  ns,  and  the  fanii.ies 
having  gone  below,  the  volunteers  remaii  "-d  for  a  time  to  pro- 
tect the  houses.  When  the  captives  wt  brought  down  the 
river  there  was  no  further  call  for  theii  n mediate  presence 
above,  so  they  remained  there  until  the  1  t  of  the  reinforce- 
ments, under  Colonel  Gilliam,  arrived,  on  ebruary  23.  Cap- 
tain Lee  was  then  sent  on  a  scouting  ex'  edition  among  the 
Des  Chutes,  who  were  the  nearest  hostiltd.  He  found  them 
on  the  28th,  and  a  skirmish  ensued  in  which  half  a  dozen 
Indians  were  killed,  with  no  loss  to  the  whites.     The  main 


THE   MUUDEU  OF  THE    MISSIONARIES 


101 


l)()cly,  ICO  men,  tlicn  moved  towards  Wailatpn.  On  the 
;3Uth  they  were  attacked  by  an  cqnal  miuiher  oi  Indians, 
who  were  driven  l)ack  with  a  h)88  of  twenty  men,  forty 
horses,  and  <a  large  amount  of  goods.  A  few  days  hiter  an 
Mttempt  was  made,  under  pretence  of  treating  for  peace,  to 
entrap  them  on  the  prairie  between  Afud  Spring  and  Uma- 
tilla, by  about  500  Iiulians,  under  Nicholas  Finlay,  the  Wai- 
iiitpu  murderer,  but  the  troops  formed  a  hollow  square  and 
continued  their  march,  very  little  damage  being  done  on  eit!  er 
side.  They  reached  Wailatpn,  established  Kort  Waters  at  that 
point,  and  held  a  talk  with  the  friendly  Indians  who  came  in, 
mostly  Nez  Perces,  including  Cainaspelo,  of  the  Oayuses. 
Their  words  were  all  to  the  effect  that  they  were  not  impli- 
cated in  the  massacre  and  would  not  protect  the  murderers. 
One  of  the  speeches  was  by  Joseph,  chief  of  the  lower  Nez 
I'ercc's  and  half-brother  to  Five  Crows.  We  shall  have  occa- 
sion to  speak  of  him  hereafter,  lie  said :  "  Now  I  show  my 
lieart.  When  I  left  my  home  I  took  tlie  Book  (a  Testament 
given  him  by  Mr.  Spalding)  in  my  hand  and  brought  it  with 
mo;  it  is  my  light.  I  heard  tlie  Americans  were  coming  to 
kill  me.  Still  I  held  my  Book  before  me  and  came  on.  I 
have  heard  the  words  of  your  chief.  I  speak  for  all  the  Cay- 
uses  present  and  all  my  people.  I  do  not  wish  my  children 
engaged  in  this  war,  although  my  brother  (Five  Crows)  is 
wounded.  Yon  speak  of  the  murderers;  I  shall  not  meddle 
with  them  ;  I  bow  my  head ;  this  much  I  speak." 

As  the  troops  advanced  into  their  country,  part  of  the  hos- 
tile Cayuses  retired  into  the  neighboring  mountains ;  the  re- 
mainder fell  back  on  the  country  of  the  Nez  Perces.  The 
troops,  after  several  skirmishes,  succeeded  in  driving  them 
across  the  divide,  and  capturing  their  horses  and  cattle  to  the 
number  of  500  or  more,  but  the  Indians  escaped.  Small  gar- 
risons were  kept  at  Fort  Waters  and  the  Dalles  until  Sep- 
tember, 1848,  and  the  tribes  of  the  niu:  Jerers,  not  daring  to 
return  to  their  old  homes,  were  forced  to  pursue  a  wandering 
life  among  the  mountains.  In  the  spring  of  1S50  they  pur- 
chased peace  by  surrendering  five  of  the  leading  offenders, 
including  Tilokaikt  and  Tamsaky,  all  of  whom  were  tried, 
convicted,  and,  on  June  3  of  the  same  year,  hung  at  Oregon 


102 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


City.  They  all  embraced  the  Catholic  faith,  and  were  baptized 
by  Bishop  Blaiichet  a  few  hours  before  their  death. 

The  buildings  at  Wallatpu  were  all  burned  by  the  Indians, 
and  to-day  their  ])laces  are  marked  by  mounds  of  earth,  into 
which  the  adobe  walls  sank  as  the  elements  wore  upon  them, 
except  that  on  the  site  of  the  doctor's  house  a  residence  was 
afterwards  erected  by  an  old  friend  and  co  laborer  of  his. 
A  few  rods  away,  on  a  hillside,  is  the  common  grave  of  the 
victims.  The  visitor  who  runs  over  to  the  site  of  the  mission, 
from  the  little  town  of  Walla- AValla,  finds  still,  as  living  remem- 
brancers of  tliose  Christian  pioneers,  two  or  three  weathar- 
beaten  apple-trees  and  a  rank  grov,'tli  of  scarlet  puppies,  which 
have  run  wild  from  the  old  garden. 

During  the  massacre  at  Wailatpn  and  the  succeeding 
troubles,  no  employe  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company,  no  rela- 
live  of  such  employes,  no  Catholic,  and  no  one  who  professed 
friendship  for  Catholicism,  was  in  any  way  injured.  A  heated 
dispute  arose  afterwards  as  to  the  relation  of  the  company  and 
the  Jesuits  to  the  murderers.  Preliminary  to  a  view  of  this 
question,  it  may  be  remarked  that  very  little  instigation  would 
have  been  necessary  to  induce  the  Indians  to  act  as  they  did. 
Sickness,  from  ills  which  were  new  to  the  Indians,  was  very 
prevalent  and  unusually  fatal.  Mr.  Spalding  says:  "It  was 
most  distressing  to  go  into  a  lodge  of  some  ten  fires  and  count 
twenty  or  twenty-five,  some  in  the  midst  of  measles,  others  in 
the  last  stage  of  dysentery,  in  the  midst  of  every  kind  of  tilth, 
of  itself  sufficient  to  cause  sickness,  with  no  suitable  means  to 
alleviate  their  inconceivable  sufferings,  with,  perhaps,  one  well 
person  to  look  after  the  wants  of  two  sick  ones.  They  were 
dying  every  day,  one,  two,  and  sometimes  five  in  a  day,  with 
dysentery,  which  very  generally  followed  the  measles.  Every- 
where the  sick  and  dying  were  pointed  to  Jesus,  and  the 
well  were  urged  to  prepare  for  death."  Although  sickness 
was  equally  prevalent  among  the  Americans — "  Suapies  "  or 
"  Bostons,"  as  the  Indians  called  them — the  Indians  professed 
to  believe  that  they  were  being  poisoned,  and,  in  view  of  their 
peculiar  superstitions,  it  is  probably  true  that  they  did.  Dr. 
Whitman  was  treating  many  of  them,  and  his  treatment  was 
generally  made  Mseless  by  their  failure  to  follow  his  directions.. 


THE  MURDER  OF  THE  MISSIONARIES. 


105 


The  idea  prevails  with  many  Indian  tribes  that  the  recovery 
or  death  of  a  patient  depends  on  tlie  good  or  bad  will  of  the 
doctor,  and  it  is  not  unusual,  therefore,  for  Indians  to  murder 
nnsnecassful  practitioners,  as,  for  instance,  Tamouche,  an  old 
war-chief  of  the  Utes,  is  remembered  by  early  settlers  of  New 
]\Iexico  to  have  killed  two  medicine-men,  "  under  whose  able 
treatment,"  respectively,  his  first  and  second  wives  had  died. 
Among  the  Oregon  Indians  this  was  a  common  practice,  and, 
I's  this  point  has  been  controverted  and  left  unsettled  by  pre- 
vious writers,  the  following  testimony  is  cited  in  confirmation 
of  the  statement.  In  1843,  Mr.  Ogden,  of  the  Hudson's  Bay 
Company,  related  the  following  event  as  occurring  at  a  meet- 
ing for  worship  at  the  Dalles:  "There  was  in  the  outskirts 
of  the  congregation  an  Indian  woman  who  had  been  for  many 
years  a  doctress  in  the  tribe,  and  who  had  just  expended  all 
her  skill  upon  a  patient,  the  only  son  of  a  man  whose  wigwam 
was  not  far  distant,  and  for  whose  recovery  she  had  become 
responsible  by  consenting  to  become  his  physician.  All  her 
efforts  to  remove  the  disease  were  unavailing;  the  father  was 
doomed  to  see  his  son  expire.  Believing  that  the  doctress  had 
the  power  of  preserving  life  or  inflicting  death  according  to 
her  will,  and  that  instead  of  curing  she  had  killed  his  boy,  he 
resolved  upon  the  most  summary  revenge.  Leaving  his  dead 
son  in  the  lodge,  he  broke  into  the  congregation  with  a  large 
bntcher-knife  in  his  hand,  and,  rushing  upon  the  now  terrified 
doctress,  seized  her  by  the  hair,  and  with  one  blow  across  her 
throat  laid  her  dead  at  his  feet." 

Major  Alvord,  who  had  enjoyed  the  fullest  oi>portunitie9 
for  investigation,  reported  thus  to  the  government  in  1853: 
"  A  universal  belief  prevails  among  all  the  tribes  (of  Oregon) 
tliat  the  medicine-man  possesses  wonderful  faculties  of  con- 
juration, and  a  god-like  power  of  killing  those  against  whom 
lie  shall  hurl  his  direful  charms  or  glances.  His  mere  look,  if 
inimical  to  the  victim,  can  kill.  They  will  hide  or  avert  their 
heads  in  his  presence  to  escape  his  glances.  Such  is  the  fixed 
faith  of  these  ])oor  Indians,  and  I  have  had  occasion  to  wit- 
ness frefpient  instances  among  the  Waskows,  in  my  immediate 
vicinity.  If  once  possessed  with  the  idea  that  they  are  sub- 
jected to  the  dire  frown  of  their  medicine-tnan,  they  droop 


106 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


and  pine  away,  often  refuse  to  eat,  and  die  of  starvation  and 
melancholy,  if  not  of  necromancy — thus  confirming  and  veri- 
fying, with  their  neighbors,  a  belief  that  this  portentous  power 
is  actually  possessed.  Tin  natural  consequences  of  such  deep- 
rooted  faitli  in  these  powers  is  that  when  a  death  occurs  it  is 
often  attributed  to  the  doctor,  who  is  murdered  by  the  rela- 
tions of  the  deceased  to  avenge  the  fate  of  the  victim.  All 
the  murders  which  I  ca.i  hear  of  among  them  occur  in  this 
manner,  and  three  doctors  have  been  killed,  in  the  last  four 
months,  in  ditfereat  tribes,  within  the  distance  of  forty  miles 
of  this  post  (the  Dalles).  .  .  .  The  doctors  are  often  killed 
for  the  mere  failure  to  cure  a  patient,  though  it  is  always 
attended  with  a  belief,  on  the  part  of  the  bloody  avengers,  in 
his  having  exercised  a  malign  or  necromantic  power.  In  a 
recent  case,  a  doctor  of  the  Wishrams,  when  the  smallpox 
was  raging,  M'as  foolish  enough  to  threaten  openly  what  havoc 
he  would  spread  among  them,  making  use  of  the  pestilence  to 
magnify  his  office;  and,  to  surround  his  person  with  greater 
elements  of  power,  boasting  that  he  held  the  fearful  quiver  in 
hip  jwn  hands,  ready  to  hurl  the  arrows  of  death  in  any  direc- 
tion. The  people  rose  in  a  body  and  hung  him  in  the  most 
barbarous  mode.  Tying  his  hands  and  feet,  they  put  a  ropo 
around  his  neck,  threw  it  over  the  pommel  of  a  saddle,  and, 
starting  the  horse,  his  life  was  taken  in  this  shocking  manner. 
...  It  will  be  asked  if  these  murders  of  the  doctors  are  sanc- 
tioned among  the  Indians.  The  answer  must  be  that  the 
punishments  inflicted  are  very  inadequate  and  inefficient.  A 
council  of  the  head  men  is  called  by  the  chief,  and  he  decides 
that  a  certain  number  of  horses  and  blankets  will  be  turned 
over  by  the  murderers  to  the  family  or  the  relations  of  the 
deceased.  It  is  remarkable  that  the  murderer  never  attemj)t8 
to  run  away,  and,  indeed,  generally  comes  forward  and  con- 
fesses his  crime.  .  .  .  Strenuous  exertions  have  been  made  by 
the  missionaries,  and  the  commanding  officer  of  this  post 
(Alvord  himself),  to  induce  the  chief  to  cause  punishment  for 
murder  to  be  made  by  hanging.  As  yet  no  such  punishment 
has  been  inflicted.  On  the  contrary,  the  effect  of  our  advice 
has,  it  would  seem,  fallen  thus  far  upon  one  of  the  doctors, 
instead  of  being  used  for  their  protection.  ...  I  am  informed 


THE  MURDER  OF  THE  MISSIONARIES. 


107 


tliat  but  two  murders  in  twelve  years  have  occurred  among 
the  Nez  Perces,  but  they  were  doctors." 

In  1857,  Special  Agent  Browne  reported  of  tlie  Indians  on 
the  Grande  lionde  reservation  (between  the  Willamette  and 
the  coast)  as  follows :  "  They  are  unable  to  account  for  it,  why 
they  should  die  off  more  rapidly  here  than  at  their  old  homes, 
and  whenever  death  occurs  they  attribute  it  to  '  bad  medicine,' 
or  an  evil  influence  put  upon  them  by  the  government  or  its 
ai^ents.  Their  own  medicine-men  are  called  upon  to  counter- 
act this  bad  influence,  and  if  the  patient  dies  it  is  considered 
that  the  operator  is  in  league  with  other  bad  spirits,  and  they 
kill  him.  Sometimes  they  put  to  death  the  medicine-men  of 
other  tribes.  This  gives  rise  to  frequent  and  bloody  quarrels, 
in  which  many  are  wounded  or  killed.  It  is  almost  impossi- 
ble for  the  agent  to  preserve  order  among  them.  They  tell 
him  he  has  nothing  to  do  with  their  customs,  and  insist  upon 
it  that  he  shall  take  no  part  in  their  quarrels." 

In  1881,  Mr.  Nash,  an  English  settler  in  Oregon,  relates  the 
following  as  occurring  on  the  Siletz  reservation  (on  the  Ore- 
gon coast)  and  coming  to  his  notice  :  "  Some  mistiness  on  the 
moral  law  yet  remains.  For  instance,  a  murder  was  com- 
mitted by  three  of  them  a  month  or  two  ago.  It  took  place 
on  the  northern  and  remote  part  of  the  reserve,  far  away  from 
the  agency  itself.  Here  lived  one  who,  being  a  quack  doctor, 
chiimed  the  character  of  a  mighty  medicine-man,  having  power 
to  prescribe  for  both  the  bodies  and  souls  of  his  patients.  To 
him  resorted  many  of  his  neighbors,  whose  faith  in  his  charms 
and  spells  was  boundless.  He  undertook  the  cure  of  the  wife 
of  one  Charlie,  and  the  poor  thing  endured  his  remedies  pa- 
tiently. But  the  woman  grew  worse  and  worse.  Charlie  and 
his  friends  dei)ated  the  case,  and  at  last  concluded  that  if  the 
incdicine-man  could  not  cure  the  woman,  according  to  his  con- 
tract, and  that  she  died,  it  would  prove  to  them  that  the  doc- 
tor was  a  humbug,  and  deserved  to  die  the  death.  The  catas- 
tro|>he  arrived,  for  the  woman  died.  A  council  was  held  and 
<lue  inquiry  made.  The  decision  was  fatal  to  the  doctor,  and 
Charlie  and  two  friends  undertook  to  secure  that  no  one  else 
should  be  misled  and  defrauded  by  the  quack.  Proceeding  to 
his  house,  away  up  north  by  Salmon  River,  near  the  sea-coast, 


108 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


the  three  fell  on  the  medicine-man  with  clubs,  and,  despite 
threats,  prayers,  and  entreaties,  they  beat  him  ty  death." 
This  instance,  for  which,  by  the  way,  the  Indians  were  arrested 
and  punished,  is  the  more  satisfactory  evidence  of  the  custom 
from  the  very  evident  fact  that  tlic  writer  w'ho  recorded  it  did 
not  know  such  a  custom  to  exist.  Some  further  instances 
will  be  found  in  subsequent  chapters. 

AVith  such  superstitions,  and  in  the  midst  of  general  sick- 
ness, it  was  constantly  reported  among  the  Indians  that  Whit- 
man was  poisoning  them  to  get  their  land  for  the  liostons.  It 
is  conceded  that  Joseph  Lewis,  Nicholas  Finlay,  and  others 
were  circulating,  confirming,  and  magnifying  these  reports. 
The  question  still  remains  whether  the  employes  of  the  Hud- 
son's Bay  Company  and  the  Jesuits  were  doing  the  same  thing. 
This  is  the  definitive  point  in  controversy,  and  it  bids  fair  to 
Lake  rank  with  other  noted  questions  of  sectarian  persecution. 
It  lias  been  formally  investigated  and  reported  on  by  the  Con- 
gregational Association  of  Oregon,  the  Old  School  Presbytery, 
the  Cumberland  Presbytery,  the  U.  P.  Presbytery,  the  Meth- 
odist Conference  of  Oregon,  and  other  denominational  bodies. 
They  agree  in  holding  the  IludsoJi's  Bay  Company  and  the 
Jesuits  to  some  extent  responsible.  Newspaper  articles, 
pamphlets,  and  volumes  have  been  written  on  this  subject, 
which  is  far  too  extensive  for  full  consideration  in  the  space  we 
can  give  it.  As  to  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company,  it  can  oidy  be 
added  here,  to  what  has  already  been  said,  that  the  messenger 
who  carried  the  news  of  the  massacre  down  the  river  gave  the 
Indians  at  the  Dalles  a  magnified  rejiort  of  the  outbreak,  and, 
under  the  instructions  of  McBean,  the  factor  at  AValla-Walhi, 
gave  the  whites  no  intimation  of  it;  on  the  contrary,  he  told 
them  that  four  French  employes  of  the  company  had  died, 
and  that  he  was  going  l)elow  to  get  others  to  take  their  places. 
Also,  on  August  21,  ISIS,  during  the  operations  against  the 
Cayuses  and  other  hostiles,  by  the  provisional  government, 
tbe  troops  seized  at  Wascopum  1080  pounds  of  powder,  li^'^" 
onnds  of  balls,  300  ])ound8  of  buckshot,  and  three  cases  i»f 
jyans,  consigned  by  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  to  the  Jesuits, 
,  isd  !tt  the  same  time  the  friendly  Indians  there  sent  away  their 
women  .uid  children,  and  hid  in  the  mountains,  giving  as  their 


THE   MURDER   OF  THE   MISSIONARIES. 


109 


reason  for  so  doing  that  the  Cay  uses  liad  told  them  the  French 
priests  were  going  to  furnish  them  plenty  of  ammunition,  and 
they  were  going  to  kill  all  the  Bostons  and  friendly  Indians. 
As  to  the  Jesuits,  the  evidence  is  partly  circumstantial  and 
]iartly  statements  by  the  Indians.  The  consideration  of  the 
turmer  would  consume  an  undue  amount  of  space;  the  latter 
is  objected  to  by  Father  Brouillet.  He  says:  "If,  in  most 
parts  of  the  States  of  the  Union,  the  testimony  of  Indians  is 
never  admitted  as  proof  against  the  whites  in  ajiy  court  of 
justice,  it  would  be  here  inconsistent  to  make  it  the  base  of 
pul)]ic  opinion."  It  is  sufficient  for  present  purposes  to  say 
that  the  Protestants  have  made  a  case  on  which  most  un- 
prejudiced persons  would  respond  "guilty,"  though  some 
might  add  "  but  not  proven."  While  passing  this  question,  it 
may  safely  bo  affirmed,  however,  that  the  proven  action  of  ihe 
Jesuit  priests  at  the  time  was  certainly  not  prompted  by  any 
motives  of  humanity.  In  proof  of  this  I  will  quote  but  two 
witnesses.  The  first  is  Father  Brouillet  himself.  lie  says: 
"I  left  [Umatilla]  on  Tuesday  the  30th  of  Xovember,  late  in 
the  afternoon,  for  Tilokaikt's  camp,  where  I  arrived  between 
seven  and  eight  o'clock  in  the  evening.  It  is  impossible  to 
conceive  my  surprise  and  consternation,  when,  upon  n)y  ar- 
rival, I  learned  that  the  Indians  the  day  before  had  massacred 
the  doctor  and  his  wife,  with  the  greater  part  of  the  Ameri- 
cans at  the  mission.  I  passed  the  night  [in  Tilokaikt's  camp] 
without  scarcely  closing  my  eyes.  Early  the  next  morning  I 
baptized  three  sick  children  [Indians],  two  of  whom  died  soon 
after,  and  then  hastened  to  the  scene  of  death,  to  offer  to  the 
widows  and  orphans  all  the  assistance  in  my  power.  I  found 
live  or  six  women  and  over  thirty  children  in  a  situation  de- 
plorable beyond  description.  Some  had  just  lost  their  hus- 
bands, and  others  their  fathers,  whom  they  had  seen  massacred 
liefore  their  eyes,  and  wore  expecting  every  moment  to  share 
the  same  fate.  The  sight  of  those  persons  caused  me  to  shed 
tears,  which,  however,  I  was  obliged  to  conceal,  for  I  was  the 
greater  part  of  the  day  in  the  presence  of  the  murderers,  and 
closely  watched  by  them,  and,  if  I  had  shown  too  marked  an 
interest  on  behalf  of  the  sufferers,  it  would  only  have  endan- 
gered their  lives  and  mine.  .  .  .  [He  then  goes  to  assist  in  bury- 


no 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


ing  the  victims.]  I  assure  you,  sir,  that  during  the  time  I  was 
occupied  in  burying  the  victims  of  this  disaster  I  was  far  from 
feeling  safe,  being  obliged  to  go  here  and  there  gathering  up 
the  dead  bodies,  in  the  midst  of  assassins,  wliose  hands  were 
still  stained  with  blood,  and  who,  by  their  manners,  their 
countenances,  and  the  arms  which  they  still  carried,  suffi- 
ciently announced  that  their  thirst  for  blood  was  yet  unsati- 
ated.  Assuming  as  composed  a  manner  as  possible,  I  cast 
more  than  one  glance  aside  and  behind  at  the  knives,  pistol?, 
and  guns,  in  order  to  assure  myself  whether  there  were  not 
some  of  them  directed  towards  me.  Having  buried  the  dead, 
I  hastened  to  prepare  for  my  return  to  my  mission,  in  order 
to  acquaint  Mr.  Spalding  of  the  danger  which  threatened  him ; 
because  on  Monday  evening  [the  29th],  when  he  supped  with 
us,  he  said  that  it  wai)  his  intention  to  return  to  Dr.  Whit- 
man's on  the  following  Wednesday  or  Thursday;  and  I  wished 
to  meet  him  in  time  to  give  him  a  chance  to  escape.  .  .  .  [He 
then  pays  another  visit  to  the  captives  and  starts  for  the  ITina- 
tilla,  followed  by  his  interpreter  and  one  of  Tilokaikt'b  sons. 
On  the  way  Tilokaikt's  son  "  fortunately  "  empties  his  pistol 
and  forgets  to  reload  it.  About  three  miles  out  they  meet 
Mr.  Spalding,  who  at  once  begins  talking.]  While  Mr.  Spald- 
ing was  asking  me  those  different  questions,  I  had  spoken  to 
my  interpreter,  telling  him  to  entreat  the  Indian,  in  my  name, 
not  to  kill  Mr.  Spalding;  which  I  begged  of  him  as  a  special 
favor,  and  hoped  that  he  would  not  refuse  it  to  me.  I  was 
waiting  for  his  answer,  and  did  not  wisli  to  relate  the  disaster 
to  Mr.  Spalding  before  getting  it,  for  fear  he  might,  by  his 
manner,  discover  to  the  Indian  what  I  had  told  him ;  for  the 
least  motion  like  flight  would  have  cost  him  his  life,  and  prob- 
ably exposed  mine  also.  [To  the  empty  pistol  ?  The  Indian 
goes  back  to  the  village.  Spalding  is  informed  of  the  massa- 
cre and  takes  to  the  woods.  Shortly  afterwards  a  party  oi 
Cayuses  come  up  in  pursuit.  Brouillet  returns  to  the  Uma- 
tilla mission  and  all  tlie  priests  remain  there  till  the  19th,  not 
daring  to  leave  Young  Chief's  camp  for  fear  of  the  Indians.] 
On  the  11th  of  December  we  had  the  affliction  to  hear  that 
one  of  the  captives  had  been  carried  off  from  the  doctor's 
house  by  the  orders  of  Five  Crows  and  brought  to  him,  and 


THE   MURDER  OF   THE   MISSIONARIES. 


113 


we  learned  that  two  others  had  been  violated  at  the  doctor's 
hdiise." 

From  tin's  it  appears  that  this  very  cautious  man  was  re- 
strained from  doing  anything  in  behalf  of  the  captives  solely 
hy  personal  timidity;  that,  although  so  frightened,  he  remained 
ill  the  Indian  village  over-night  and  about  the  mission  in  the 
morning,  doing  what  under  the  circumstances  was  of  no  bene- 
iit  to  any  one,  when  he  might  have  left  the  savages  he  so  feared 
at  any  time;  that  during  nearly  twenty-four  hours  after  lie 
learned  of  the  massacre  he  sent  no  word  of  warning  to  any 
one,  although  ho  might  have  gone  himself  or  sent  his  inter- 
preter— a  peculiarly  slgniticant  fact,  in  connection  with  his 
constant  fear  for  the  safety  of  Mr,  Spalding,  whom  he  had 
left  at  the  Umatilla,  and  who  was  expected  at  Wallatpu  at  any 
moment;  that  before  giving  Spalding  any  warning  he  begged 
the  Indian  with  the  "  fortunately  "  unloaded  weapon  not  to 
kill  him.  and  the  Indian  at  once  went  for  assistance.  Let  us 
now  look  at  a  companion  to  this  picture  of  cowardice,  hypoc- 
risy, or  want  of  sense,  as  you  may  choose  to  call  it.  I  quote 
from  the  deposition  of  Miss  Lorlnda  Bewley. 

"  Q.  When  did  the  priest  [Urouillet]  arrive  [at  Wallatpu]  ? 

"A,  Wednesday,  while  the  bodies  were  being  prepared 
for  the  grave.  The  bodies  were  collected  into  the  house  on 
Tuesday  evening. 

*'  Q.  Did  the  Indians  bury  a  vial  or  bottle  of  the  doctor's 
medicine? 

''  A.  They  said  they  did.  Joe  Stanfield  made  the  box  to 
bin-y  it  in,  and  the  Indians  said  they  buried  it. 

"Q.  Why  did  they  bury  it? 

"A.  They  said  the  priests  said  it  was  poison.  Stanfield  and 
Nicholas  were  their  interpreters  to  us. 

"  Q.  How  did  they  obtain  this  vial  ? 

"  A.  The  Indians  said  the  priests  found  it  among  the  doc- 
tor's medicines,  and  showed  it  to  them,  and  told  them  that  if 

it  broke  it  would  poison  the  whole  nation. 

******* 

"  Q.  Where  did  you  spend  your  time  when  at  the  Uma- 
tilla? 

"  A.  Most  of  the  time  at  the  house  of  the  bishop;  but  the 


114 


MASSACRES  OF  THK   MOUNTAINS. 


Five  Crows,  most  of  tlio  nights,  coinpellfd  jrio  to  go  to  liis 
lodge  luid  be  subject  to  hiiri  during  the  night.  I  obtained  tiie 
privilege  of  going  to  the  bishop'H  honse  before  violation  on 
the  Umatilla,  and  begged  and  cried  to  tlie  bishop  for  protec- 
tion either  at  his  house  or  to  be  sent  to  Wulla-Walla.  I  tohl 
him  I  would  do  any  work  by  night  and  day  for  him  if  he 
would  prt)tect  me.  He  said  he  would  do  all  he  could.  Al- 
though I  was  taken  to  the  lodge,  I  escaped  viuhition  the  first 
four  nights.  There  were  the  bishop,  throe  priests,  and  two 
Frenchmen  at  the  bishop's  honse.  The  first  night  the  Five 
Crows  came,  I  refused  to  go,  and  ho.  went  away,  apparently 
mad,  and  the  bishoj)  told  me  I  had  better  go,  as  he  might  do 
us  all  an  injury,  and  the  bishop  sent  an  Indian  with  me.  IJe 
took  me  to  tiie  Five  Crows'  lodge.  The  Five  Crows  showed 
■^---Uie  the  door  and  told  me  1  might  go  back,  and  take  my  clothes, 
which  I  did.  Three  nights  after  this  the  Five  Crows  came 
for  me  again.  The  bisiiop  finally  ordered  me  to  go;  my  an- 
swer was,  'I  had  rather  die.'  After  this,  lie  still  insisted  on 
my  going,  as  the  best  thing  1  coidd  do.  I  was  then  in  the 
bishop's  room  ;  the  three  priests  were  there.  I  found  I  could 
get  no  help,  and  had  to  go,  as  he  told  me,  out  of  his  room. 
The  Five  Crows  seized  nje  by  the  arm  and  jerked  me  away 
to  his  lodge. 
'   "Q.  How  long  were  you  at  the  Umatilla? 

"A.  Two  weeks,  and  from  Friday  till  Monday.  I  would 
return  early  in  the  morning  to  the  bishop's  house,  and  be  vio- 
lently taken  away  at  night.  The  bishop  provided  kindly'  for 
me  while  at  his  house.  On  my  return  one  morning,  one  of 
the  young  i)riest8  asked  me,  in  a  good  deal  of  glc*,  liow  1  liked 
my  companion.  I  felt  that  this  would  break  uiy  "leait,  and 
cried  much  during  the  day.  .  .  .  When  the  tall  [n-'wat  [Brouil- 
let],  that  was  at  the  doctor's  at  the  first,  w.is  goi?jg  to  Walla- 
Walla,  after  hearing  of  Mr.  Ogden's  arrival,  he  called  me  out  of 
the  door  and  told  me  if  I  went  to  the  lodge  any  more  I  must 
not  come  back  to  his  house.  I  asked  him  what  I  should  do. 
He  said  I  must  insist  or  beg  of  the  Indian  to  let  me  stop  at 
his  house ;  if  he  would  not  let  me,  then  I  must  stay  at  his 
lodge.  I  did  not  feel  well,  and  towards  night  I  took  advantage 
of  this  and  went  to  bed,  determined  I  would  die  there  before 


THE  MUHDKR  OF  THE  MIHSIONAUIKS. 


115 


I  woultl  1)0  taken  away.  Tlio  Indian  canio,  and,  on  my  rcfus- 
iiiir  to  go,  hauled  mo  from  my  bed  and  throw  my  bonnet  and 
shawl  at  mc,  and  told  mo  to  go.  I  wonld  not,  and  at  a  time 
when  his  eyes  were  off  1  threw  them  under  the  table  and  he 
could  not  tind  them.  I  sat  down,  determined  not  to  go,  and 
he  pushed  mo  nearly  into  the  tiro.  The  Frenchmen  were  in 
tlu!  room,  and  the  bishop  and  priests  were  passing  back  and 
forth  to  their  rooms.  When  the  Indian  was  smoking,  I  went 
to  I)ed  again,  and  when  ho  was  through  smoking  ho  dragged 
mo  from  my  bed  with  more  violence  than  the  lirst  time.  I 
told  the  Frenchman  to  go  into  the  bishop's  room  and  ask  him 
what  I  should  do ;  ho  came  out  and  told  mo  that  the  bishop 
said  it  was  best  for  mo  to  go.  I  told  him  the  tall  priest  said, 
if  I  went,  I  must  not  come  back  again  to  this  house;  lie  said, 
the  priests  dared  not  keep  women  about  their  house,  but  if 
the  Five  Crows  sent  me  back  again,  why  come.  I  still  would 
not  go.  The  Indian  then  pulled  me  away  violently  without 
bonnet  or  shawl.  Xext  morning  I  came  back  and  was  in 
much  anguish,  and  cried  much.  The  bishop  asked  me  if  I 
was  in  much  trouble.  ^  told  him  1  was.  lie  said  it  was  not 
my  fault,  that  I  could  not  help  myself ;  that  I  must  pray  to 
(lod  and  Mary.  He  asked  me  if  I  did  not  believe  in  God  ;  I 
told  him  I  did." 

This  deposition  was  taken  December  12,  1848,  and  !Miss 
IJowIey's  statements  are  neither  denied  nor  explained  in 
I'ronillet's  defence,  which  was  published  more  than  four  years 
afterwards,  although  he  was  fully  aware  of  the  story  she  had 
told  of  her  wrongs.  lie  refers  to  it  only  in  the  extract  quoted 
above,  but  his  excuse  for  all  other  actions  is  fear.  The  Prot- 
estants say,  the  action  in  regard  to  Miss  Bewley  was  part  of 
an  attempt  to  implicate  Five  Crows,  the  head  chief,  and  force 
liini  to  join  the  hostiles.  Let  us  accept  fear,  then,  as  the  true 
cause,  it  being  more  favorable  to  the  Jesuits,  and  what  a  de- 
fence it  is !  Think  of  it !  Six  white  men — four  of  them  priests 
of  tlie  God  of  the  widow  and  the  orphan — to  stand  by  thus 
and  see  a  defenceless  girl  so  treated  by  her  brutal  ravisher ; 
to  counsel  and  command  her  to  submit,  even  after  the  savage 
bad  desisted;  to  say  to  her:  "How  did  you  like  your  com- 
panion ?"     "  If  you  go  to  the  lodge  any  more  you  must  not 

8 


116 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


return  here."  "  Are  you  in  much  trouble  ?"  What  a  con- 
trast is  this  with  the  noble  pioneers  of  their  order,  who  carried 
the  cross  through  the  Mississippi  valley !  What  a  contrast 
with  the  New  Mexican  padre  of  our  last  chapter,  who  saved 
an  American  soldier  under  surroundings  of  far  greater  danger 
to  himself  than  these!  What  a  contrast  with  liundreds  of 
heroic  deeds  by  the  Christian  fathers,  all  through  the  history 
of  the  frontier !  And  how  deplorable  that,  in  the  minds  of 
many,  a  foul  blot  has  thus  been  put  on  the  fair  fame  of  an 
entire  Church! 

And  what  was  the  sequel  of  all  this?  The  Indians,  as  we 
have  seen,  were  made  wanderers,  until  live  of  the  most  blame- 
worthy expiated  the  crime  of  all.  The  Jesuits  succeeded  to 
the  missions  of  the  Northwest.  Mr.  Spalding,  indeed,  returned, 
some  time  afterwards,  to  the  Xez  Perccs,  on  their  invitation, 
but  he  was  not  sustained  by  the  American  Board,  and,  through 
various  influences,  abandoned  the  field  in  despair.  He  is  re- 
membered by  their  old  people  with  the  kindliest  regard,  even 
to  this  day.  The  Hudson's  Ba}'  Company,  in  the  course  of 
the  adjustment  of  damages  under  the  treaty,  filed  its  claims 
for  itself  and  the  Puget  Sound  Agricultural  Company,  against 
the  United  States,  for  £1,025,350,  of  which  £200,000  was  for 
the  right  of  trade  in  Oregon ;  £300,000  for  the  right  of  free 
navigation  of  the  Columbia  River;  and  the  remainder  fur 
losses,  improvements,  and  100,000  acres  o£  land  which  they 
claimed  to  have  p'v  "Hipted  !  They  were  allowed  $650,000,  or 
about  thirteen  per  cent,  of  their  claim,  at  the  final  adjustment 
in  1804,  ai\d  that  is  quite  as  much  as  they  were  entitled  to. 
Considering  their  action  in  Oregon,  some  liave  said  they 
should  have  had  nothing;  but  why  not?  Their  action  only 
adds  another  chapter  to  the  history  of  frontier  troubles  for 
which  England  was  responsible,  and  which  Americans  have 
patiently  endured.  On  the  bank  of  the  Ohio  liiver,  eiglit 
miles  below  old  Fort  Henry  (now  the  city  of  Wlieeling)  was 
erected,  many  years  ago,  a  little  monument  with  this  inscrip- 
tion :  "This  humble  stone  is  erected  to  the  memory  of  Cap- 
tain Foreman  and  twenty-seven  of  liis  men,  who  were  slain 
by  a  band  of  ruthless  stivages — the  allies  of  a  civilized  nation 
of  Europe— on  the  25th   of  September,  1777."     There  arc 


THE  MURDER  OF  THE  MISSIONARIES. 


ii: 


hundreds  of  graves,  all  through  our  territory,  over  which 
similar  legends  might  most  appropriately  be  written,* 


*  A  movement  has  been  inaugurated  in  Oregon  for  erecting  a  monu- 
nunt  to  the  memory  of  Dr.  Whitman.  Mr.  W.  II.  Gray,  of  Olney,  Cor- 
rospondiug  Secretary  of  the  Pioneer  and  Historical  Society  of  Oregon,  lias 
bcun  designated  as  the  ustodian  of  subscriptions.  The  Presbyterian  Church, 
us  is  generally  known,  re-established  its  missions  some  years  later,  and,  with 
other  Protestant  denominations,  is  now  working  successfully  in  this  region, 


CHAPTER  V. 
THE  CURSE  OF  GOLD. 

Two  niontlis  had  passed  after  the  tragedy  at  Wailatpii, 
and  the  vohiiitoers  were  still  at  the  Dalles,  when  an  event 
occurred  that  revolutionized  the  Pacific  coast,  changed  the 
course  of  affairs  throughout  the  United  States,  and  visibly 
affected  the  entire  world.  It  was  the  discovery  of  gold  in 
California,  or  rather  the  discovery  that  it  existed  in  quantity. 
The  Spaniards  had  long  known  that  there  was  gold  in  the 
country, and  Mr.  Dana,  with  AVilkes's  exploring  expedition,  had 
picked  up  auriferous  rock  in  Oregon  and  on  the  Sacramento, 
but  no  one  thought  it  to  be  in  paying  quantity,  and  no  atten- 
tion was  paid  to  it.  The  Mormons  claim  to  have  worked  the 
placers  before  Marshall  made  his  discovery,  but  their  story  is 
either  untrue,  or  so  adulterated  with  untruth  as  to  deserve  no 
credence,  besides  being  contrary  to  other  evidence.  The  ac- 
count of  their  discovery,  as  published  in  September,  1854,  by 
George  M.  Evans,  the  professed  discoverer,  is,  in  substance,  as 
follows:  "During  the  month  of  October  or  November,  1845, 
in  a  house  or  groggery  on  Pacific  Street,  San  Francisco  (as  it 
is  now  called),  a  Mexican,  who  was  called  '  Salvador,'  was  shot 
because  he  had  a  bag  of  gold  dust,  described  as  about  one 
thousand  to  two  thousand  dollars,  and  would  not  tell  where 
he  got  it.  At  last,  when  dying,  he  pointed  in  the  direction 
of  San  Jose  Mountains,  and  said, 'Zr/o*',  ^^/Vav'  (' beyond,  be- 
yond'). [Evans  then  relates  how,  in  consequence  of  this 
event,  he  looked  casually  for  gold  at  a  sand  point  of  a  small 
island  opposite  the  entrance  to  Stockton,  then  called  Lindsley's 
Lake,  and  found  some  particles.  This  was  in  1840,  and  the 
gold  found  was  sent  with  other  specimens  to  Pealc's  Mnseam. 
Also,  in  August,  1847,  Evans,  with  Major  Heading  and  T.  W. 
Pe.-kins,  found  gold  in  more  abundance  in  the  mountains  ht- 


THE  CUKSE  OF  GOLD 


119 


tween  San  Diego  and  the  Gila  River,  bnt  were  driven  away 
by  hostile  Indians.]  When  the  Mormon  battalion  was  dis- 
banded in  1847,  a  nninber  of  the  Mormoiis  came  to  San 
Francisco,  and  among  them  was  one  Henderson  Cox  and  one 
^"  'arJsley,  who  boarded  in  the  same  house  with  me.  They 
having  worked  in  the  Georgia  mines,  told  me,  in  conversation 
on  the  subject,  that  they  were  about  prospecting  for  a  road 
(since  called  the  Mornictn  Pass)  for  the  Mormons  to  return  to 
Salt  Lake,  and  in  so  doing  would  prospect  the  streams  in 
their  route  (this  was  in  the  end  of  August  or  first  of  Septem- 
ber, 1S4:7).  1  then  described  the  death  of  Salvador',  and  where 
I  fc'im.  ti  li  gold,  and  gave  them  a  chart  of  the  country  from 
ui".iiior;y.  '  ihc  following  January  I  returned  to  San  Fran- 
cis!.(j  Iruin  ine  journey  above  referred  to,  when  I  received  an 
invit^at'on  to  go  to  Mormon  Island,  so  named  afterwards  by 
Ilenderson  Cox.  On  the  19th  of  Januaiy,  1848,1  went  there, 
and  with  the  bounty  they  gave  me  and  what  I  worked  out 
myself  I  had  $19,000  on  the  8th  of  February,  1848.  On  the 
9th  of  February,  I,  with  Henderson  Cox,  lieardsley,  Beers, 
two  shepherds,  and  a  number  more  were  iji  the  lower  end  of 
the  mill-race,  when  Marshall,  the  oversee.',  and  his  little  girl 
came  in,  and  the  child  picked  up  a  pretty  stone,  as  she  called 
it,  and  showed  it  to  her  father,  who  pronounced  it  gold.  lie 
was  so  excited  abciut  it  that  he  saddled  his  horse  and  that  day 
rode  to  Sutter's  Fon  to  tell  Captain  Sutter — but  he  did  not 
l)elie\e  it  worth  ij.lii  r,  u>d  for  a  while  the  idea  died  away. 
The  Mormons  wiiiiiiK  o  keep  their  discoveries  a  secret  from 
people  not  Mi  'ns  •!. ,  worked  out  the  gold  and  said  nothing 
more.  On  the  l^i.  nr  April,  1848,  the  first  mail  from  San 
Francisco  Lo  Salt  Jni  ^  "•  j  started,  and  a  number  of  tho  Cal- 
ifornia /Star  was  printoa  i)urpo8oly  for  that  mail  containing 
a  special  article,  written  by  Dr.  Fourgend  and  myself,  concern- 
ing the  minerals  and  metals  of  California,  and  among  other 
mentioned  nictals  was  gold — but  as  the  printer  and  publish- 
ers were  [not]  Alormons,  the  full  facts  were  not  stated.  It 
Mas  not  until  the  12th  of  May,  1848,  that  the  existence  of 
irnld  in  qua;  v  in  California  was  publicly  made  known  in 
!Sun  Francit  A?  »,  Samuel  Hrannan,  High  Jiishop  of  the  Mor- 
niuns,  and  of  Vi^,.ianco  Committee  notoriety.     13eardsley  and 


120 


MASSACKES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


JOHN    A.   SCTTER. 


Henderson  Cox  were  killed  at  the  foot  of  the  Sierra  Nevada 
in  SoptenilKM',  lyib.  Marshall  died  either  four  days  before 
lie  arrived  home  in  the  Eastern  States  with  a  barrel  of  gold, 
or  four  days  from  the  coast."  It  would  hardly  be  anticipated 
that  any  person  could  be  found  so  silly  as  to  believe  this  story 
of  earniiiif  a  thousand  dollars  a  day  at  Mormon  Island  on 
February  !Sth,  and,  on  February  9th,  being  in  the  mill-race  at 
Sutter's  saw-mill,  twcnty-tive  miles  away,  working  for  wages, 
except  he  had  first  educated  his  faith  by  swallowing  the  reve- 


THE  CURSE  OF  GOLD. 


121 


lations  of  the  angel  Moroni  and  other  Mormon  supernaturals. 
Yet  some  have  believed  it,  and  a  cloud  has  been  thrown  on 
the  just  claims  of  Mr.  Marshall,  the  discoverer. 

The  story  of  Marshall's  discovery  in  the  race  at  Sutter's 
saw-inill  has  been  told  too  often  to  need  repetition.  Sutter 
and  Marshall  agreed  to  keep  the  matter  quiet  until  the  grist- 
mill near  Sutter's  Fort  was  finished,  but  soon  after  the  dis- 
covery Sutter  sent  down  to  Colonel  Mason,  military  governor 
of  California,  at  Monterey,  and  desired  to  preempt  the  land  on 
whicii  the  saw-mill  and  the  race  were  situated,  near  the  fut- 
ure town  of  Coloma.  He  was  informed  that  the  country  was 
held  by  conquest,  and  that  there  were  no  laws  for  pre-emp- 
tion, but  that  there  was  no  probability  that  he  would  be  dis- 
turbed in  possession.  The  messengers  who  brought  his  letter 
also  brought  some  of  the  newly-discovered  metal  with  them, 
to  ask  if  it  was  gold.  Lieutenant  Sherman,  now  familiarly 
known  as  "Old  Tecumseh,"  who  was  acting  as  adjutant-gen- 
eral for  Mason,  bit  the  metal,  and  gave  his  opinion  that  it 
was.  They  went  back,  and  it  was  soon  known  among  the 
Mormon  hands  that  there  was  gold  in  the  river.  Tliey  want- 
ed to  dig  for  it  at  the  saw-mill,  but  Marshall  threatened  to 
shoot  them  if  they  attenqited  it,  so  they  prospected  down  the 
river  and  discovered  the  rich  placer  known  as  Mormon  Island. 
They  informed  their  fellow  Mormons  at  Sutter's  grist-mill, 
nineteen  miles  below,  and  they  struck  for  higher  wages. 
Sutter  conceded  their  price,  and  they  struck  again,  and  so  on 
till  they  wanted  ten  dollars  a  day.  Then  ho  stopped,  and  the 
mills  were  left  to  decay,  while  the  Mormons  went  to  work  at 
tiie  island,  where  they  made  from  forty  to  one  hundred  dol- 
lars per  day.  Their  accumulations  soon  began  tc  circulate  as 
far  as  San  Francisco.  Brannan  &  Co.,  the  principal  merchants 
at  Sutter's  Fort,  reported  to  Governor  Mason  that  they  had 
taken  twenty -six  thousand  dollars'  worth  of  gold,  between 
^lay  1st  and  July  10th,  in  exchange  for  goods.  At  that  time 
"High  Bishop  Brannan"  had  nothing  to  say  about  Mormon 
•  liscoveries  previous  to  January  28th.  On  June  1st,  Mr.  T. 
( K  Larkin,  of  San  I'rancisco,  wrote  the  Secretary  of  State  :  "  It 
is  now  two  or  three  weeks  since  the  men  employed  in  these 
washings  have  appeared  in  this  town  with  gold,  to  exchange 


122 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


for  inercliandise  and  provisions.  I  prepiiine  near  twenty 
thousand  dollars  ($20,000)  of  this  gold  has,  as  yet,  been  so 
exchanged."  The  excitement  grew  intense.  Half  of  the 
houses  in  San  Francisco  were  locked  up.  Merchants  and  pro- 
fessional men  went  with  the  mechanics  and  laborers.  Sol- 
diers deserted  their  posts,  and  sailors  their  ships.  One  ship- 
captain,  seeing  his  men  were  bound  to  go,  went  with  them, 
furnished  the  tools,  and  took  a  percentage.  Travellers  arrived 
on  the  coast,  jocosely  wrote  home  that  the  Californians  had 
gone  stark  mad,  and  tlie  next  day  M'ere  hurrying  to  the  mines 
themselves.  The  news  reached  the  East,  and  tlie  adventurous 
and  far-seeing  began  to  come.  The  reports,  startling  at  the 
lirst,  grew  constantly  in  magnitude,  and  were  soon  fully  con- 
firmed by  a  long  despatch  from  Governor  Mason,  which  was 
made  a  special  n)essage  to  Congress  by  the  President.  The 
messenger  brought  with  him  two  hundred  and  thirty  ounces 
of  the  gold.  Doubt  was  removed,  and  the  emigration  over- 
land and  by  sea  became  a  great  flood. 

The  event  was  looked  at  in  strangely  different  ways. 
Some  thought  it  a  good  thing;  others  very  bad.  The  ques- 
tion of  the  effect  of  the  extraordinary  increase  of  gold  in  cir- 
culation was  gravely  canvassed  by  thoughtful  men.  Some 
thought  it  would  alter  the  relativv.  worth  of  gold  and  silver 
and  unsettle  all  values;  others  said  there  were  channels  al- 
ready opened  into  which  it  would  naturally  flow,  without 
affecting  the  existing  circulation.  Even  the  local  effect  was 
variously  speculated  upon.  Benton,  the  gifted  and  erudite, 
the  friend  and  champion  of  the  West,  said  in  the  Senate: 
"  I  am  a  friend  to  a  gold  currency,  but  not  to  gold  mining. 
That  is  a  pursuit  which  the  experience  of  nations  shows  to 
be  both  impoverishing  and  demoralizing  to  a  nation.  I  re- 
gret that  we  have  these  mines  in  California;  but  they  are 
there,  and  I  am  for  getting  rid  of  them  as  soon  as  possible. 
Make  the  working  as  free  as  possible.  ...  If  you  w-ant  reve- 
nue, raise  it  from  the  permits — a  small  sum  for  each — and 
upon  the  coinage.  In  that  way  it  would  be  practicable  to  raise 
as  much  as  ought  to  be  raised.  But  revenue  is  no  object  com- 
pared to  the  great  object  of  clearing  the  ground  of  this  at- 
traction, which  puts  an  end  to  all  regular  industry,  and  com- 


]iure 
cure 
fcve 
that 
iiate 
(.'riri( 
cans 
tram 
"Ai 

I 

forii 
Wlif 
frail  I 
ill  tl 

itsell 
.\o  , 
tioii. 
men 
its  s 
I'nit 
adop 
vatic 
inovi 
mine 
up  ii 
veluj 
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uhite 
Imlii 

Stai,'(: 

(lirc'C 

fercd 

I 


THE  CURSE  OF  GOLD. 


125 


]>iired  to  tlie  object  of  putting  the  gold  into  circulation.  I 
ciire  not  who  digs  it  up.  I  want  it  dng  up.  I  want  the 
fever  to  be  over.  I  want  the  mining  finished.  Let  all  work 
that  will.  Let  them  ravage  the  earth — extirpate  and  extermi- 
nate the  mines.  Then  the  sober  industry  will  begin  which 
(.nriches  and  ennobles  a  nation."  Mr.  Benton  said  this  be- 
cause he  had  just  demonstrated  to  the  Senate  that  placers  were 
transient  things.  He  neglected  to  include  this  speech  in  his 
"Abridgment  of  the  Debates,"  or  to  refer  to  it  in  his  "Thir- 
ty Years'  View." 

But  this  is  not  a  history  of  the  gold  discoveries  of  Cali- 
fornia, and  we  must  leave  the  subject,  enticing  though  it  be. 
What  effect  did  this  discovery  have  on  the  Indians?  It  was 
fraught  with  greater  evil  for  them  than  any  other  one  event 
ill  the  history  of  America,  except  the  discovery  of  America 
itself.  Gold  is  a  magnet  that  draws  with  irresistible  force. 
!Xo  power  has  yet  been  found  able  to  counteract  its  attrac- 
tion. Cold,  hunger,  and  every  imaginable  peril  will  not  keep 
men  from  seeking  it.  No  government  has  been  able  to  hold 
its  subjects  from  the  spot  where  it  could  be  foutid.  The 
United  States  h.as  repeatedly  found  itself  helpless  :  d  early 
iuhipted  the  policy,  when  gold  was  founu  on  Indian  reser- 
vations, of  treating  for  the  lands  as  quickly  as  possible,  and 
moving  tlie  Indians  away.  As  General  Carleton  put  it,  "  The 
miners  lolll  go  to  their  country,  and  the  question  which  comes 
up  is,  sliall  the  miners  be  protected  and  the  country  be  de- 
veloped, or  shall  the  Indians  be  suffered  to  kill  them  and  the 
nation  be  deprived  of  its  immense  wealth?"  Through  every 
nook  and  corner  of  the  mountains  the  intrepid  prospector 
lias  pursued  his  search,  hiding  from  the  Indians  if  he  could, 
tiifliting  if  he  must ;  dying,  perhaps,  but  never  giving  up 
tlie  search  till  he  did  die.  When  his  search  was  successful, 
a  "e\v  mining  excitement  broke  out,  a  new  district  was  pop- 
ulated, new  roads  were  opened,  and  the  Indians  fell  back. 
Iiiilians  soldom  trouble  a  mining  camp.  They  attack  the 
staij;e,  the  emigrant-wagon,  and  the  supply-train,  and  thus  in- 
directly harass  the  miners;  but  the  camp  itself  is  not  inter- 
fen-il  with.     Miners  are  usually  "bad  medicine"  for  Indians. 

la  "make-up"  the  early  California  population,  as  to  its 


126 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


effect  on  the  Indians,  may  be  divided  into  three  classes,  and 
it  is  a  fair  type  of  all  new  mining  regions  of  the  West. 
First,  there  was  a  large  number  of  mountain  men,  i.e.,  trap- 
pers and  restless  spirits  who  had  adopted  wild  life  from 
choice.  Many  of  them  had  lived  with  Indians,  imbibed  In- 
dian superstitions,  and  adopted  Indian  customs.  With  them 
the  killing  of  a  hostile  Indian,  or  one  who  from  his  tribal 
connection  ought  to  be  hostile,  was  an  honor.     They  would 


PIUTK   SQUAW    AM)   PAPOOSE. 


steal  the  horses  of  unfriendly  Indians,  carry  off  their  women, 
and  scalp  their  dead  without  the  least  qualms  of  conscience. 
And  why  not?  Their  adopted  brethren,  the  Indians,  did  the 
same  things  themselves.  Second,  there  was  a  still  larger  per- 
centage of  desperadoes  —  villainous  M'retchcs  whose  solo  re- 
deeming feature  was  their  bravery,  and  some  lacking  even 
that — to  whom  robbery  was  a  business  and  murder  a  virtue. 
Does  the  reader  think  the  statement  a  strong  one?  lie  may 
read  the  proof  of  it  in  the  proceedings  of  a  thousand  viir- 


THE  CURSE  OF  GOLD. 


127 


ihinc'O  committees,  and  if  justice  had  been  done  lie  might 
liavc  read  it  in  ten  thousand  more.  These  men  have  made 
life  a  liell  for  the  timid  in  every  frontier  settlement  in  tlie 
West.  White  men  they  oppressed  as  far  as  they  dared,  and 
Indians  they  treated  as  they  found  convenient.  The  very 
l)est  of  tliem  committed  crimes  which  were  legally  punish- 
uhli!  with  death,  perpetrated  indignities  on  persons  they  dis- 
lila'd,  terrorized  whole  communities,  and  obtained  a  halo  of 
romantic  glory  simply  because  people  dared  not  talk  about 
thorn.  The  third  class,  and  it  included  the  majority  of  the. 
lK.'()[)le,  were  men  of  decent  character  and  sentiment,  but 
they  had  little  sympathy  for  the  Indians  in  general.  It  was 
luit  a  short  time  since  the  great  removal  of  the  tribes  to  the 
Jiuliaii  territory,  and  the  sentiment  against  the  red  man  was 
still  strong  in  the  Mississippi  Valley.  Many  had  seen  instances 
of  the  frightful  cruelty  of  the  Indians,  and  many  had  been 
attacked  on  their  overland  journey  when  they  had  given  no 
t'iiiise  for  it.  J'esides,  they  had  absolutely  no  time  to  consid- 
er abstract  questions  of  right  and  wrong.  If  white  men  be- 
came too  troublesome  they  favored  lynching,  and  if  Indians 
were  troublesome  they  favored  the  speediest  and  most  effect- 
ual way  of  stopping  them.  To  know  who  was  to  blame 
was  of  minor  importance ;  the  point  was  that  the  communi- 
ty could  not  and  would  not  be  kept  from  the  pursuit  of 
wealth  by  anybody.  It  was  on  the  same  princi])le  that  a 
great  railroad  magnate  once  set  fire  to  a  wrecked  freiglit 
tniin.  He  destroyed  much  valuable  property,  but  he  cleared 
the  track.  He  had  to  take  one  of  two  evils,  and  so  did  they. 
Men  of  the  first  and  second  classes  wronged  the  Indians;  the 
Indians  retaliated,  usually  on  the  innocent,  because  they  were 
more  convenient  and  less  dangerous;  the  entire  community 
was  involved,  and  frequently  innocent  Indians  suffered.  Such 
is  the  oft -repeated  history  of  the  mining  regions  of  the 
West. 

There  was  less  of  this  in  California  than  in  other  mining 
idealities.  The  reason  was  that  a  part  of  the  Indians  submit- 
teil  to  the  indignities  put  upon  them,  and  the  rest  got  out  of 
the  way.  A  few  resisted  and  were  killed.  The  reader  of 
California  story  sometimes  wonders  that  he  docs  not  find  any 


128 


MA88ACRKS  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


record  of  the  events  of  Indian  wars.  The  reason  is  tliat  there 
were  none  in  the  goUl  fluids.  There  was  one  exception.  In 
extreme  northern  California,  above  and  on  both  sides  of 
Yrcka,  there  were  Indians  who  would  and  did  fight,  but  the 
troubles  with  them  are  jirojierly  a  i)art  of  the  Oregon  wars, 
and  will  be  considered  in  a  8ubseq>ient  chapter.  South  of 
these,  througliout  the  State,  was  the  great  body  of  California 
Indians.  In  these  there  was  no  fight,  and  the  so-called  wars 
with  them  were  pure  farces.  They  were  degraded  and  brutal 
sensualists.  There  were  probably  never  a  dozen  warriors 
among  them  who  would  not  rather  have  eaten  a  substantial 
meal  than  killed  an  enemy.  They  had  no  arms  but  bows 
and  arrows,  which  were  not  dangerous  at  over  fifty  yards. 
They  were  divided  into  numerous  email  tribes,  of  dissimilar 
languages,  and  with  no  faculty  for  union.  They  were  most 
arrant  cowards.  Even  in  their  battles  among  themselves  they 
displayed  no  bravery.  They  usually  began  war  by  challenge; 
heralds  then  met  and  arranged  the  time  and  ])lace  of  the 
conflict;  the  armies  advanced  against  each  other,  junijjing 
about,  with  shouts  and  gestures,  to  distract  the  aim  of  the 
foe.  Frequently,  by  agreement,  armistices  occurred,  during 
which  children  from  the  opposing  armies  ran  to  the  ranks  of 
the  other  side  and  picked  up  arrows  for  use  again.  The  bat- 
tle generally  terminated  with  the  first  blood  drawn.  They 
seldom  scalped  the  dead,  but  occasionally  ate  pieces  of  their 
flesh,  or  cut  off  the  head,  hands,  or  feet  for  trophies.  Their 
prisoners  were  exchanged  or  killed,  they  being  almost  the 
only  Western  Indians  who  did  not  practise  slavery.  With  all 
his  childish  timidity,  the  California  warrior  could  meet  death 
with  stoical  fortitude,  if  it  were  inevitable,  and  he  had  one 
habit  which  was  always  aggravating,  and  often  as  dangerous 
to  the  white  man  as  open  war.  He  would  steal — steal  any- 
thing, at  any  time,  and  under  almost  any  circumstances. 

It  has  often  been  a  subject  for  jest  that  the  people  of 
the  frontier  punished  horse-stealing  more  severely  than  mur- 
der, but  the  people  of  settled  countries  do  not  realize  that 
horse-stealing  may  mean  death,  and  a  cruel,  lingering  death 
at  that.  The  emigrant  who  lost  his  stock  on  the  plains  was 
hopelessly  stranded.    If  no  one  came  along  to  help  him,  hu 


THE  CURSE  OF  GOLD. 


129 


and  liis  family  were  almost  certainly  doomed  to  die.  If  other 
c'lnii^raiits  did  find  him,  he  still,  usually,  lost  his  wagon  and 
floods,  for  those  prairie  ships  could  add  but  little  to  their 
cMPjrues.  Other  losses  might  bo  etpiuliy  serious.  Provisions 
ran  short  on  that  long  overland  trip,  and  on  the  latter  part  of 
it,  through  what  is  now  Nevada,  money,  often,  would  not  buy 
food  from  other  emigrants.  There  are  men  yet  living  who 
rnaiiagod  to  get  through  that  last  stretch,  only  because  they 
were  Masons  or  Odd  Fellows,  and  were  given  aid  as  Brethren 
after  money  had  been  refused.  Even  in  the  mines,  stotiling 
provisions  was  a  grievous  injury.  At  times  any  kind  of  meat 
cost  one  dollar  per  pound,  and  flour,  sugar,  coffee,  and  other 
i-iipplies  the  same.  Occasionally  they  got  as  low  as  twenty- 
live  cents  the  pound,  but  not  often.  Theft  might  almost  be 
e(juivalent  to  murder  there.  Indeed,  Indian  theft  was  fre- 
(jiiently  accompanied  by  murder,  when  the  latter  could  be 
accomplished  by  stealth,  oi-  w.is  thought  necessary.  It  is  not 
at  all  sr  -irising  that  California  ujiners  had  no  love  for  In- 
dians, vas  a  very  natural  thing. 

Tl;  trouble  with  Indians  in  California  began  on  Mor- 

mon Island.  A  miner  took  some  liberties  with  tiie  squaw  of 
ail  Indian  chief;  the  chief  objected,  and  was  promptly  killed. 
There  were  a  few  hostilities.  A  few  whites  were  killed  and 
some  Indians.  It  was  represented  that  troops  were  necessary, 
and  a  militia  regiment  was  organized  under  "  Col.  William 
lingers."  lie  took  what  supplies  he  wanted  from  Hinggold 
merchants  and  others,  and  began  his  campaign.  His  com- 
mand had  no  engagements  with  the  Indians,  but  succeeded  in 
"protecting  the  settlers,"  and  piling  up  an  immense  bill  of 
expenses  which  the  State  paid.  By  the  winter  of  1850-51 
a  roiuarkable  misunderstanding  of  the  situation  had  been 
brought  about  by  men  who  were  charged  with  scheming  to 
bring  on  a  war,  and  many  citizens  of  California  believed 
there  was  serious  danger  on  the  frontier.  A  local  author 
stated  that  "thousands  of  miners  were  hemmed  within  nar- 
row and  unproductive  limits  during  the  whole  of  last  winter 
(1S5U-51),  because  of  the  peril  of  explorations  beyond  popu- 
lous settlements."  On  March  1,  1851,  Governor  McDougal 
wrote  the  President:  "The  valley  of  Los  Angeles,  of   the 


130 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


San  Joaquin,  of  the  tributaries  of  tlie  Sacramento,  and  tlio 
country  around  the  main  sources  of  that  river,  and  the  north- 
ern coast,  contain  an  Indian  force  estimated  at  not  less  tlian 
one  hundred  tiiousand  warriors,  all  animated  by  a  spirit  of 
bitter  hostility,  and  whom  a  pacific  and  forbearing  policy  en- 
courages into  renewed  acts  of  outrage.  Ilendered  bold  by 
impunity  and  encouraged  by  success,  they  are  now  every- 
wliere  rising  in  arms,  and  every  day  brings  the  report  of 


THE    YOSEMITK.       [UY  HILL.] 


some  new  outbreak."  Unfortunately  for  the  success  of  lii* 
appeal  for  authority  to  call  out  the  militia,  for  service  as 
United  States  troops,  the  governor  neglected  to  tell  what  the 
outbreaks  referred  to  were. 

His  estimate  of  "one  hundred  tliou'jand  warriors"  is  tlic 
most  preposterous  statement  made  in  connection  with  Cali- 
fornia Itulian  wars  that  has  come  to  my  notice.  Superin- 
tendent Beale  comes  next  with  his  anticipations  of  troultlc. 


THE  CURSE  OF  GOLD. 


131 


in  1853,  in  changing  the  liereditary  mode  of  life  of  "one 
hundred  thousand  persons."     In  185G  Superintendent  lien- 
ley  succeeded  in  getting  the  number  of  California  Indians 
down  to  GljGOO.     lie  professed  to  give  a  statement  by  reser- 
vations and  counties,  and  in  proof  of  his  accuracy  it  is  note- 
worthy that  he  dealt  only  in  round  numbers.     Every  number 
lie  gives,  even  of  the  residents  at  the  reservations,  ends  in  at 
least  two  ciphers.     In  reality  the  number  of  Indians,  men, 
women,  and  children,  in  California,  at  any  time  after  the  dis- 
covery of  gold,  did  not  exceed  20,000.     Don  Antonio  de  Al- 
cedo,  the  best  Spanish  authority,  based  his  estimate  on  the 
returns  of  the  Spanish  missionaries  in  1802,  and  stated  the 
mission  Indians  at  ll.OSl,  the  mustees  and  nmlattoes  at  1300, 
and  the  wild  Indians  at  16,000,  making  a  total  of  32,231. 
!Mr.  Schoolcraft  adopted  these  figures  in  his  census  of  1850, 
but  he  neglected  to  take  into  consideration  the  ravages  of 
bmall-pox  in  the  year  1839,  and  tlieir  general  rapid  decline 
during  the  past  decade.     Forbes,  in  his  ''History  of  Upper 
and  Lower  California"  (London,  1839),  estimated  the  convert- 
ed Iiulians  at  18,(583,  and  others  4342.      Duflot  de  JMofras, 
an  attache  of  th-.  French  legation  in  Mexico,  estimated  the 
mission  Indians  lU  1834  at  3(>,G20,  but  he  made  his  estimate 
in  1S42,  when  he  visited  California.     This  was  after  the  mis- 
sions had  been  taken  away  from  the  priests,  and  the  mission 
Indians  reduced  to  4450,  and  Mofras's  sympathies  were  jn'oba- 
lily  excited  by  exaggerated  stories.     He  is  not  a  very  reliable 
statistician  in  other  matters.     He  estimated  the  population  of 
the  Antilles  at  3,500,000,  for  instance.     As  a  fair  offset  to 
Miifias,  we   have   Captain  Wilkes,  U.  S.  N.,   who  travelled 
tinough  California  in  1841.      He  says,  "The  number  of  In- 
dians is  variously  stated  at  from  twelve  to  fifteen  thousand; 
but,  it  is  l)elieved  by  some  of  the  best  informed,  that  their 
number,  since  the  small-pox  made  its  ravages  among  them,  is 
not  much  more  than  one-half  of  this  number,  or  ",igbt  or  nine 
thousand.     The  principal  part  of  these  are  the  tribes  on  the 
8aeramento."     lie  estimated  the  entire  population  of  Aha 
Calif;. inia,  whites,  Indians,  and   mixed,  to  be  about  15,000. 
The  war  department,  in  its  estimate  of  1848,  put  the  number 
of  wild  Indians  at  3000,  and  made  the  total  for  California, 

9 


132 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOTJNTAINS. 


16,930,  but  in  this  estimate  the  mission  of  La  Purissima 
Concepcion  is  omitted,  apparently  by  mistake.  Under  the 
priests,  it  was  said  to  liave  1000  Indians.  With  this  correc- 
tioti  the  war  department's  aggregate  liarmonizes  reasonably 
with  Alcedo's  estimate,  for  it  is  agreed  by  all  testimony  that 
the  nuiiibor  of  Indians  decreased  very  rapidly  during  the 
latter  part  of  the  Mexican  occupation  (1822-47),  especially  in 
the  country  about  San  Francisco,  which  was  almost  wholly 
depopulated.  Said  a  decrepit  Indian  of  Dolores  to  agent 
Johnston,  in  1819,  "I  am  very  old;  my  people  were  once 
around  me  as  the  sands  of  the  shore — majiy — many.  Tiiey 
have  all  passed  away — they  have  died  like  the  grass — they 
have  gone  to  the  mountains.  I  do  not  complain — the  ante- 
lope falls  by  the  arrow.  I  had  a  son — I  loved  im — when 
the  pale-faces  came  he  went  away — I  know  not  where  he  is. 
I  am  a  Christian  Indian — I  am  all  that  is  left  of  my  people — 
I  am  alone."  By  the  census  of  1800,  in  which,  by  mistake, 
the  officials  returned  all  the  Indians  in  the  State,  instead  of 
those  subject  to  taxation,  the  number  of  California  Indians 
was  17,798.  In  1870  the  census  return  was  7241,  and  tlie 
latest  returns  of  the  Indiaji  Bureau  at  that  date  fixed  the  re- 
maining Indians  at  12,414  ;  but  it  id  quite  probable  that  those 
two  sums  would  give  an  over-estimate  of  the  whole  number, 
as  some  Indians  were  probably  counted  in  both.  By  the  cen- 
sus of  1880,  the  taxed  Indians  of  California  were  returned  at 
1(5,277,  but  by  the  statistics  of  the  Indian  Bureau,  for  the 
same  yeai,  the  total  of  the  Indians  for  that  State  was  only 
10,600,  of  whom  4048  were  o!i  reservations  and  6018  not 
under  agents.  In  1884  the  Indian  Bureau  returned  11,317 
Indians  in  California,  of  whom  0759  were  not  under  agents, 
and  4738  were  on  reservations.  The  character  of  the  Indians 
was  as  tnuch  misrepresented  by  Governor  McDougal  as  their 
number.  The  valley  tribes,  it  is  true,  always  represented  tiie 
mountain  tribes  to  be  extremely  tierce  and  warlike.  Tiicv 
were  so  only  in  comparivson  with  the  valley  tribes.  Thiy 
made  some  forays,  ran  oil  some  cattle,  and  now  and  the. 
killed  a  settler,  but  their  most  violent  Crimea  were  really 
crimes  of  stealth.  Their  murders  were  the  murders  of  the 
Thug,  not  of  the  bravo.      There  were  then  in  California,  at 


THE  CUKSE  OF  (,OLD. 


133 


tlic  time  Governor  McDougal  wrote,  3000  to  4000  "  warriors," 
mission  and  wild,  poorly  armed,  disunited,  and  of  little  or 
no  spirit. 

The  national  government  did  not  furnish  any  more  troops 
for  California,  but  did  send  its  quota  of  arms  for  100,000 
iiiilitia.  Militia  regiments  had  been  raised  and  were  about 
to  take  the  field,  when  the  general  government  altered  its 
plans.  Three  commissioners  were  appointed  to  treat  with  the 
California  tribes,  and  the  militia  were  ordered  to  be  held  sub- 
ject to  their  orders.  The  treaties  they  made  were  simply 
agreements  for  the  Indians  to  go  on  reservations.  The  In- 
dian titles  were  never  extinguished  in  California  as  they  were 
ill  the  other  States.  Most  of  the  tribes  made  the  agreement 
gladly,  but  some  of  the  mountain  tribes  feared  to  come  in,  on 
account  of  anticipated  punishment,  or  because  they  preferred 
tlicir  mountain  lairs,  and  these  were  treated  as  hostiles. 
Catching  these  Indians  and  bringing  them  in  constituted  the 
"  WAV  of  '51  and  '52."  The  Mariposa  battalion  did  this  work 
ill  the  country  bordering  the  San  Joaquin  Valley.  Captain 
Kuykendall's  company  brought  in  the  Chowchillas,  a  tribe  of 
the  Kaweah  family,  who  had  been  among  the  most  active  hos- 
tiles. Their  chief,  Jose  Key,  had  openly  declared  for  war, 
and  the  tribe  had  committed  several  outrages.  Before  the 
organization  oi  the  militia  a  party  of  volunteers  had  marched 
:i<,'ainst  them,  surprised  their  camp,  killed  twenty -three  of  them 
alid  mortally  woundetl  Jose  Rey,  after  which  the  Chowchillas 
had  wisely  kept  out  of  the  way  of  the  whites.  Captain  Ivuy- 
koiidall  succeeded  in  surprising  their  camp  again,  and  killing 
a  number  of  them,  his  loss  being  one  man  wounded  by  an  ar- 
row. After  that  the  Chowchillas  kept  hid  until  they  were 
nearly  starved,  and  then  camo  in  and  accepted  the  terms  of 
the  commissioners. 

Captain  Ijoling's  company  brought  in  the  Yosomites  (Yo- 
soiiiitys,  Oosainites).  the  dreaded  "  (Jrizzly  Bears,"  the  terrible 
tiilje  that  made  their  home  in  the  wonderful  canon  valley 
that  perpetuates  their  name,  the  warriors  whom  the  lowland 
tiliics  warned  the  whites  especially  to  shun.  Dr.  Ihinnell,  a 
inciiiber  of  the  company,  has  given  a  minutely  detailed  ac- 
euuiit  of  their  work,  and  the  sole  hostility  offered  by  these 


134 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


YOSKMITK    FROM    TIIK    MAIUI'OWA    TllAIL. 


daiifijerous  Iiulians,  (luriiii^  sovernl  weeks  tliiit  tlie  coini)aiiy 
passed  in  searching  tiie  valley  ami  iieighburiiig  country  in 
parties  of  two  ami  tliree,  consisted  in  rolling  down  some 
rocks  at  two  soldiers,  by  which  one  of  them  was  knocked 
down  a  declivity  and  hadly  brinscd.  At  no  time  did  tln'V 
oiler  to  use  a  weapon,  but  kept  their  village  concealed  ncn 


THE  CURSE   OF  GOLD. 


135 


the  border  of  Lake  Teiiieya  until  they  were  Hiiallj  discovered 
iiiid  captured.  At  tlieir  capture  there  was  not  an  offer  of 
resistance,  the  miserable  wretches  throwing  up  their  hands 
and  crying  "pace!  pace!"  (peace!  peace!).  The  war  in  and 
around  the  Sacramento  Valley  was  of  substantially  the  same 
cliaraeter.  Said  Commissioner  McKee,  whose  opportunities 
tor  knowing  were  unsurpassed,  '*  The  late  war  in  that  section 
was.  T  am  told,  a  greater  piece  of  tomfoolery  and  humbug 
than  even  the  former  on  the  Fresno  and  the  San  Joaquin. 
The  State  has  been  involved  for  some  eighty  or  one  hundred 
thousand  dollars  more  without  the  slightest  necessity,  or 
accomplishing  the  least  good."  The  stores  of  the  Indians 
I  caches  of  acorns)  were  destroyed  whenever  found,  and  the 
Imlians  were  obliged  to  come  in  or  6tar\e.  The  militia  were 
liisgusted.  Says  Dr.  Bunnell, "  We  had  discussed  the  matter 
ill  camp,  and  contrasted  the  lack  of  spirit  exhibited  by  these 
people  vvitii  what  we  knew  of  the  warlike  ciiaracter  of  the 
Indians  of  Texas  and  of  the  North-we&tern  plains.  In  these 
cuinparisons,  respect  for  our  captives  was  lost  in  contempt. 
"The  tioble  red  man'  was  not  here  represented.  Tiie  only 
iiiios  of  the  Pacific  slope, excepting  the  Xavahos,  Pimas,  and 
Maricopahs,  that  bear  any  comparison  with  the  Eastern  tril)es 
tor  intelligc-ice  and  bravery,  are  the  Youmahs  of  the  Colo- 
rado Kiver,  the  ]\Iodocs,  and  some  of  the  Eogue  and  Colum- 
l»ia  river  tribes,  but  none  of  these  really  equal  tiie  Sioux  and 
Mtiue  other  Eastern  tribes." 

Wiien  these  fierce  savages  were  all  subdued,  an  improved 
riscrvation  system  was  put  in  force  by  the  government,  in 
\^y,\.  There  were  live  reservations.  Klamath  reservation. 
oil  the  river  of  that  name,  was  occupied  l)y  the  extreme 
iiiiitiiern  tribes, not  tlio  ones  of  whom  we  have  been  treating; 
It  cost  about  sixteen  tiiousaiid  dollars  a  year,  was  fairly  well 
inauaged,  and  quite  successful.  The  largest  of  the  reserva- 
tiiiiis  of  our  Californians  was  Nome  Lackee,  west  of  the  Sac- 
laiiionto,  in  the  foot-hills  of  Tehama  County.  It  had  no 
pimo,  no  acorns,  no  fishery,  and  no  rain,  and  hence,  being  use- 
tiil  for  nothing  else,  was  eminently  fitted  for  a  reservation. 
Ailjiinct  to  Nome  Lackee  was  Nome  Cult,  a  pretty  valley  of 
il'uiit  20,000  acres,  about  sixty  miles  south-west  of  the  for- 


136 


MASSACKE8  OF  THE   MOUNTAINS. 


mer,  and  across  the  Coast  Tlaiigo.  The  Indians  did  very  well 
at  this  place,  till  the  agent  and  employes  got  their  relatives, 
friends,  and  partners  to  come  in  and  settle  there.  Before 
long  that  place  became  too  good  for  Indians,  as  we  shall  see 
presently.  JMeiidociiio  reservation,  below  the  cape  of  that 
name,  on  the  Xoyo  River,  was  an  excellent  place.    There  were 


^     J^^*^^' 


IIKACH    Kl.SliINO    AT    CAI'K    MKNDOLI.NO. 


tisli  and  innssels  enongli  there  for  all  the  Indians  located 
there,  if  it  had  iKjt  been  that  some  white  friends  of  the  agen- 
cy started  a  saw-mill  and  tilled  the  river  with  logs,  so  that  ii 
lish  could  not  get  through.  Tejon  reservation,  near  the  l):i>o 
of  the  Sierra  Nevada,  where  it  joins  the  Coast  Kange.  in 
Southern  California,  was  a  nice,  dry  ])lace,  where  the  In- 
dians were  never  bothered  by  rain  or  crops.    There  were  also 


THE  CUIiSE  OF  GOLD. 


13^ 


farms  at  Tiile  River  and  Mattole  Valley,  and  finally,  as  public 
land  was  very  scarce  in  California,  the  United  States  rented 
the  farms  of  Mr.  Vinsonhaller  and  Mr.  Campbell,  which  were 
called  respectively  Fresno  reservation  and  King's  River  farm. 
Fanning  was  supposed  to  be  begun  on  a  broad  and  liberal 
scale  at  these  places,  which  were  fitted  up,  on  paper,  regard- 
less of  cost.  Tejoii  absorbed  about  $30,000  per  year ;  Fresno 
tlie  same;  Nome  Lackee  nearly  $50,000;  Nome  Cult  about 
slu,000;  and  Mendocino  818,000.  About  §50,000  more 
went  annually  for  the  other  reserves  and  general  purposes, 
;iinl  by  November,  1858,  the  sum  of  01,173,000  had  been  in- 
vested in  the  California  reservations. 

The  management  of  these  reservations  was  under  one  of 
till'  ablest  Indian  rings  ever  known  in  America.  Not  a  reli- 
alile  report  went  in  to  the  Commissioner  of  Indian  AlBfairs  for 
live  years,  but  their  work  was  so  well  done  that  they  received 
(•(iiiipliments  for  their  able  accounts  of  their  labofs.  The 
total  number  of  Indians  was  scandalously  exaggerated,  as  we 
have  seen,  and  the  number  at  the  reservations  in  like  manner. 
ISu  far  as  can  be  learned,  not  more  than  2000  Indians  were 
sulif-isted  at  the  reservations  at  any  time,  and  they  drew  prin- 
cipally  on  the  oak-trees,  the  manzanita  bushes,  and  the  clover 
fields  for  their  rations.  The  great  majority  of  the  Indians 
were  quietly  earning  their  living  as  vaqueros  and  farm- 
hands, or  picking  it  up  in  the  mountains,  as  they  had  before 
the  government  began  civilizing  them.  Fabulous  numbers 
of  acres  were  reported  to  be  under  cultivation,  and  magnifi- 
cent crops  were  always  just  about  to  be  harvested  when 
blight  or  mildew  or  smut  or  drought  intervened  and  ruined 
tliem.  A  small  army  of  employes  was  on  hand  to  instruct 
the  Indians  and  defend  the  agency  in  case  of  outbreak,  and 
the  agent  or  employe  who  failed  to  get  a  claim  of  his  own, 
and  have  it  fenced  and  improved  by  Indian  labor,  was  a  man 
lit'  no  enterprise. 

In  1858,  in  consequence  of  repeated  charges  and  protesta- 
tiuns  l)y  army  officers  and  citizens,  special  agent  IJailey  was 
sent  out  to  investigate  affairs  in  California.  He  did  Jiot  seem 
til  !,M'asp  the  whole  truth,  but  he  was  not  in  the  ring,  and  he 
tuiil  the  truth  as  he  saw  it.     He  showed  that  the  salaries 


138 


MASSACUES  OF  THE   MOUNTAINS. 


alone  of  the  employds  amounted  to  $<S1, 880.48,  besides  sub- 
sistence for  tlieniselvcs  and  families,  which  would  bring  the 
amount  to  over  $100,000;  that  there  was  no  such  number  of 
Indians  on  the  reservations  as  reported  ;  tliat  the  value  of  the 
crops  was  much  less  than  a  quarter  of  the  salaries  of  the  em- 
ployes ;  that  the  oidy  contented  Indians  were  off  the  reserva- 
tions; that  friends  and  relatives  of  the  agent  and  employes 
had  been  allowed  to  settle  in  the  Xome  Cult  and  create  dis- 
turbance there;  and  that  the  Indians  were  neither  being 
taught  anything  nor  civilized  in  any  respect.  The  Commis- 
sioner of  Indian  affairs  reported  that  the  California  reserva- 
tions were  a  failure.  He  gave  among  other  reasons  of  the 
failure,  the  statement  that  the  Indians  had  not  been  "sutH- 
ciently  thrown  on  their  own  resources."  It  is  difficult  to  see 
how  they  could  have  been  thrown  on  their  own  resources 
more  fully,  unless  the  acorn,  berry,  and  grass  crops  could  have 
been  destroyed.  After  a  year  or  such  a  matter  a  change  was 
made.  A  new  superintendent  was  appointed  ;  the  appropria- 
tion was  cut  down  to  $50,000  a  year;  and  Tejon,  Fresno, 
King's  Valley,  Nome  Lackee,  and  Mattole,  with  all  their  im- 
provements, wei'c  abandoned  in  the  course  of  a  few  years. 

There  was  more  "Indian  war"  in  California  in  1858, and 
several  years  succeeding.  At  Nome  Cult  over  one  hundred 
and  fifty  Indians  were  cruelly  murdered  by  the  whites,  who 
had  been  allowed  to  settle  on  the  reservation.  No  charge  of 
aggression,  except  cattle-stealing,  was  given  as  an  excuse,  and 
this  proved,  on  investigation,  to  be  false.  The  real  cause  w;is 
that  the  Indians  drove  away  from  the  reservation  the  cattle 
of  the  settlers,  which  had  been  roaming  the  reservation  and 
consuming  the  acorns,  on  which  the  Indians  depended  mainly 
for  subsistence.  Armed  parties  went  to  the  rancherias  in  the 
open  day  and  shot  down  the  wretched  "  Diggers,"  without 
regard  to  age  or  sex.  Then  they  called  on  the  State  goveiii- 
ment  for  aitl,  and,  organized  as  militia,  roamed  the  country 
round,  killing  every  Indian  they  could  find.  At  King's  IViwr 
the  settlers  drove  the  Indians  away  because  the  government 
did  not  support  them,  an  i  they  were  an  annoyance  to  the 
community.  The  Indians  Hod  to  Fresno,  where  there  was  not 
food  sufficient  for  those  already  there.      Then  these  kiml- 


HOW  THE   DlOOEIUj   FOCOUT. 


lie 

tll( 

UK 


tic 
toe 
tlu 


M: 


lUc 
till 


an 


inl 
till 


TIIK   CUKSE  OF  OOLD. 


Ul 


hearted  people  of  Kiiij^'a  Kivcr  Imuled  over  the  acorns  which 
the  Indians  had  collected  there,  and  sold  them  to  the  govern- 
ment for  food  for  its  protdgdrt.  At  Mattole  Station  the  set- 
tlers killed  a  number  of  Indians  I)ccaii8e  they  considered  tlieni 
11  burden.  In  the  neighborhood  of  Humboldt  I»ay  the  set- 
tlors made  the  same  complaint ;  the  State  sent  out  militia,  who 
took  those  that  would  consent  to  go  to  ]\Iendocino,  and  killed 
the  refractory.     Life  at  Mendocino  was  not  aj)])reciated  as 


A    OIlOl'P   OK    nlOOKIlS. 


liighly  by  them  as  it  should  have  been,  and  some  of  them  re- 
turned to  their  old  haunts.  Highly  indignant  at  tliis  outrage, 
a  party  of  settlers  attacked  their  camp  at  night,  using  Ure- 
al lus  at  tirsi,  and  knives  when  the  battue  grew  more  exciting. 
Ill  the  morning  sixty  corpses  of  meti,  women,  boys,  girls,  and 
infants,  ornamented  with  bullet  wounds,  stabs,  and  gaping 
throats,  showed  that  justice  had  been  done.  There  were  other 
wars,  but  these  samples  will  suffice.     It  is  perhaps  better  to 


142 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


call  thein  vvais,  because  tlio  word  massacre  has  coino  by  iisafre 
to  mean  such  u  inurdur  as  Indians  would  cuuiinit,  and  an  In- 
dian who  was  not  wholly  lost  to  sulf-respect  would  not  do 
such  things  as  these. 

There  is  another  chapter  in  the  history  of  California 
that  is  as  disijraccful  as  the  treatment  of  the  so-called  "  wild 
tribes."  It  is  the  story  of  the  Mission  Indians.  This  does 
not  include  accounts  of  assassination  under  the  name  of  war, 
of  midnight  surprises  and  noonday  butcheries,  of  women  cut 
to  pieces  and  children  brained.  It  is  the  record  of  a  slow  ad- 
vance of  a  superior  race,  driving  the  natives  from  their  an- 
cient homes  with  remorseless  power,  and  crushing  them  back 
into  the  mountains  and  the  desert.  There  is  no  need  of  go- 
ing fully  into  the  story  of  their  wrongs  here — it  has  been  re- 
corded ably  in  various  publications  that  are  within  the  reach 
of  almost  every  reader;  neither  is  it  properly  within  the 
province  of  this  work,  except  as  an  illustration  of  some  of  the 
most  serious  flaws  in  our  Indian  system.  Under  the  old 
treaty  system  the  Indians  lost  their  rights  easily  enough,  br*' 
they  were  still  recognized  to  have  rights.  That  they  were 
often  deceived,  defrauded,  and  intimidated  into  making  trea- 
ties against  their  interest  is  unquestionable,  but  still  a  treaty 
was  necessary,  and  their  consent  must  be  obtained  in  some 
way  before  their  lands  could  be  taken.  Since  the  abrogation 
of  the  treaty -making  power,  there  has  been  a  constant  ten- 
dency towards  the  concentration  of  absolute  power  over  the 
Indians  in  the  Executive  Department.  This  is  Lad  policy,  in 
the  abstract,  for  the  fewer  steps  that  are  required  to  got  In- 
dian lands,  the  more  easily  it  will  be  accomplished.  When 
all  the  obstacles  are  centred  in  one  num  it  will  be  most  easy 
to  overcome  them.  If  from  good  or  bad  intent,  in  weakness 
or  in  ignorance,  he  abolish  a  reservation  and  return  the  laud 
to  the  public  domain,  the  evil  is  undone  with  the  utmost  dif- 
ficulty. White  men  become  vested  with  rights  and  cling  tc 
them  tenaciousl}'.  In  some  instances  the  courts  might  remedy 
the  wrong,  but  courts  give  relief  only  to  suitors  whose  claims 
are  properly  presented.  As  a  ride,  Congress  is  the  oidy  source 
of  relief,  unless  the  Executive  sees  the  mistake  and  endeavors 
to  retrace  its  stops,  a  move  not  often  easily  accomplished. 


THE  CUKSE  OF  GOLD. 


143 


III  tlie  country  obtained  by  cession  from  Mexico,  the 
tribes  nro  in  a  far  more  liclpless  situation  than  those  of  other 
sections,  for  tliey  have  not  been  recognized  as  having  even 
a  possessory  title  to  the  hinds  on  which  tiiey  lived.  From 
these,  however,  are  to  bo  excepted  those  to  whom  specific 
grants  liad  been  made  by  the  Spanish  and  Mexican  govern- 
ments for  their  settlement  and  support.  The  pcilicy  of  Spain 
was  theoretically  the  same  as  our  own.  The  Indians  were 
in  a  state  of  pupilage,  and  were  to  be  redeemed  to  Christian 
civilization  by  the  government.  The  close  connection  of  the 
Catholic  Churdi  with  the  government,  and  its  well-known 
missionary  proclivities,  made  this  a  more  hopeful  task  for 
Spain  than  it  has  |)roven  for  Protestant  Cuuntries.  A  devoted 
agent  for  the  work  in  Alta  (California  was  found  in  Father 
.Innipcro  Serra,  a  Franciscan  monk,  wlio  was  sent  into  that 
unknown  region  in  1709  by  the  Spanish  authorities,  their 
colonization  previous  to  that  time  having  been  confined  to 
the  peninsula.  Ik'ginning  with  the  Mission  of  San  Diego, 
in  1701),  Serra  and  liis  co-laborers  established  the  missions  of 
San  Carlos  de  Mont  rey,  San  Antonio  de  Padua,  San  Gabriel, 
San  Luis  Obispi),  San  Francisco  (Dolores),  San  Juan  Capis- 
trano,  Santa  Clara,  and  San  Buena  Ventura,  in  the  order 
named,  by  1782.  After  Serra's  death,  in  1784,  the  work  was 
continued  by  the  order,  and  the  missions  of  Santa  Barbara, 
La  Purissima  Concepcion,  Santa  Cruz,  Soledad,  San  Jose,  San 
-luan  Bautista,  San  Miguel,  San  Fernando  Key,  and  San  Luis 
(le  Francia,  were  founded  within  the  century.  Santa  Inez 
was  established  in  1804,  San  Ilafael  in  1819,  and  San  Fran- 
cisco de  Solano  in  1823;  the  latter  two  never  attained  any 
,1,'rcat  importance.  Under  the  care  of  the  Franciscans  the 
mission^  grew  strong  and  rich.  There  was  no  starvation 
t'    II.  it  herds  and  flocks  supplied  meat  and  clothing, 

.lile  the  wonderfid  vines  and  other  vegetable  growth  of 
California  'ded  luxuries  to  their  subsistence.  The  Indians 
were  happy,  contented,  religious,  and  growing  steadily  into  the 
w  \s  of  the  civilized  world.  The  priests  had  instructed  them 
i  the  mechanical  arts  until  there  were  skilled  workmen  at 
all  the  missions  capabli    'f  doing  almost  any  kind  of  work. 

The  intentions  of   Spain   towards  the   Indians  must    be 


Ui 


MASSAt'KKS  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


gathered  chiefly  from  the  las'S  concerning  them,  of  which  it 
lias  been  woU  "said,  "All  of  them  manifest  the  great  anxiety 
which  the  ruleii-  of  Mexico  have  felt,  to  collect  the  natives 
together  in  communities  and  subject  them  to  municipal  reg- 
ulations, to  secure  to  them  the  ability  to  pay  the  tribute  im- 
posed upon  them  for  the  supply  of  the  national  treasur}',  to 
induce  them  to  forget  their  ancier-t  religious  rites  and  em- 
brace the  Catholic  faith,  to  reform  their  idle  and  roving  pro- 
pensities and  make  them  industrious  and  useful  subjects." 
The  chief  purpose  of  the  colonization  was  to  make  the  coun- 
try valuable  to  Spain.  It  was  the  object  of  every  European 
power,  that  established  colonies  atiywhere,  to  secure  from 
them  a  money  return  to  the  mother-country.  The  natives 
especially  were  assets  of  the  State,  which  it  was  desirable  to 
make  available  as  speedily  as  possible.  The  Church  did  not 
receive  the  treatment  at  the  hands  of  Spain  that  might  have 
been  expected.  At  the  suppression  of  the  Jesuits,  just  prior 
to  the  entry  of  the  Franciscans  into  California,  the  govern- 
ment took  control  of  the  "Pious  Fund  "  belonging  to  that  or- 
der, in  trust  for  Cluirch  purposes,  but  it  was  swallowed  up 
eventually  b}'  the  State.  The  disadvantages  to  the  Church 
of  an  alliance  with  the  State  were  similar  to  those  in  England, 
under  Ilem-y  VIII.,  thougii  the  property  was  not  taken  in 
the  same  forcible  way.  That  a  6eculari7.ition  of  the  Missions 
was  early  copcomplated  was  shown  bv  the  establishment  of 
the  pueblos  of  Los  Angeles  and  San  Jose,  and  the  presidios 
of  San  Diego,  Monterey,  Santa  Barbara,  and  San  Francisco. 
It  is  also  reasonably  certain  that  Spain  conteniplated  granting 
the  ownership  of  the  Mission  lands  to  the  Iiidians  of  tiic 
respective  Missions,  but  this  was  nf)t  done  until  after  Mexico 
had  asserted  her  independence,  and  then  in  such  a  way  that 
the  title  has  not  held  good,  except  in  case  of  some  of  the  San 
Juan  Ca])istrano  lands. 

Both  Spain  and  Jlexico  taxed  the  ]^Iissions  heavily,  ami 
in  carrying  out  the  secularization  policy,  by  the  edict  of  1S.".1. 
Mexico  ap|)ro])riated  the  greater  part  of  the  property.  Each 
Indian  head  of  a  family  was  given  a  small  tract  of  land  ;  one- 
half  of  the  movable  property  was  ordered  to  be  divided 
among  the  emancipated   people;  and   everything  else   wiis 


THE  CURSE  OF  GOLD. 


145 


taken  hy  tlie  government.  Some  ot"  the  Franciscans  left  the 
country;  otliers  remained,  and  lived  among  their  beggared 
and  helpless  flocks ;  o;ie,  at  least,  starved  to  death.  The  af- 
fiiirs  of  the  Missions  v<Mit  from  l)ad  to  worse  until  they  were 
tuiancial  ruins.  Many  of  the  Indians  scattered,  and  resumed 
their  old  mode  of  life.  The  greater  part  of  the  Missions 
themselves  were  sold  by  the  State,  but  in  an  irregular  and 
illegal  way.  Under  our  control  there  was  a  very  slight  im- 
provement. By  a  decision  of  the  land  commission  in  185(5, 
the  Mission  buildings  and  a  few  acres  of  land  about  them, 
such  as  were  considered  to  be  devoted  to  tiie  immediate  use 
of  the  priesthood,  were  set  off  to  the  Catholic  Church,  on  the 
ground  that  thoy  were  sacred  property,  which  was  inalien- 
able under  the  Spanish  law.  The  remainder  of  the  Mission 
hinds  were  treated  as  belonging  to  the  government,  but  this 
decision  was  not  a  fiiuil  one,  although  it  has  been  followed 
tlirough  all  its  consequences. 

There  was  never  a  grimmer  satire  on  justice  than  this. 
The  Indians,  whose  labor  had  made  the  buildings,  tilled  the 
lands,  and  created  the  orchards  and  vineyards,  were  left  with 
al)Solutely  nothing.  The  Church  *)l)taincd  the  buildings,  al- 
ready well  advanced  towards  ruin,  but  was  left  with  a  beg- 
gared laity,  and  with  no  mode  of  recuperation  except  the 
purchase  of  additional  lands  for  a  renewal  of  the  ^Mission 
work.  This  was  not  resorted  to,  and  time,  with  neglect,  has 
since  almobt  completed  the  work  of  destruction  that  the  Mex- 
ican Government  began.  Many  of  the  Indians  remained  in 
their  former  homes,  considering,  with  the  stupid,  unresisting 
nature  that  has  alwavs  characterized  them,  that  they  were 
appendages  to  the  land.  They  had  worked  for  the  prics's 
for  no  compensation  but  support,  and  they  did  the  same  for 
the  holders  of  the  ranchos.  Adam  Johnston  wrote,  in  1S5(>, 
■•Tiiey  think  themselves  the  jtroperty  of  the  owners  of  the 
II  .-[)iH'tive  ranches  wiiere  they  reside,  as  much  as  does  the 
iit'gro  of  the  South  to  the  owner  of  his  cotton  ])lantation. 
Indeed,  the  owner  of  a  rancho  looks  upon  them  as  his  ])rop- 
iity,  and  in  estimating  the  value  of  his  lands,  he  always 
cuunts  upon  the  services  of  his  fifty  or  one  hundred  Indians, 
as  the  case  may   be,  to  eidiance   its   value."     Mr.  Johnston 


146 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


called  the  attention  of  the  government  to  the  fact  that  the 
Mexican  authorities  held  the  Mission  lands  in  trust  for  the 
Indians,  and  suefgested  that  our  government  slioidd  do  the 
wime,  but  the  suggestion  was  not  adopted.  They  could  have 
been  provided  I'ur  at  that  time  easily  and  with  little  cost,  but 
the  government  neglected  to  do  it.  It  always  moves  slowly 
to  the  relief  of  friendly  Indians,  and  the  Indians  understaml 


Tin:    III  IN.s   OK   SA.N    C.VKl.OS    liK    MONTKIIKV. 


it  well.  It  is  no  woiui(>r  that  Isidian  agents  have  had  cnn^o 
to  complain  again  and  again  of  ho.-Lile  tribes  advising  peace- 
able ones  to  go  to  war  if  they  wished  to  get  ])resents  fruin 
us.  Onr '•  warils'"  liave  had  lo  light  very  fre<piently  befi'n,' 
tlic  "guardian"  paid  any  attention  to  their  wants. 

In  1S.')2  15.  1).  Wilson,  oi  Los  Angeles,  reported  the  cmi- 
ditioh  of  these  Indians  to  the  Interior  Department,  but  still 


THE  CURSE  OF  fiOLD. 


147 


nntliiiig  wa;-  clone  for  tlieiu.  Tliey  lived  as  best  tliey  could 
jiiiiong  the  white  settlers,  or  retired  into  the  mountains.  If 
they  had  j  ny  rights  no  one  regarded  them.  White  men 
pre-empted  lands  that  they  had  held  for  years,  and  even 
their  villages,  whi'-'.  Iiad  been  in  their  aetual  occupancy  long 
enough  to  give  them  a  title  by  prescription  against  any  one 
but  the  government,  were  swallowed  up  by  these  cormorants. 
!r  is  a  fact  that  since  the  war  of  the  rebellion,  whole  villages 
(if  these  people  have  'oeen  driven  from  their  homes  by  offi- 
cers of  the  law,  under  proceedings  to  quiet  title  to  land,  and 
forced  to  seek  new  homes  where  they  could  find  them.  Tiiey 
(lid  not  know  enough  to  defend  the  rights  which  they  nn'ght 
I'ls.sibly  have  sustained,  and  there  was  no  one  to  do  it  for 
tliciii.  It  was  not  until  1SS3,  and  then  on  the  recommenda- 
linii  of  a  won)an,*that  the  government  even  employed  at- 
torneys to  defend  the  rights  they  did  have.  There  is  not 
iiiurli  doubt  that  the  valleys  of  I'ala  and  San  Pastpial  might 
iiiive  been  held  by  the  Indians  there,  if  any  attention  had 
been  given  to  the  defence  of  their  claims.  The  pueblos  there 
liad  been  established  under  the  J\Ie.\ican  secularization  law 
of  l^.'U,  and  tlie  lands  had  been  parcelled  out  to  the  Indians, 
inulcr  the  law,  by  tiie  prefects  and  priests.  Tiicy  had  lived 
there  continuously  afterwards,  but  unf(M'tunately  had  failed 
tn  have  their  rights  passed  upon  by  the  land  commission, 
;ili|iointed  under  the  act  of  1851  to  adjust  private  land  claims 


III 


( ';ilifornia. 

In  1S(!1»  Superii.t'^'ulent  Whiting  recommended  tiiat  these 
valleys  be  reserved  to  the  luvli'ns,  and  an  Kxecutive  order  to 
that  effect  was  made  in  l!S7<i.  Tiiis  caused  general  indigna- 
tiuii  among  the  white  people  who  wanted  those  lands,  and  a 
reiuoiistranei!  a<;ainst  it  was  forwarded  to  Washington,  it 
is  said  that  most  t)f  the  signature's  to  this  ])aper  were  ap- 
jii  nded  by  a  monte-dealer  named  McCan  and  two  confeder- 
ate>.  Kven  the  dead  protested  against  tin-  reservation  of 
tliu.-e  lauds;  at  least  the  names  of  people  wi'.:,>  had  been  bur- 


*  Mrs.  Helen  Hunt  Jaekson,  liv  whose  dentli,  on  .Vuirust  Vi.  I'^x't,  tlie  In 
(linns  nf  America  lost  one  ol'  tlie  most  aetixc  ami  iiitelliircut  fiieiuls  iliey 
cvi  r  liud. 

M 


148 


MASSACKES   OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


k'cl  for  years  were  sigiictl  to  the  remonstrance.  The  obnox- 
ious order  was  revoked ;  the  whites  preempted  the  lands  that 
Mexico  liad  given  to  these  Indians;  and  our  "wards"  were 
made  wanderers.  Congress  refused  to  do  anything  for  the 
Mission  Indiirns  because  they  were  citizens,  and  the  people  of 
California  woidd  let  theuj  have  nothing  because  they  were 
not  citizens.  The  agent  at  the  land  office  in  Los  Angeles  in- 
formed them  that  they  could  not  preeinj)t  land  because  they 
were  not  citizens.  In  lbT3  three  of  them  applied  for  regis- 
tration as  voters,  but  the  Clerk  of  Los  Angeles  County  re- 
fused them,  on  the  ground  that  they  were  not  citizens.  They 
appealed  to  the  United  States  Commissioner  at  that  j)oint, 
and  he  transmitted  their  affidavits  to  the  iJistrict  Attorney  at 
San  Francisco,  in  whose  office  they  probably  still  repose. 
Yet  the  Supreme  Court  of  California  lield,  in  1805  (People 
vs.  Antonio,  27  Cal.  404),  that  the  statute  of  that  State  for  the 
punishment  and  jn'otcction  of  Indians  did  not  apply  to  In- 
dians who  had  '*  been  living  for  years  among  white  men,"  or, 
in  other  words,  to  the  Mission  Indians.  They  were  subject 
to  punishment  under  the  same  laws  as  white  men,  and  yet  by 
the  statutes  of  California  they  could  testify  neither  for  nor 
against  a  white  man.  They  had  all  the  disadvantages  of 
both  the  state  of  ])upilage  and  the  state  of  citizenship,  aiid 
none  of  the  advantages  of  either.  Theoretically  this  was  an 
impossibility;  jiractically  it  was  true.  It  is  doubtful  if  even 
under  the  fourteenth  and  iifteenth  amendments  they  have 
any  enforcible  rights.  That  many  of  them  were  citizens  of 
^lexico  at  the  time  of  the  treaty  of  Guadalupe  Hidalgo  is  uii- 
(piestionuble,  and  under  that  treaty  they  became  citizens  of 
the  I'nited  States;  but  prior  to  the  amendments  each  Slate 
could  i)rescribe  the  qualitications  of  its  electors,  and  tiie  Sii- 
])reme  Court  has  held  that  the  amendments  do  not  apply  to 
Indian  triljes,  so  that  the  benefit  of  the  amendments  to  In- 
dians debarred  of  citizenship  by  State  laws  is  very  uncertain. 
Moreover,  the  Executive  Department  has  virtually  declarid 
them  in  a  state  of  pupiiiige  again,  by  various  orders  establish- 
ing reservations  for  thein,  from  1S75  to  1SS3. 

The  attention  of  the  gdvernmcnt  was  called  to  those  peo- 
ple many  times.     In  ivtJo  .1.  Q.  A.  Stanley,  of  Los  Angeles, 


THE  CURSE  OF  GOLD. 


14'J 


utrered  to  act  as  distributing  agent  to  them,  withont  eonipen- 
sutiun,  and  tiie  govern nieiit  graciously  accepted  his  offer.  He 
reported,  several  times,  the  constant  and  shameful  encroach- 
ments of  white  men,  and  begged  the  authorities  to  do  some- 
thing for  the  protection  of  the  Indians;  especially  to  secure 
them  lands  for  homes.  Mr.  Whiting,  Superintendent  of  Cal- 
ifornia in  1809,  urged  not  only  the  provision  for  the  future 
l)ut  also  a  remedy  for  the  recent  past,  lie  said,  "  It  seems 
ti)  me  that  while  the  government  assumes  to  act  as  guard- 
ian for  the  Indians,  and  the  latter  are  treated  as  minors,  the 
settlers  should  never  be  allowed  to  ac(piire  title  (from  the 
j,'iiardian)  to  lands  conceded  to  have  been  donated  to  the 
neophytes  by  a  former  government.  If  these  Indians  are 
reeognizcd  as  minors  in  law,  and  incapable  of  transacting 
business  of  a  C()n)i)licatcd  nature,  no  laches  of  theirs  can  de- 
j)rive  them  of  their  legal  righls.  ...  It  is  quite  certain  that 
since  my  last  annual  report,  and  since  it  was  known  that  I 
c'dutcmplatod  estal)lishing  a  reservation  for  the  Mission  In- 
dians, all  of  the  best  lands  claimed  by  the  Indians  at  Tala 
uiul  San  Pasqual,  and  especially  the  watering- places,  have 
hecM  taken  up  and  occupied  by  settlers.  The  immigration 
lias  crowded  off  the  Indians,  and  left  thousands  without  a 
home.  I'y  sharp  practice,  and  under  variou.«  jiretences,  they 
have  also  been  deprived  of  their  horses,  their  working-oxen, 
their  cows  and  stock  cattle.  Illicit  traffic  in  ardent  spirits 
uiuiuestionably  aided  in  tiie  accomplishment  of  these  wicked 
idhheries."  And  yet  such  people  as  these  settlers  profane 
Winds,  iti  some  sense  sacred,  by  talking  of  ctitering  Indian 
laiKh>  "in  good  faitii,"  and  establisliing  ''IiMi)py  homes." 
Tlie  Pala  and  San  Parwuial  rescM'vations  wore  thrown  open  by 
fr.iiiii.  The  wliite  roljhers  dwell  in  I*;ila,  San  l*as(jual,  and 
Ti  iiucii(;hi  to-day,  some  of  them  in  houses  that  the  Indians 
built.  The  Indians  have  no  title  to  bar  entrance  even  to 
their  present  lairs  in  the  mountains,  except  the  thin  covering 
of  ail  Hxecutive  order,  revokai>le  at  will. 

It  is  hardly  possible,  if  we  are  to  retain  any  faitii  what- 
ever in  a  common  humanity,  tiiat  these  wrongs  can  be  pushed 
iiiiv  farther.  The  reports  of  IJ.  ('.  Whiting,  in  lSTl,of,lohn 
''.Ames,  in   l^T-'!,  and  of  Helen  Hunt  .laeksoii,  in  1SS;{,  with 


150 


MASSACUKS  OF  THE   MOUNTAINS. 


various  unofficial  jnihlications,  have  brought  these  things 
home  keenly  to  people  who  are  capable  of  shame  over  a 
national  disgrace.  The  national  authorities  have  shown  a 
disposition  to  do  something.  Under  Mrs.  Jacksot>'s  rof^oni- 
mendation,  attorneys  have  been  employed  to  defend  their 
remaining  interests,  and  possibly  a  long-deferred  justice  niav 
still  rescue  souiething  from  the  chaos  of  their  rights.  One 
thing  is  certain.  Our  laws  should  not  be  left  so  that  any 
one  man,  or  dozen  men,  can  take  away  from  these,  or  any 
other  Indians,  their  homes,  and  permit  white  men  to  accpiiro 
vested  rights  therein.  There  is  a  Winnebago  reservation 
case  on  the  nation's  hands  to-day,  and  a  possibility  of  others. 
It  is  not  the  probability  of  wrong  that  makes  the  laws  bad: 
it  is  the  possibility.  If  the  privilege  of  the  writ  of  habeas 
corpus  were  susj)ended  for  a  week,  or  a  day,  it  would  cause 
intense  indignation  throughout  the  land,  not  because  exten- 
sive wrong  would  probably  be  done,  but  because  possibly  it 
might.  Under  the  Constitution  no  white  man's  ])roperty  can 
be  taken  from  him  without  due  process  of  law.  In  parity  of 
justice,  before  any  rights  could  possibly  be  taken  from  our 
"  wavds,"  the  legislative,  executive,  and  judicial  departments 
should  all  pass  on  the  expediency  and  fairness  of  the  act.  It 
has  ever  been,  and  now  is,  too  easy  to  do  a  wrong  to  these 
people,  and  too  difficult  to  right  one.  If  the  former  had 
always  been  as  difficult  as  the  latter,  we  sliould  not,  as  a  na- 
tion, have  liad  to  apologize  for  half  of  the  injustice  that  iiiis 
been  done. 


CHAPTER  VI. 
OATMAN    FLAT. 

If  an  American  who  was  not  acquainted  with  the  country 
mip;ht  be  seized  l>y  sumo  supernal  power  and  suddenly  ])laced 
in  Southwestern  Arizona,  ho  would  never  8usj)ect  that  he  was 
witliin  the  Ijoundaries  of  the  United  States.  Its  soil,  its  veg- 
( tiition,  its  sierra  outlines,  its  dry,  phantasmagoric  atmosphere, 
its  animal  life,  and  its  inhabitants,  are  all  strange.  Towards 
ihoCrulf  of  California  the  country  for  many  miles  is  dry,  bar- 
nii.  ami  desert,  with  no  plant  life  but  the  cactuses,  ami  even 
these  seem  depressed  and  hopeless,  except  when  an  angel's  visit 
of  rain  brightens  them.  A  little  farther  back  come  ranges  of 
irrauite  mountains,  still  nu)re  desert  than  the  i)lains,  for  on 
thiir  sides  no  vegetation  appears,  nor  any  soil  to  support  vog- 
otution.  White  and  glistening,  they  rear  their  crests  like  the 
>keleton8  of  mountains  whose  flesh  had  dropped  away.  Still 
farther  back  more  vegetation  shows,  but  it  is  strange  to  the 
average  American.  There  is  a  broken  carpet  of  grass  iu  many 
placL's,  brown  and  dead  in  appearance.  Here  and  there  is  a 
iii'V.iiuite,  a  palo  verde,  or  a  patch  of  sage.  The  Spanish 
li.yniiot  thrusts  out  its  sharp  leaves.  The  century  ])Iant  rears 
it>  lance-like  stem  aiul  floats  its  graceful  llowcrs.  The  prickly 
|>i'ai  spreads  its  Hat,  jointed  limbs  in  the  heated  air.  Most 
.■^tiikJMg  of  all,  the  saguarra,  or  pitahaya  (petahyah),  the  giant 
cercus  of  the  naturalists,  sometimes  solitary  aiul  sometimes  in 
small  forests,  raises  its  fluted  column  from  thirty  to  sixty  feet, 
and  lifts  its  stove-pipe  arms  above  the  other  plants.  Its  color 
i>  icreen ;  the  surface  is  smooth,  and  armed  with  clusters  of 
tliiuiis,  as  ill  the  other  cactuses.  This  plant  is  of  great  value 
to  tlie  natives.  Its  Mowers  form  a  bright-colored  circle  around 
its  (op,  and  give  place  to  a  ring  of  fruit,  each  as  large  as  a  hen's 
»::.:;  and  much  resembling  a  tig.     From  the  juice  of  this  they 


162 


MASSACUES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


iDtike  a  pyrup  of  wliicli  they  are  very  foix] ;  the  pulp  is  pressed 
in  cakes  fur  winter  use.  Within  the  dead  trunks  are  found 
rod  like  threads  of  wood  fil)re,  which,  hound  together,  serve 
to  reach  the  fruit.  Water  is  scarce  in  tiiis  hmd.  Tiiere  can 
liardly  he  said  to  he  any  streams  except  the  Colorado  and  tlie 
(Jila,  and  the  latter  is  dry  at  times  in  some  parts.  Their  val- 
leys, with  fringes  of  willow,  cottonwood,  and  uu  -:(^uitc,  form 
a  pleasant  contrast  to  the  tahle-lands.  I'he  chief  reliance  of 
the  natives  for  water  is  on  the  natural  tanks,  which  occur  at 
well-known  places  in  the  rocks,  or  in  heds  of  clay.  There  arc 
also  a  few  springs,  which  form  pools  ordinarily,  hut  in  very 
dry  seasons  these  fail,  and  the  Indians  are  forced  to  dig  to  the 
nnderlying  rock,  and  gather  the  water  drop  l)y  drop.  Since 
the  whites  have  made  a  thoroughfare  of  the  country  they  have 
sunk  wells  at  many  points. 

This  region  was  inhabited  by  two  classes  of  natives.  South 
of  the  Ciila  were  the  I'imas,  ^[aricopas,  and  Papagos.  Tiiey 
are  all  of  good  disposition  and  have  long  been  friendly  (o 
their  ^NFexican  neighbors,  whose  settlements  join  them  oJi  the 
S(Mitheast.  The  I'imas  and  Maricopas  live  in  the  Gila  valley. 
occu]»ying  a  strip  of  country  about  twenty  miles  long  and  four 
miles  wide.  These  two  tribes  are  on  terms  of  tiie  closest 
friendship  and  intercourse,  but  8])eak  different  languages  aiul 
maintain  entire  independence  in  government  and  religion. 
They  live  in  villages  and  support  themselves  by  agriculture. 
Their  fields,  which  are  watered  by  irrigating  ditches  from  tlie 
(iila,  produce  good  crops  of  wheat,  corn,  melons,  ])umpkiiis. 
and  cotton.  The  cotton  they  weave  into  excelh  nt  blankets, 
an  art  which  they  had  when  the  Spaniards  '/ivaded  their 
country.  While  of  a  (juiet  nature,  these  people  are  bravo 
warriors,  and  have  beaten  the  Apaches  so  often  that  those 
scourges  of  the  desert  retain  a  salutary  dread  of  them,  in 
the  tribes  of  both  nations  there  arc  legends  of  their  wars,  in 
which  the  Pimas  and  their  allies  obtained  all  the  victories  and 
celebrated  them  right  royally.  ( )n  one  occasion,  it  is  said,  the 
I'imas  s]iread  flour  on  the  ground  for  three  miles,  as  a  c:ir- 
pet  foi-  their  victorious  chief.  The  Papagos  live  to  the  suutli 
of  these,  and  are,  in  fact,  merely  converted  Pimas,  their  name 
being  an  ada])tion  of  fjaj)co)u'(i,  the  Pinni  word  for  bapti/.<d. 


OATMAN    FLAT. 


la.") 


Tliey  S!i/  tlioy  origiiiully  lived  still  farther  south,  but  were 
ilriveii  back  by  the  SpaniaiHls  into  their  desert  home,  com- 
monly called  I'apai^iieria  or  I'apagoria.  They  are  on  friemlly 
ttrins  with  the  Mexicans,  and  have  lonj^  assisted  them  in  tiglit- 
ini;  their  common  enemies,  the  Apaches.  Their  principal 
si'ttlcnicnt  is  at  San  Xavier  del  I'ac,  an  old  mission,  estal)- 
lisiied  by  the  Jesuits  in  lOOS.  The  stately  old  cathedral  there 
was  preserved  by  them  after  the  Jesuit  power  passed  away  in 
Mexico,  and  it  remains  to-day,  a  splendid  monument  of  Sara- 
cenic architecture,  that  would  be  an  ornament  to  any  city  in 
the  country. 

In  customs  the  Cocopahs  resembled  these  tribes.  Tiiey 
were  a  small  batul,  numbering  some  three  hundred  warrior-^, 
who  lived  along  the  Colorado,  next  above  the  (iulf  of  Cali- 
fiirnia.  They  are  agricidtural,  and  raise  excellent  crops  in  the 
valley  of  the  Colorado,  which  overflows  nearly  every  year, 
usually  in  July.  Their  pumpkins  and  melons  are  especially 
large  and  fine.  The  previously  mentioned  tribes  are  quite 
decently  clothed,  but  the  Cocopahs  make  no  pretensions  to 
dress.  Their  men  wear  a  light  breech-doth,  and  the  women 
two  little  aprons  of  l)ark,  one  before  and  one  behind.  The 
C'dcopahs  and  Maricopas  were  both  originally  parts  of  the 
Yuma  nation,  but  seceded  from  it.  The  secession  of  the  Co- 
copahs was  not  opposed ;  that  of  the  Maricopas  was,  and  a 
hitter  war  followed,  in  which  the  Yumas  were  aided  by  the 
Cocopahs.  The  Maricopas  fled  to  the  Pimas,  who  agreeil  to 
let  them  settle  in  their  country,  if  they  would  adopt  an  agri- 
cultural life,  and  make  no  war  except  in  defence.  (»r  to  revenge 
:iL^irressions.  To  this  the  INIaricopas  agreed,  and  have  since 
ke|)t  their  agreement.  All  these  tribes  were  enemies  of  the 
(.'ttlorado  lliver  tribes  above  the  Gila,  and  t»f  the  Apaches, 
Mud  all  remained  so  except  the  Cocopahs,  who,  in  1804,  made 
a  treaty  of  peace  with  the  tribe  next  above  them,  known  as 
till'  Yinnas.  The  Ct)Copahs  mIso  differed  from  the  others  in 
the  loose  virtue  of  their  women.  They,  like  the  Yumas,  were 
Will  made  and  handsome,  but  the  comeliness  of  their  women 
Mi  vud  only  to  attract  the  passion  of  their  white  neighbors,  and 
hriiig  upon  themselves  the  diseases  that  have  well  nigh  de- 
ftruyed  them.     They  spend  half  their  time  in  the  Colorado, 


l;)6 


MASSACHKS   OF  THE   MOrNTAINS. 


p\vimniin<r,  or  sitting  iiiunersod  near  the  banks,  their  heads 
plastered  over  with  fresh  niud. 


'■'tt 


I'iMA  (iinr.s. 


Tho  nation  of  tlio  Yninas  (Sons  of  the  River),  accordinfi;  to 
tlicir  sfatoineiit.  irichides  live  tril)es:  the  Ciichans,  tiio  ^lahaos. 
the  M(thaves.  the  llali-wal-coes  or  llualapaii?,  and  tlio  Vain- 
pais  or  Yavipiiis.  The  Cuciians,  wlio  are  coninionly  known  as 
tho  Yunias,  lived  next  above  the  Coeojialis,  to  whom  thoy  were 
very  similar  in  Iialiits.  In  isri(»  they  nnnd)ered  about  four  hmi- 
dreii  and  fiftv  warriors.    Aitove  them  on  the  (\)lora(h>  wcrt'tlic 


OATMAN    FLAT. 


15; 


(  liLMii-o-liue-ves  (Cliiiu-inc-Wiili-walis,  Kcin-ah-wi-vis)  a  braiidi 
nt'tlit!  l'i-lJtc8,  wlioaic  iouiul  ill  lar^u  miinbei's  west  of  the  C'ol- 
(  rado  ill  California.  Above  tiie  Clieni-e-hiio-vos,  and  north  of 
i!ill  Wiiliaiiis  Fork,  were  the  Mo-ha-ve:*.  Tiieir  name  is  from 
two  Vuiiia  \v«)rds:  hniii(H)h\  three,  and  Imh'i,  nioniitains,  refei- 
riiii;  to  the  third  inoiiiitain  raiii^e,  at  which  tlieir  territory 
licgins.  Tiie  naiiu!  is  written  Uamockhiives,  Yamockhaves, 
Vamiijahs,  Tainatahs,  Jamajahs,  Anioehaves,  and  Mojaves. 
They  are  a  hirge  tribe,  closely  related  to  the  Viiiiias,  and  very 
friendly  with  them.  These  two  tribes  intermarry,  and  both 
are  related,  by  numerous  marriai^es,  with  the  Coahiiillas  of  the 
Colorado  desert,  and  tho  I)ie<;enos  (Indians  of  San  I)iei;o)  of 
Southern  ('alifornia,  with  whom  they  are  on  terms  of  intimate 
friendship.  The  habits  of  tho  Mohaves  are  irenerally  similar 
til  those  of  tho  lower  tribes,  but  they  make  iiiuch  better 
lioiises,  and  a|)i)ear  rather  more  intelligent,  ^vltovc  the  Mo- 
haves, occu|iyini^  the  country  in  the  <;reat  l)end  of  the  Colorado 
to  the  south,  were  tho  Vampais.  The  Tonto  Ajiaches  lived 
east  of  these,  in  the  nei^'hborhood  of  IJill  Williams  ^fountain. 
The  Vampais  and  Tontos  have  been  called  the  same  by  some 
;uithorities,  and  botli  are  generally  considered  mongrels — con- 


iiictiiiir  links 


betw 


een 


the  Ai 


paclu'S  and  the  river  tril)cs. 


The 


Tniitos  were  not  of  the  bold,  roaming  disposition  that  charac- 
terized the  other  Ai>aches.  They  are  small,  not  well-formed, 
iiiul  in  their  manner  of  life  degraded.  All  of  the  tribes  meii- 
tiuiied  were  foot  soldiers  when  they  came  under  our  rule. 
They  liad  some  horses  anu  mules,  but  not  many,  and  they 
were  prone  to  use  them  for  fo(nl  in  times  of  scarcity.  The 
lance  was  a  weapon  little  used  by  them.  Their  arms  were 
!>i'\vs,  arrows,  and  clnljs.  TIk;  last  named  is  a  weapon  seldom 
iiM'd  by  other  Indians,  but  those  of  the  Colorado  Kivcr  were 
never  without  it.  It  is  simply  a  stick  cut  from  a  kind  of  livc- 
0:1k  that  grows  in  the  mountains — one  of  the  few  Pi)ecies  of 
Aiiiericau  woods  that  will  sink  in  water  after  it  has  been  sea- 
tanned. 

It  is  to  this  section  of  Arizona  that  wo  must  next  trans- 
IVr  ourselves,  but  in   1850-51   there  was  no  Arizona.     Tho 

I iitry  south  of  the  Gila  belonged  to  ^le.xico  until  the  (Jads- 

(len  purchase  of  December  oO,  1S53,  and  that  north  of  the 


Ub 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOrNTAINS. 


Gila  was  a  part  of  tlio  Territory  of  New  Mexico.  The  land 
south  of  the  (iila,  after  its  purchase,  was  sometimes  called 
the  Gadsden  Purchase  and  sometimes  Arizuiia.  The  Terri- 
tory of  Arizona  was  set  off  from  New  Mexico  in  18(53,  and 
the  northwest  corner  of  the  tract,  tlien  included  in  !  ,  bounds, 
was  afterwards  ceded  to  Nevada.  In  1S50-51  the  region  wa^ 
still  in  tlie  condition  in  which  it  had  l)ecn  for  the  past  century. 
The  tribes  north  of  the  Gila  were  in  what  appears  to  have 
i)cen  their  aboriginal  cotulition.  Tliey  had  not  ;ic(juired  guns, 
nor  had  they  contracted  the  vices  and  diseases  of  civilization. 
They  liad  not  even  become  expert  horsemen  and  learned  the 
use  of  the  lance,  as  had  their  relatives  a  little  farther  east,  from 
ctintaet  with  the  cavaliers  of  .Spain.  They  still  revelled  in  tiie 
independence  and  tilth  of  absolute  savagery.  The  country 
was  almost  wholly  unknown.  Kearny  and  Gooke  had  gniic 
across  it  on  their  marches  to  California,  and  nniil-carriers  had 
made  their  way  through  by  the  same  routes  or  by  the  north- 
ern road,  which  circled  two  hundred  miles  above  its  starting- 
j)oint,  through  Southern  Ttali.  At  this  lime  Captain  Sit- 
greaves  was  on  his  exploring  expedition  dowri  the  ('olorado, 
•Aud  IJartlett,  with  the  AFexican  IJoundary  Commission,  was 
lo(;atitig  the  eastern  portion  of  the  line.  The  few  emigrants 
who  puohed  through  to  California  by  the  southern  road  had 
to  rely  childly  on  thy  Alexicans  and  friendly  Indians  for  in- 
forinatioii,  assistance,  and  protection.  There  was  a  small 
force  stationed  on  the  Coloraiio,  at  tlie  mouth  of  the  Gila, 
called  Camp  Vuma.  Fort  Yuma  was  afterwards  established 
in  the  same  locality. 

In  the  year  1S40  a  project  was  originated  it>  the  western 
part  uf  Illinois  fnr  a  setth'iuent  in  the  neighbnrhood  of  the 
mouth  of  the  (iila  liiver.  Among  those  who  determined  to 
join  this  purty  was  Koyso  ()atman,a  mati  forty  years  of  age, 
who  had  lived  in  the  West  since  childhood.  For  a  long  tiiin! 
he  was  a  succes.sful  merc'iant  at  La  Ilarpe,  Illinois,  but,  like 
many  others,  was  brought  to  ruin  by  holding  a  largi;  amount 
of  wiid-cat-baidv  paper  when  the  collapse  of  1S42  came.  After 
his  failure  ho  went  to  Petinsylvania,  expecting  to  settlt;  ainoii;,' 
relatives  who  lived  in  the  Cumberlaml  \'alley,  l)Ut  the  K;ist 
had  lost  its  charms  for  him,  and  he  returned  to  Illinois.     Here 


OATMAN   FLAT. 


151) 


lie  I)C<i;an  faniiintri  "eai"  Kulton,but,  in  the  course  of  his  work, 
so  injured  liiiiisolf  by  uveriiftiiii^  tliut  liis  iieulth  faiKnl,  In 
coiisutjiience  of  tlio  6eeniin<5  Itopulessness  of  recovering,  or  even 
lii'inir  relieved  from  sulTerinir,  in  a  northern  reirioii,  owiiiir  to 


Ins 


extreme  sensitiveness  to  cold  and  damp,  lu'  joined  the  pro- 
jected colony,  iiopiiif;  to  find  the  climate  a  halm  for  Ids  ril- 
nieiit.  He  was  accompanied  liy  Ids  fundly,  consisting  oi"  >\ 
wife  and  seven  children.  The  col(»ny,  numhering  some  eigiity 
souls,  rendezvonsed  at  Indepemlence,  .Mi.>*souri,  and  on  Au- 
gust 10,  1S50,  started  on  their  long  overland  journey.  One 
week's  travel  revealed  the  fact  that  tlie  members  were  uncon- 
geinal,owing  to  dilTerenres  of  religious  opinions.  A  jiart  threat- 
ened to  turn  back,  but  tiie  dillerences  were  smoo^lied  over  by 
the  commendable  diplomacy  of  some  of  the  b"tter-balanced 

Is.     I'v  the  time  the  colonv  reached  the  iuiu^tion  of  the 


lica( 


J' 


north  and  south  roads,  at  Santa  I'e  pass,  the  (piari'cls  had  be- 
come so  acrimoidons  that  the  comp.-'ny  divided.  The  larger 
pai'ty  took  the  northern  road.  The  smaller,  consisting  of 
twenty  ))erson8,  with  eight  wagons,  moved  on  to  tlic  Rio 
<iraiide  and  took  Colonel  Cooke's  route  to  the  south. 

Slowly  the  little  train  crawled  along,  over  nnuintain  and 
phiin,  through  canons  and  across  valleys,  liown  into  Mexico, 
aiMoss  to  the  sources  of  the  Santa  (^ruz,  up  through  the  old 
S|>anish  towns  of  Santa  Cruz  auvi  '"'u'oac,  and,  as  the  year 
clused,  jiled  into  Tucson,  the  city  that  <.'-putos  with  Santa  Fe 
the  honor  of  being  the  lirst  jx -rmunent  wiiite  set  lenient  with- 
in tiu3  bonlers  of  the  I'nited  S';iite8.  There  thoy  halted  for  a 
month.  The  Mi'xicans  received  them  kindly  anil  begged  them 
\i>  remain,  as  had  also  the  inhabitants  of  the  lower  towns. 
The  repute  of  American  arms  was  so  great,  and  tin?  cordlict 
<if  tiic  Mexicans  with  the  Apaches  was  so  continiions,  that 
American  settlers  were  desirable.  l"art  of  the  train  concluded 
to  stop  for  a  year,  a.^  leai^t,  and  rest.  The  <  )atman,  AVilder, 
Kelly  families  decided  to  go  on.    Their  cattl<-  were  in  p< 


IIM 


)or 


CI  inlition,  and  there  was  n(»  opportunity  to  imiirove  them 
iiiucli  at  Tucson.  The  Apaches  had  destroyed  all  the  crops, 
iiml  BU|»plie8  were  scarce  at  any  prire.  The  three  familiea 
iMi.ved  on  into  the  "  ninety-mile  desert."  the  stretch  of  i\ry, 
liiiid,  gravelly  land,  with  itb  scant  growth  of  meztpiite  and 


h;o 


MASSAt'KKS   OK  TIIK   MOI'NTAIX.S. 


cactus,  that  separates  Tucson  from  tlu'  I'iinu  villai;e«.  Dreary 
and  tiresome  as  it  is  now,  it  was  far  more  k)  then,  for  there 
were  then  no  wells  in  it,  and  the  traveller  had  no  (^hanee  to 
obtain  water,  except  that  diirini^  some  seasoiiis  there  were  ])ii()ls 
at  tlie  I'ieacho,  a  peak  midway  of  the  desert.  In  this  deso- 
late reijion  the  Coyotero  Apaehcs  hei^an  to  threaten  them, 
and  each  nii^ht  they  had  tn  place  a  <juard.  who  freijueiitly 
wakened  tlic  others  to  resist  ;ittaeks.  (  )m  the  l()th  of  Kchrn- 
ary,  discoiiraired,  destitute,  and  almost  worn  out,  they  reached 
the  lands  of  the  I'imas.  Ti»  add  to  the  fjloominess  of  their 
prospects  their  provisions  were  now  so  reduced  that  it  ap 
peared  impossililc  for  them  to  hold  out  tliroiiirh  the  (.ne  hnii- 
dreil  and  ninety  miles  yet  to  he  traversed  l»eft>re  reachinjr 
Camp  Viima. 

Tln'V  remained  at  the  I'ima  and  Maricopa  villa<,'es  until 
March  11,  and  then  the  Oatmans  starti'd  on  alone.  The  mo 
fives  that  actuated  the  party  to  tliis  division  have  never  lieoii 


'•^*. 


-■"-..'^,  ^-y-"^:^^ 


I'lMA     S  ILLAUK. 


OAT.MAN    FLAT. 


161 


sitisfactoril}'  exphiiiied.  It  is  statod  by  Lorenzo  Oatman  that 
Wilder  ami  Kelly  determined  to  remain,  and  risk  obtaining 
support  by  tradi'    with 


the 


Ind 


lan." 


wlulo    Ins 


father  believed  that 
starvation,  or  ileath  at 
the  hands  of  tin;  In- 
iliaiis,  wunld  resnlt  fioiii 
t.irrviniT.    ( )n  the  dther 


li.'iDd 


It  lias 


l)een   sai( 


that  there  was  ik,  i^iod 
ri'asoii  fui  the  ( )atnians 
i:i)iiig  on  aioiif,  and  it 
is  certain  that  Wilder 
•ted  after 
U'li  days 
e  in  a  iitate 


ami 


Iv.-ll 
lliem    al)(, 
later.      Whil 
"f  indeeision  as  to  their 


iiuse, 


l>r.    Le    ( 


mte, 


tl 


R-    heieiitist.  accumpa- 
1     bv     a      M 


llltM 


c'Xiean 


AMIlMil    AZrl,, 


i^imlc,   arrived    at     the 

villuijes.       IK'  reportefl 

timt     he      had      pnHwd 

tlimuirh  the  country  l)etween  there  and  Camp  Vuma  twiee, 

wiiliiii  thf  past  few  months,  and  that  he  had  soon  no  sijjfi 

"f  Indians  anvwhere.     This  information  ileeided  Oatman  to 


IS 


''11   oil. 


Th 


le  road  (MintinneB  down  the  river  to  the  Alarieopa 
Wi'Us.  and  then  leaves  it.  The  river  bends  to  the  north, 
mill  after  a  loiij^  iletour  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  miles, 
aroini<l  two  ranj;es  of  ijranite  liills,  comes  imek  to  the  6au»e 
;:(ii»ral  course  al)out  lil'ty  miles  to  the  west.  The  road  cuts 
ainii.>  the  country  i)i'tween  these  two  points,  which  is  known 
as  iIk!  J)i;.sert  of  the  (iila  I'eiid.  Kor  seven  days  the  Oat- 
mans  plodded  aloii^  across  this  and  down  the  (iilu  beyond. 
Tlu'ir  cattle,  which  were  imw  reduced  to  one  yoke  of  oxen 
and  two  yokes  of  cows,  were  almost  ivxhausted.  The  roads 
lm<l  been  made  very  bail  by  a  recent  rain.  When  they  came 
ti>  one  of  the  numerous  hiiU  un  the  luud,  they  were  oblij^ed 


1(52 


iMASSACHKS   Ol'  TllK   MOINTAINS. 


to  unload  the  two  wngoiis  and  carry  tlio  <;ood?, piece  ])y  j)I>cc. 
to  the  top.  The  cattle  were  l're(niently  unable  to  pull  up  even 
the  empty  wagons  without  assistance. 

On  the  seventh  day,  l^r.  Le  (..'oiite  overtook  and  j)asficd 
them,  lie  was  touched  bj' their  sad  condition,  and  l)r()mi^3otl 
to  bend  a.ssistance  to  them  as  soon  as  he  leached  Camp  Yuma, 
then  about  one  hundred  and  thirty  miles  distant,  lie  pu.shed 
on  rapidly,  and  that  nijifht  camped  thirty  niiies  ahead  of  tliem. 
At  dayiireak,  while  ])repariiij^  for  the  day's  ride,  Le  {'ontt;  was 
surpi'ised  to  see  twelve  Indians  stalk  into  his  camp.  lie  and 
the  iruide  seized  their  weapons  and  stood  on  their  j^uard.  The 
Indians  professed  friendship,  and  tried  to  divert  their  atten- 
tion in  order  to  train  an  advanta;i:e.     After  some  time  their 


visitors  went  on 


their 


ift 


wav,  and  soon  after  the  two  men  dis 


covered  that  their  animals,  which  had  been  left  in  the  valley 
below,  had  been  driven  oil,  probably  durini^  the  visit  of  the 
Indians.  The  doctor  ordered  his  guide  to  go  on  to  Camp 
Vnma  for  horses,  while  he  remained  and  guanled  the  pac-k.s 
but  the  guide  had  not  gone  long  before  the  doctor  remem- 
bered the  Oatnians  and  his  promise,  lie  placed  a  card  con- 
spicuously on  a  tree  near  the  road,  informing  them  of  his  mis- 
fortune at  the  hands  of  the  Apaches,  ;ind  promising  to  pro- 
ceed at  once  to  the  fort  for  help.  The  <  >atniaiis  never  reached 
this  point. 

On  the  evening  of  tin;  ISfh  they  came  to  the  Uila.at  the 
head  of  what  is  now  ciIUmI  Oatman's  Flat,  one  hundred  and 
eighteen  miles  east  of  Fort  ^'iima.  They  attempted  to  cn^^s, 
but  the  stream  was  8W(»llen  and  nipid.  After  a  hard  struggle 
thev  siic(!eeded  in  reachin<;a  little  sand  island  tiiat  still  raised 


Darl 


kiK.'ss  1 1  a* 


1   fall 


en 


Ti 


le  aiu- 


its  crest  above  the  waters 
mals  were  mired.  They  determined  to  camp  for  the  night 
on  the  island.  The  Rurroundings  were  depressing.  The  nigiit 
was  cold,  and  the  wind  blew  in  litful  blasts,  at  times  drivinir 
the  waters  (»f  the  rivei  almost  over  the  island.  The  hour  w.i- 
late  before  a  lire  was  sinrted  and  the  little  allowance  of  fond 
to  which  they  were  reduced  was  dolecl  (»ut.  Nou'^  of  tlieni 
could  sleep.  The  parents  sat  apart  and  conversed  in  l^w 
tones.  The  children  groU]teil  around  the  little  fire  and  ci'ii- 
sidered  the  situation  in  their  childish  wav.     The  rush  of  the 


OATMAN   I'l.AT. 


168 


river  and  thu  moan  of  tlio  wind,  as  it  wliirled  through  tlio 
iTullit's  and  swept  ovor  tlio  distant  hills,  tnniud  tlioir  tliouglits 
In  tliu  dangers  that  iniijht  ho  lurkiiii;  in  tho  wilds  ahoiit  thoin. 
Thoy  talked  of  tho  Indians,  althouifh  thoy  had  soon  nono  and 
III!  indications  of  any  since  thoy  started.  Each  had  his  cnido 
idea  of  tho  course  ho  would  pursue,  and  Olive,  the  second  girl, 
;i  child  of  twelve  voars,  said  that  she.  at  least,  would  not  ho 


taken  hv  those  nn>'  rahlo  iirutos. 


I 


will  tiirlit  as  I(iii;r  :is  I  can. 


am 


1  if  I  see  that  I  am  aljout  to  ho  taken  1  will   kill  myself," 
she  saitl,  doliaiitly.     Tho  dreary   ni^ht  passed   away.     With 
e  iirst  rays  of  tho  morninj;  they  made  ready  to  leave  their 


lie 


ilismal  ciimp.     Tluty  jjained  the  o])posite  hank  and  made  prep- 
arations to  ascend  tin;  hill  of  the  mesa.  wlii<di  is  elevated  aluiiit 


two  hiiiidrod  feet  ahovo  the  llat.     Tiio  ascent  is  over  a  h 


11 


tormatit)n,  caused  hy  tho  wash  of  ^vater  that  is  conmion  all 
through  tiu'  West.  The  upper  strata,  to  a  thickness  of  twenry 
ti'ct.aro  harder  than  those  Ijeneath.  As  the  i^round  has  washod 
from  helow,  the  upper  part  has  hroken  and  fallen,  makiuij  a 
|i<  rpeiulicular  wall,  from  tho  base  of  which  tho  detritus  forms 
a  .'■lopiui^  descent  to  the  plain  helow.  The  mesa  is  covered 
with  a  tcrowth  of  saj^uarras,  which  ajipcar  from  i>elo\v  to  stand 
as  seiitini'ls  alouj^  its  hordor. 

rp  this  hill  tho  nutmans  wore  obliged  to  carry  all   their 
;;omls,  tho  teams  being  unable  to  pull  the  emjity  wagons  witl:- 


ipiit  assistance. 


Til 


e  day  vas  spent  thus  and  m  resting,  with 


tlic  intention  of  iiioviii}'  on  at  ni;j:ht.     The  full  moon  atVorded 


ample  light,  and  thoy  lioped  to  make  the  journey  easier 


for 


tliii;'  cattle  by  resting  in  tho  heat  of  the  day.  ()ne<d'  tho 
wa:,'iiiis  was  tak(!n  up  the  hill  and  drawn  alioutamilt!  beyond. 
to  the  summit  of  a  swell  in  the  mesa,  beyond  which  one  yoke 
'i|  the  cattle  ct)uld  pull  it.  .\s  tho  sun  set  Oatnmii  turned 
back  for  tho  other  wagon,  which,  with  the  unloaded  gooils,  re- 
iiiaiiifil  ;it  the  top  of  the  hill.  Hero  the  family  gatheri'cl  to 
tat  a  few  morsels  of  dry  broad  and  a  cup  of  bean  S(»up  before 
stirtiiig.  The  depres.'^ion  of  tin;  night  be'oro  had  scarcely 
iihateil.  ( )atumn,  ospecialU,  M;is  wvighcd  dowr.  iiy  gloomy 
ii|i|>rchensi()ns.  For  an  b.-ur  on  tho  procediiii;  night  lu'  had 
Wept  bitterly,  and  during  the  ;itren\.><)n  he  had  sunk  down  by 
the  wagon  aiiil  groaned  out:  "  Mother,  mother,  in  the  iiamu 

11 


164 


MASSACKKS  OF   THK   MOINTAINS. 


of  (tod,  1  know  tliat  soinetliin<;  (h'cadful  is  iihout  to  liappcii  I' 
His  »n;\nlic'0(l  appeared  to  lutve  fuikid  liiiii  completel)'.  As  tlicy 
packed  tlie  waj^oiis,  lio  luovyd  about  listlofisly,  l)uriod  in  his 
gloomy  tlioiii^iits.  Lorenzo,  who  was  assisting  his  fatlier, 
ghui'.ed  d('W?i  tiie  road  through  the  Ihit,  and,  to  his  horror, 
baw  a  number  of  Indians  leisnn.'ly  approaehing  them.  He 
spoke  to  his  father,  who  turned  hastily.  As  his  eyes  fell  on 
the  Indians  the  climax  of  his  terror  wa.s  reached.     Mis  face 


<1 


nsiKM 


1  d< 


<'p!y.  an  1  tlien  paled  lo  a  ghastly  line 


His  f 


orni 


stilTeiu.'tl,and  the  muscles  of  iits  inoutii  twitclunl  (;onvu'sively. 
Several  minutes  passed  before  he  regained  any  command  of 
him.»elf.  Kven  then  hi.i  every  mos'ement  betrayed  his  fears. 
Doubtles^s  it  was  tlic  result  of  his  presentiment,  f(jr  he  had 
been  known  liefore  as  a  man  of  co(  Iiiess  and  courage.  He 
had  :;lso  often  met  and  dealt  with  Indians, and  was  deeply 
impre!5.^ed  with  the  belief  that  if  treated  kindly  and  tirndy 
they  would  seldom  do  any  injury.  Vlthongh  this  theory  has 
often  been  successfully  tested,  it  must  be  reniendsered  that 
the  lirmness  is  more  important  than  the  kindness.  An  In- 
dian despises  a  man  who  fears  !!im,ai!d  will  often  mistreat 
such  a  one,  when  be  would  not  annoy  a  man  that  put  oti  a 
bold  front. 

The  Indians,  nineteen  in  nnini)er,  came  up  to  them.    Tlicy 
were  nuketl,  except  their  small  breech-clouts.      Re])nlsive 


HI 


featu 


res. 


tiltl 


ly   ot    person,  and   witli    dislievelled    hair,  tlicy 


formed  a  wild  and  barliarous  group.  Each  carried  a  bow  and 
arrows  and  a  club.  ( )arman  motioned  them  to  sit  down,  ami 
spoke  to  them  in  Spanish.  Some  of  them  understood  that 
langnage.  and  replied  to  liitri  witli  vehement  protestations  of 
frirtidship.  They  askeii  for  toiiaireo  and  a  pipe,  to  smoke  in 
tt/K- •>  of  amity.  <  )arman  prepared  one.  took  a  wliilT.  and 
passed  it  to  tlietii.  They  tlien  asked  for  something  to  cat. 
Oatniaii  toid  thmi  that  he  lia«J  scarcely  anything;  that  if  lie 
gave  them  food  he  would  i»e  robbing  his  ehildren.  I'y  this 
time  they  had  gatiLred  the  party  with  whom  they  were  deal 
and  knew  that  tliev  would  meet  no  serious  resistance.      I 


nig, 

'hrV 


ignored  lii*  ♦'xcuses,  and  increased  t\w  vehemence  of  their  de- 
mand*  utrtil    their   ciimors    became  furious.     Oatman    '  "ik 


d  f 


*»ime  iireail  tioni  tl»«!  wayon  am 


tl* 


d  itave  it  t<i  tlu'iii,  telling  r,i''in 


OATMAN    FLAT. 


165 


tliut  lie  was  hrinijiim  his  family  to  starvation  l>j  doiii^  so. 
Tlii'V  tlevoiiiTil  it  and  iltMiiaiKluil  more,  but  lie  refused.  Tliey 
tiieu  ii^atliercd  on  one  side  and  consulted  in  their  own  toni^ue, 
w  Iiile  the  family  hurried  on  witii  their  packiu";.  Mr.  ( )atiiian 
;iiul  Lorenzo  \V(!re  handing  in  the  j^oods  at  tlie  hack  of  the 
uMj^on.  Mrs.  Oatman  was  ijisich;  arranj^inj;  tiiem.  ()live  and 
hiicy,  her  older  sister,  were  on  the  side  nearest  the  Indians, 
iirran<;ing  sotne  of  the  pr(i|)erty.  Mary  Ann,  ii  child  of  seven, 
-at  on  a  stone  in  front,  holdinjij  the  halter  of  the  f()rein(jst  yoke. 
riii;  remainder  of  the  ehildren  were  on  the  oinmsite  side  of 
the  wajfon.  They  were  almost  ready  to  start.  A  few  min- 
utes more,  and  they  would  h.-ave  their  disajfreeahle  visitors 
t'urevcr,  they  hoped. 

'J'he  Indians  came  closer  to  them.  They  scanned  the 
horizon  and  hx^ked  carefully  up  and  down  the  road,  as  though 
ill  expectation  of  some  (/tie.  Then,  with  wild  yells,  they 
leaped  U|)on  the  hapless  group  Iii^fore  them.  <  H'  all  weapons 
known  to  man,  the  cliil>  is  must  fitting  to  the  hrutal  nature. 
It  was  the  first  wt-.ipon  to  which  man  laid  his  hand  in  the 
primordial  dawn.  It  is  the  wc;ipon  of  some  of  the  higiier 
apes  tu-day.  The  ragged  Inde  left  hy  the  rifle-ball,  the  gap- 
ing cut  iif  the  stil(!tto,  and  tlio  broad  gash  of  the  lance  or  the 
s;il)i'e  are  shocking  to  the  sight,  hut  tin'y  have  nothing  of  the 
horror  and  repulsivencss  of  the  crush  of  the  war-club,  that 
(li.-torts  the  features  till  they  los»^  the  semblance  of  humanity. 
This  was  the  weapon  of  the  Tonttis,  for  Mich  these  Indians 
Were,  and  they  ])lied  it  with  the  ferocity  (;i'  devils  and  the 
excitement  of  mailmen.  Oatman  was  beaten  to  the  ground 
Mii'l  his  skull  crushed  by  re|)cated  blows,  as  he  writhed  and 
groaned  in  his  torment.  Lorenzo  received  a  blow  on  the 
liMck  of  his  head  that  brought  him  to  his  knees,  and  another 
that  tumbled  him  over,  dazed  and  helpless.  Mrs.  ( )atnian 
leaped  from  the  wagon  and  clasped  to  her  liosoin  her  young- 
('>t  child,  a  boy  of  two  vears.  The  savage>  dashv'il  upon  her 
witli  tiger  bounds,  ])ouiidiiig  out  the  life  of  luotlier  and  child 
lit  once,  while  her  screams  for  help  -'^artled  the  desert  echoes 
mill  wi'i'e  mockiuirlv  thro.vn  back  frcn  the  bleak  hills.      L 


ucy 


luid  been  seized  by  the  hair  at  the  fir^L  and  Iniateii  until  she 
\vii<  not  onlv  dead,  but  almost  unrecognizable.     The  smallest 


ir.o 


MA88AfULS  OF  TIIK  MOUNTAINS. 


^irl,  less  than  four  years  old.  was  dcspatclied  at  one  blow. 
Koyse.  luT  next  tilder  hrotlitr.  was  tlie  last  ty  fall  of  tlioso 
that  died.  He  had  stood  farthest  away,  lie  saw  the  others 
killed  and  stood  nerveless,  overcome  with  horror.  As  the 
savaiijcs  came  ii|)oii  him  he  <j;ave  one  piercing  shriek,  and  a 
nionu'iit  later  was  strniTilling  in  nnconscious  convulsion,  ini- 
der  the  stroke  o(  the  cliil».  The  other  two  children,  Olive 
and  Maiy,  were  si)ired.  This  was  the  predetermined  inten- 
tion of  the  Indians,  for  Olive  was  !  awn  to  one  side  by  one 
of  them,  .-ind  Mary  was  seized  hy  anotlier,  at  the  outset. 

Tiie  Work  of  plunder  hej^an.  They  tore  the  canvas  cover 
from  (he  wajj^ctn,  broke  open  bo.xes,  and  rifled  tlie  elothin:^  of 
the  dead,  takirii;  what  tiiey  wanted  and  strc'wiui^  the  rest 
over  the  ttronnd.     As  tlicv  came  to  Lorenzo  lu;  showed  some 


si":ns  o 


f  lifi 


Tl 


ley 


removed   his  hat   and   shoes.     'J'wo  of 


rroundini^s,  but  no  power  of  motiim.      He  heard  the  shriek 


them  seized  him  by  the  feet,  dra;;i;ed  him  to  the  ed^e  of 
the  bluff,  and  hurled  him  over.  Down,  twenty  feet,  to  the 
slope,  he  fell.  I)(iwti,  over  the  niirgi^d  rocks,  he  rolled. 
l)urini;  part  of  this  time  he  had  a  dim  con.sciousness  of  his 
su 

of  his  brothers  and  sisters,  and  the  despairin<^  cry  of  his 
mother.  He  felt  the  Indians  searching  him,  and  knew  that 
they  were  draifj^injj;  him  over  the  j^round.  Then  came  tlic 
weird  fcelinj^  of  a  wanderin<^  eon.sciousness.  At  one  moment 
he  seemed  to  move  between  fjjreat  rows  of  pictures  hunj;  in 
the  distant  air.  At  another  his  senses  were  shocked  by  the 
din  of  unearthly  and  dis(!ordant  noises.  Aujain,  he  was  lulled 
by  strains  of  heaverdy  music  that  soothed  him  into  ecst;ific 
rest.  At  the  same  time  he  was  conscious  that  he  lay  on  the 
rocky  slope,  in  the  brii^ht  mooidiifht,  with  the  bh^od  llowiny 
from  his  ears  and  nose.     Then  darkness  came. 

When  he  next  jj;ained  consciousness  the  mid-d;'y  sun  w;i.s 
beatint;  u[»on  his  face.  His  bead  throbbed  with  a  madden- 
ing pain.  He  tried  to  open  his  eyes,  but  could  not.  As  his 
mind  clearc'd,  he  rubbed  away  tl:(!  (dotted  blood  that  lucked 
his  eyelids,  and  looked  about  him.  His  clothing  was  in 
shreds.  II(;  put  his  hand  to  his  bead,  and  felt  his  scalp  turn 
from  his  skull  and  stilTenc  ',  like  parchment.  Up  the  slo|ie 
he  saw  the  stains  of  blood  that  had  marked  his  fall,  and  re- 


OA'I'MAN    FI.AT, 


167 


ilizeil  how  lio  had  rcaclieil  his  present  jilaco.  His  thoiii^hts 
w  aiulerc'd  hack  to  tlie  tragetly  enacted  on  the  incsii  ahove. 
An  uncontrolhihle  impulse  caiiio  npon  him  to  look  ngiiiii  on 
the  faces  of  the  kindred  who  lay  there.  It  was  so  short  a 
ilistaneo,  and  yet  how  <freat.  Faint  and  di/zy,  In,'  crawled  up 
tln!  rocky  slope.  His  strength  failed — he  fainted  ;  his  con- 
sciunsness  returned — he  crept  on  ;  up — up — up,  full  fifty  feet 
lie  struggled,  and  then,  looking  across  a  gidly  that  hr(d<e 
the  edge  of  the  mesa,  he  saw  the  wagon  lifting  its  hare  rihs 
ill  tlie  parched  air.  It  brought  the  full  iiorror  uf  the  place 
liuck  to  him.  His  desire  to  look  on  the  features  of  the  deatl 
was  irone.  His  only  thought  was  to  get  uway  fiom  the  horri- 
Itle  spot.  He  crawled  along  the  slope  to  the  roi'd,  and  down 
the  road  ti»  the  river,  every  muscle  aching,  every  nerve 
strained,  and  his  head  pulsating  with  i)ain  and  delirium.  The 
(iihi,  muddy  and  warm,  how  ho  drank  of  it  and  bathed  iiis 
liniised  i)ody  !  It  brought  relief.  Ho  slept.  When  he 
iiwoke  it  was  night.  With  the  aid  of  a  stick  that  he  found 
liy  the  riverside,  lie  gained  his  feet  and  began  to  walk.  The 
load  crosses  the  Gila  twice  at  this  bend,  to  avoiil  the  blutl 
tliat  juts  out  fn>m  the  sotith  side.  Lorenzo  avoided  crossing 
liv  makin^r  his  wav  over  the  blulT.  He  walked  all  thri)U«j:h 
tlie  night  and  the  following  morning.  Near  mid-day  ho 
rt'iiciied  a  j)ool  of  warm,  muddy  water,  of  which  he  drank 
'ktply,  and  fell  asleej)  in  the  glowing  sunshine.  After  a 
.-liort  sleep  he  awoke,  |>artially  delirious,  and  continued  his 
jdurney.  In  the  middle  of  the  afternoon,  as  he  was  crossing 
H  liigh.  Iiarreu  table-land,  his  strength  sudilenly  vanished  and 
111'  fell  in  a  faint. 

When  he  recovered,  near  evening,  his  ears  were  filled 
with  a  strange  noise  that  seemed  to  be  approaching  him. 
Ilcfore  he  could  rise  to  his  feet  he  was  surrounded  by  a  pack 
ut  coyotes,  growling,  snarling,  and  licking  their  lank  jaws  in 
ticipation  of  the  feast  before  them.  Here  was  a  new  dan- 
r,  for  the  coyote,  thou<rh  cowardlv  to  an  active  cneinv.  is 


:in 


tii'i'ce  and  desperate  as  its  congener  the  gray  wolf  to  the  lielp- 
lt>s.  Lorenzo  started  to  his  feet  with  a  yell,  the  lirst  utter- 
iiii .e  lie  had  made  since  the  massacre,  striking  one  of  them  as 
lu'  rose.     Ai  this  they  fell  back  a  little  and  he  started  on  his 


1C8 


MASSACUKS   OF   TIIK    MOINTAINS. 


[urli   a:;!iiri.      Tlioy    followed    liim.      Twilii^lit   came,  ami 


in 


dai'kii 


TIk-v  pressed  iipoii  liiiii,  siirrduiidiii;^  liiiii  on  all 
hides  with  a  circle  id'  j;listeiiin^  faiij^s  and  i^larini^  eye-halls, 
but  fear  hrdnuhl  him  a  new  strenirtli.  He  gathered  stones 
and  threw  at  them  till  they  fell  I)a(;l<  aj;nin.  He  hurried  (Hi. 
tormented  hv  the  liorrihle  tlioni;lit  that  he  miyht  faint  and 
he  devoured.  I'di'  hours  Jiev  do^i,fed  his  footsteps,  lint  at 
length  they  abandoned  tnu  pnrsiiir,  and  by  midnight  ho  hail 
the  satisfaction  of  hearinij  their  howls  die  away  in  the  dis- 
tant hills.  Towards  morniii:^  he  had  aiiothc'r  season  of 
tronhled  sleep,  after  which  he  started  uii  onci,'  more.     Almtit 


noun. 


as  he  was  passing  throiij^h  a  dark  eafion,  ho  t.anie  in 
sij^ht  of  two  I'ima  Indians.  They  hastily  drew  their  Li)Ws  at 
sii;lit  of  this  .strani^e  beiiiir,  but  when  he  rai.-cd  his  hand  ami 
ppoke  to  them,  they  rode  np  to  him.  One  of  them  was  an 
Indian  with  whom  the  (  hitmans  had  been  acipiaintcd  in  the 
villajre.  (ini(dily  as  they  saw  who  was  before  them  they  di.>- 
monnted  and  embraced  him,  with  expressions  of  pity  and 
sympathy.  They  spread  their  blankets  under  u  tree,  fur  a 
couch,  and  brought  him  a  i^onrd  of  water  and  a  piece;  of  their 
ash-baked  broad  —  all  that  they  had.  They  rode  on  to  the 
scene  of  the  nnissacre,  telling  him  to  remain  until  they  re- 
turned and  they  would  convey  him  to  their  villaixes. 

He  slept  till  eveniiiiT-  On  awakeiiiiii^  he  became  fearful 
that  the  two  Indiana  miijlit  })rove  treacherous.  The  awful 
tragedy  of  a  few  hours  back  made  him  distrust  a  dark  face. 
Ill'  left  the  carmn  and  continued  his  march  throULjh  the  nii;lit 
anil  to  the  middle  uf  the  inorniiii;.  On  the  crest  of  a  hill, 
overlookini,'  a  lonj;,  windini;  valley,  he  crept  under  ii  bu;-li 
and  slept  for  two  or  three  hours.  When  ho  awoke  he  felt 
completely  exhausted  from  hiinirer  and  pain.  He  had  a 
desire  to  sleep  Ioniser,  but  fouijht  it  olT.  As  he  lay  there, 
thinkini;  over  his  hopeless  situation,  lie  looked  down  across 
the  valli'V.  and  .saw  objects  movin;;  on  the  mad.  He 
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a  little  hill,  he  saw  that  they  were  waijons.  A  <rreat  flood  if 
gladness  catne  over  him,  and  he  swooned  away.     When  iic 


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OATMAN  FLAT. 


171 


recovered  the  wagons  of  the  Wilders  and  Kellys  were  stand 
iiig  near  hiui,  and  Robert  Kelly  was  approaching  him.  In  a 
I'ew  minutes  he  was  surrounded  by  friends,  and  breaking  his 
weary  fast  on  a  bowl  of  bread  and  milk.  On  hearing  his 
story  the  two  families  turned  back  to  the  Pima  villages,  to 
stay  nntil  the}'  should  be  reinforced  by  others  travelling  in 
the  same  direction.  The  two  men,  with  a  number  of  Pimas, 
went  on  to  the  scene  of  the  murder,  and  covered  the  remains 
(if  the  victims  with  stones  to  protect  them  from  the  wolves. 
Two  weeks  later  six  white  men  who  were  going  to  Camp 
Yuma  arrived,  and  the  two  families  journej'ed  on  with  them. 
I.urenzo,  who  had  already  recovered  somewhat  from  his  suf- 
feiiiigs,  was  cared  for  at  Yuma  by  Dr.  Hewitt,  the  post-sur- 
geon, until  his  health  was  I'estored. 

While  Lorenzo  was  making  his  weary  way  along  the  road, 
his  sisters,  Olive  and  Mary,  were  being  driven  across  the  des- 
ert north  of  the  Gila  by  the  Indians.  As  soon  as  the  work  of 
plunder  was  completed  the  savages  moved  away  a  short  dis- 
tance, made  a  fire,  and  prepared  a  supper  of  bean  soup  and  ash- 
haked  bread.  The  girls  could  not  eat.  After  the  meal  the 
Indians  diverted  themselves  by  terrifying  little  Mary.  They 
would  threaten  and  scowl  at  her  until,  in  an  agony  of  nervous 
fear,  she  would  run  to  her  sister's  arms,  sobbing  wildly.  Then 
they  would  brandish  their  clubs  and  frighten  her  into  silence. 
Fur  an  hour  they  remained  at  this  place,  from  which  the  chil- 
dren could  see  the  bows  of  the  wagon,  in  the  moonlight,  mark- 
ing the  spot  of  the  massacre.  They  were  oppressed  with  grief 
and  suspense.  The  events  of  the  past  hour  were  so  horrible 
that  older  persons  might  well  have  been  overwhelmed  by 
them.  All  their  kindred — father,  mother,  sisters,  and  brothers 
—they  had  seen  fall  beneath  the  clubs  of  their  captors.  For 
thtJinselves  was  absolute  uncertainty  as  to  their  future  fate, 
with  all  the  apprehensions  of  torture  that  their  childish  knowl- 
edge of  Ilidian  customs  could  bring  them.  Another  element 
of  torture  was  soon  to  be  added  —  it  was  bodily  suffering. 
'I'he  Indians  took  from  them  their  hats  and  shoes,  and  started 
o!i  their  march.  An  Indian  led;  the  two  captives  followed; 
the  other  Indians  formed  the  rear-guard.  Across  the  desert 
tin  V  hurried,  the  tender  feet  of  the  captives  being  bruised  at 


172 


MASSACRES   OF  THE   MOUNTAINS. 


every  step.  Sharp  stones  gashed  them,  and  cactus  thorns 
pierced  them  cruelly.  After  several  hours  Mary  sank  down 
and  refused  to  go  farther.  Blows  and  threats  had  no  effect 
npon  her.  She  said  she  had  rather  die  than  live.  At  length 
one  of  the  Indians  threw  her  across  his  back,  and  the  march 
was  resumed.  Olive  became  so  faint  and  weary  that  she  felt 
she  could  not  go  on,  but  the  fear  of  being  separated  from  her 
sister  gave  her  superhunum  energy.  At  noon  of  the  follow- 
ing day  they  halted  until  the  cattle  were  brought  up,  killed, 
and  cut  in  pieces.  In  the  afternoon  they  again  started,  and 
journeyed  until  ten  o'clock  at  night.  During  this  time  the 
sufferings  of  the  girls  were  lessened  by  having  pieces  of  skin 
tied  upon  their  feet.  At  daybreak  they  continued  their 
march. 

Near  noon,  as  they  were  passing  through  a  dark  canon,  a 
band  of  eleven  Indians  appeared,  and  approached  them  in 
great  excitement.  One  of  them  drew  his  bow  and  let  fly  an 
arrow  at  Olive,  which  pierced  her  dress  but  did  not  harm  her. 
As  he  fitted  another  to  liis  bow  the  captors  sprang  forward 
and  placed  themselves  before  the  girls,  while  one  of  them 
seized  the  would-be  assassin.  It  appeared  that  this  man  iiad 
lost  a  brother  in  a  recent  attack  upon  some  whites,  and  had 
sworn  to  avenge  himself  upon  the  first  white  that  he  met. 
The  captors,  however,  had  other  uses  for  their  captives,  and 
iinally  succeeded  in  getting  rid  of  the  avengers,  though  not 
until  there  had  almost  i)oen  a  general  battle.  They  travelled 
until  midnight.  In  tiie  morning  they  hurried  on  till  tliey 
came  to  a  village  of  low,  thatched  huts.  The  captives,  suf- 
fering and  exhausted  by  two  hundred  miles  of  cruel  march- 
ing, were  placed  on  a  pile  of  brush,  around  whicii  all  the  in- 
habitants of  the  village,  about  three  hundred  in  nunil)er, 
whirled  in  a  dance  of  exultation  and  savage  joy.  Throughout 
it  they  took  every  means  of  humiliating  the  captives,  by  strilc- 
ing  them,  throwing  dirt  upon  them,  and  spitting  in  their  faces. 
Their  insults  had  but  little  effect  on  the  wretched  girls,  who 
had  now  reached  the  stage  of  indifference  and  desperation. 
The  only  apprehension  that  troubled  them  was  the  fear  of 
torture.  This  was  dispelled  on  the  succeeding  day.  The 
jubilee  and  feast  were  over.    A  night's  rest  had  somewhat 


OATMAN  FLAT. 


178 


refreshed  the  captives  and  eased  their  pains.  They  were  set 
to  work  at  the  employments  which  must  henceforth  engage 
thcin.     Their  fate  was  now  clear.     They  were  slaves. 

It  would  he  difficult  to  imagine  a  more  oppressive  slavery 
tlian  that  in  which  they  existed.  The  Tontos  were  a  people 
of  the  most  degraded  character,  with  customs  which  added 
weight  to  the  natural  brutality  of  savagery.  They  had  broken 
oif  from  the  tribes  to  the  southeast  during  the  flowery  days  of 
the  Spanish  power,  and  taken  refuge  in  the  wilderness,  while 
their  brethren  remained  to  light  the  invaders.  From  the 
Coyoteros,  so  they  t<ild  the  girls,  they  had  received  an  Apache 
name  which  means  unruly,  but  this  name  had  been  corrupted 
by  the  Mexicans  into  the  word  trmtos,  which  means  stupid  or 
foolish.  They  were  a  connecting  link  between  their  fierce 
relatives  on  the  east  and  the  agricultural  Mohaves  on  the 
west;  they  had  neither  the  wild,  warlike  habits  of  the  one, 
iiur  the  good-natured  indolence  of  the  others.  Their  women 
were  obliged  to  do  all  the  work,  as  in  most  of  the  tribes,  and, 
to  make  their  lot  more  unenviable,  the  Tontos  had  a  theory 
that  young  females  should  not  subsist  on  meat  any  more  than 
was  absolutely  necessary  to  prevent  starvation.  In  conse- 
quence their  women  of  all  ages  were  dwarfed  and  dried  up, 
while  their  young  girls  frequently  died  from  want  of  food. 
To  these  enslaved  and  half-starved  squaws  the  Oatman  girls 
were  sub-slaves,  and  they  found  them  most  cruel  mistresses. 
They  delighted  in  inventing  new  and  unnecessary  tasks,  and 
at  the  least  provocation  beat  the  helpless  children  unmerci- 
fully. The  girls  quickly  learned  that  the  children  of  the  tribe 
M(!re  their  masters  also,  for  the  slightest  complaint  from  one 
(if  these  youngsters  was  the  signal  for  a  severe  beating.  All 
this,  and  their  constant  menial  labor,  had  to  be  undergone  on 
the  most  stinted  allowance  of  food.  Even  in  feast  times  the 
savages  would  contemptuously  throw  them  refuse  scraps  of 
foiui,  saying:  "You  have  been  fed  too  well;  we  will  teach 
you  to  live  on  little."  They  would  have  died  of  starvation  if 
they  had  not  appropriated  for  themselves,  at  every  possible 
oceasion,  the  roots  and  other  food  that  they  were  ordered  to 
gather  for  their  owners. 

Late  in  the  fall  of  1851  a  party  of  Mohaves  visited  the 


174 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


village  on  a  trading  expedition,  and  some  talk  was  had  about 
a  purchase  of  the  captives.  When  about  a  year  had  elapsed 
from  the  time  of  their  capture,  a  second  delegation  of  Mo- 
haves,  live  men  and  the  daughter  of  the  chief,  came  to  the 
Tonto  village  to  negotiate  for  them.  The  question  of  sale 
was  in  dispute  for  some  hours,  but  on  the  morning  after  the 
arrival  of  the  Mohaves  the  Tontos  concluded  to  accept  the 
price  offered,  which  wa.'  two  horses,  three  blankets,  some  vege- 
tables, and  some  beads. 

Another  long  and  weary  march  was  before  the  girls,  but 
what  they  suffered  now  was  not  a  result  of  spite.  The  chiefs 
daughter  walked  all  the  way,  carrying  a  roll  of  blankets  that  she 
shared  each  night  with  the  captives,  while  the  two  horses  that 
remained  to  the  party  were  carrying  the  gentlemen.  For 
eleven  day.'  they  trudged  along,  over  rugged  mountains  and 
across  dusly  deserts,  until  they  reached  the  Mohave  valley, 
on  the  Colorado  liiver,  A  beautiful  valley  it  appears  to  the 
wayworn  traveller  acrosn  the  desert,  with  the  broad  river 
gleaming  beyond  through  its  fringe  of  willows  and  cotton- 
wood,  and  patches  of  grass  relieving  the  brown,  dead  color 
that  has  become  so  tiresome.  Here  dwelt  the  new  owners  of 
the  slaves.  As  masters  they  were  far  preferable  to  the  Ton- 
tos. They  seemed  to  lack  much  of  that  savage  trait  of  tortur- 
ing for  the  pleasure  of  seeing  pain.  They  lived  in  rude  but 
coinfortaijle  huts,  made  of  logs  set  on  end,  thatched  on  three 
sides,  and  covered  with  mud  roofs.  These  were  usually  sur- 
rounded by  rows  of  cotton  wood-trees  and  plots  of  grass,  and 
near  them  were  placed  cylindrical  osier  granaries  in  which 
they  stored  their  edii)les.  The  Mohaves  raised  wheat,  corn, 
melons,  and  vegetables.  They  did  not  till  the  ground,  but 
planted  everything  in  hills  scraped  up  l)y  their  li'^gers,  the  an- 
nual overflow  of  the  Colorado  keeping  the  valley  in  a  state  of 
great  fertility.  Tlie  girls  were  obliged  to  work  much  as  bu- 
foi'e,  but  they  had  more  to  eat  and  were  beaten  less. 

One  day  the  Mohaves  heard  the  girls  singing,  and  wore 
curious  about  this  accomplishment  of  their  slaves.  At  their 
request  the  girls  sang  several  songs.  Afterwards  they  were 
frequently  importuned  to  sing,  and  were  usually  rewarded  fur 
complying  with  strings  of  beads,  pieces  of  red  flannel,  and 


OATMAN   FLAT. 


175 


otlier  gifts  that  have  a  value  to  the  savage.  The  flannel  was 
valuable  to  the  girls  also,  enough  of  it  being  acquired  to  make 
;uklitions  to  their  very  limited  wardrobes.  The  Indians  often 
asked  them  questions 
;il)out  the  whites;  and 
though  they  usually 
concluded  their  inter- 
views by  telling  the 
captives  that  they  were 
outrageous  liars,  like  all 
tlie  Americans,  they  lis- 
tened with  apparent  in- 
terest to  the  descriptions 
of  the  white  man's  hab- 
its. Tiie  idea  of  a  heaven 
al}o\'e  the  stars  struck 
tliein  as  an  especially' 
foolish  thing,  because 
tiie  heavenly  hosts 
would  necessarily  all 
(imp  out.  They  also 
i|U  tioned  tiie  girls 
closely  as  to  their  contentment  with  their  lot,  and  professed  to 
be  fearful  that  they  would  attempt  to  escape.  Finally,  they 
iiuparted  the  unwelcome  information  that  they  were  about  to 
tattoo  the  girls'  faces,  so  that  they  woukl  knowihem  wherever 
tliey  found  them.  The  ^[ohaves  tattoo  their  own  women  only 
when  they  marry,  marking  them  with  vertical  blue  lines  on  the 
chin,  but  Miss  Oatman  stated  that  their  markings  were  diifer- 
ciit  from  those  of  the  Mohave  women,  and  that  they  were  not 
treated  as  wives  by  their  owners. 

The  chief  labor  of  the  girls,  tlirough  the  summer,  was  col- 
lecting mezquite  (pronounced  mcz-l'ee-tay'  by  the  natives) 
beans  and  storing  them  in  the  granaries.  There  are  two  kinds 
of  mezquite.  Tlie  common,  or  straight-pod,  is  very  similar  to 
the  common  honey-locust  in  growth,  foliage,  and  the  armor  of 
sharp  spines.  It  occurs  as  a  shrub,  in  dense  thickets,  or  as  a 
tree  from  ten  to  forty  feet  high.  It  is  invaluable  to  the  inh.abit- 
aii!.-,  of  Arizona  for  fuel,  principally  furnished  by  the  roots, 


IIUTABA,  MOHAVE    CIMKF. 


176 


MASSACRES   OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


which  remain  intact  long  after  the  tree  has  disappeared, 
and  are  found  everywhere.  The  pods  or  beans,  when  ripe, 
contain  a  sweet,  mealy  pulp,  which,  when  dried  and  powdered, 
is  used  for  sweetening  pinole  (ground  parched  corn),  or  as  a 
food  direct.  The  other  is  called  the  tornillo,  or  screw-pod 
mezquite.  It  is  similar  to  the  first,  except  that  the  beans  are 
twisted  in  a  close  spiral,  resembling  a  screw.  During  the 
spring,  when  the  winter  supplies  had  been  exhausted  and  the 
new  growth  was  not  matured  sufficiently  for  food,  there  was 
ordinarily  destitution  among  the  Mohaves.  Their  chief  reli- 
ance was  in  gleaning  the  mezquites  from  which  beans  had 
been  gathered  in  the  preceding  autumn.  The  summer  of  1853 
brought  a  failure  of  crops  to  them,  and  they  looked  forward 
to  the  approaching  winter  with  well-grounded  fears  of  a  fam- 
ine. The  unhappy  slaves  were  taxed  to  their  utmost  to  gather 
provisions,  and  the  failure  to  return  in  the  evening  witli  loaded 
baskets  was  sure  to  be  paid  by  a  beating.  Mary  was  fast  fail- 
ing under  this  barbarous  life,  and  the  starvation  which  was 
peculiarly  their  lot.  She  wasted  away  to  gauntness,  and  be- 
came more  and  more  feeble.  As  starvation  became  more  im- 
minent, those  of  the  Indians  who  were  able  to  travel  made  a 
journey  of  sixty  miles  in  search  of  food.  Mary  tried  to  ac- 
company them,  but  gave  out  and  went  back.  The  party 
secured  a  tolerable  supply  of  food,  but  it  was  soon  exhausted. 
The  Indians  were  growing  so  desperate  that  savage  selfishness 
prevailed.  Each  one  provided  strictly  for  himself  and  ate  all 
he  could  get.  They  would  let  their  nearest  kin  starve,  and 
then  rend  the  air  with  the  dismal  howling  that  their  customs 
make  appropriate  in  time  of  death. 

Mi^ry  became  helpless  and  Olive  was  distracted.  She  was 
obliged  to  go  away  to  procure  food,  yet  she  feared  to  leave 
her  sister.  The  Indians  would  give  Mary  nothing  to  eat,  and 
some  of  them  advocated  killing  her  in  order  that  Olive  might 
have  more  time  to  procure  food  for  then..  When  Olive  found 
anything  to  eat  the  Indians  would  take  it  frou)  her,  if  tlioy 
saw  it.  Whole  days  passed  when  neither  of  them  had  a  mor- 
sel. Their  pangs  of  hunger  were  almost  beyond  endurance, 
and  their  strength  was  ebbing.  Olive  could  remain  on  lier 
feet  but  a  short  time,  while  Mary  was  fast  approaching  de;itli. 


OATMAN  FLAT. 


177 


She  fixed  all  her  tlioughts  on  a  future  life — a  reunion  with 
lier  father  and  mother,  her  sisters  and  brothers,  in  a  beautiful 
land  where  pain  and  want  would  never  come.  Every  day,  so 
long  as  her  strength  would  permit  her,  she  sang  the  hymns 
tliat  were  used  in  the  Sabbath-schools  of  thirty-five  years  ago. 
Wan  and  weak,  with  flesh  wasted  and  skin  drawn  tightly  over 
her  bones,  with  unnatural  fires  gleaming  in  her  eyes,  her  voice 
would  carry,  pure  and  clear,  the  words  of  "Jesus,  lover  of 
my  soul,"  or,  "  The  day  is  past  and  gone,"  until  she  seemed 
some  supernatural  being,  striving  to  throw  off  the  covering 
that  held  her,  and  rise  above  the  earth.  The  Indians,  even 
thuse  who  thought  it  an  injury  to  themselves  for  her  to  live, 
would  gather  about  her  and  stand  enchained  by  the  weird 
t-iirht,  although  close  by  their  relatives  were  dying  unheeded. 
At  times  some  of  them  would  be  overwhelmed  with  unknown 
emotions,  and  give  way  to  outbursts  of  weeping  and  moaning 
as  they  looked  on  the  dying  girl.  Death  came  at  last,  and  she 
]>assed  to  the  abode  of  spirits  peacefully  and  quietly,  as  if 
sinking  to  sleep.  Instead  of  burning  her  body,  as  is  their 
custom,  they  gave  Olive  the  privilege  of  burying  her  remains 
ill  the  little  garden-spot  that  had  been  set  off  for  their  use. 

Oppressed  by  a  terrible  feeling  of  loneliness,  Olive  lived  on 
through  the  famine.  The  next  year  was  one  of  plenty,  but  it 
brought  her  a  new  torture.  When  the  growtli  of  the  year 
had  advanced  sufticiently  to  furnish  the  Mohaves  with  food, 
ami  they  had  recovered  strength  and  spirit,  they  decided  to 
make  an  expedition  against  the  Cocopahs.  This  was  the  first 
Miio  that  they  had  undertaken  since  the  purchase  of  the  cap- 
tives, and  Olive  was  informed  that  in  case  any  of  the  warriors 
Were  killed  she  would  be  sacrificed,  in  accordance  with  their 
custom,  which  requires  a  warrior  who  falls  in  battle  to  be  fur- 
iiislied  with  a  slave  in  Ilippoweka — the  spirit-land.  For  five 
months  the  war-party  was  absent.  For  five  months  Olive  was 
tortured  by  the  constant  contemplation  of  the  thread  on  which 
licr  life  depended.  There  seemed  hardly  a  possibility  that  all 
tin;  war-party  would  return,  for  the  Cocoi)ahs  were  reported 
to  liave  been  joined  by  new  and  powerful  allies  since  the 
Mohaves  last  attacked  them.  At  length,  one  day,  as  she  was 
gathering  roots,  she  saw  a  messenger  coming  to  the  village. 


178 


MASSACltKS  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


lie  brought  news,  but  of  wliat?  Slie  knew  not  what  to  do. 
J''or  a  moment  she  thought  of  flight,  but  abandoned  that 
chance  as  liopeless.  In  desperation  she  went  to  tlie  village  to 
learn  her  fate.  She  sat  in  silence  through  the  convening  and 
opening  of  a  council,  that  Indian  decorum  made  necessary 
before  the  news  was  told.  At  length  the  messenger  spoke. 
The  J\Iohaves  were  returning  in  triumph  with  Ave  prisoners. 
None  of  them  had  been  killed.  Tears  of  joy  and  relief  rolled 
down  the  poor  girl's  cheeks,  and  she  bowed  her  head  in  thaidc- 
f ulness  for  her  deliverance. 

Soon  after  this,  Olive  was  forced  to  behold  a  shocking 
spectacle.  The  captive  Cocopahs  were  all  young  girls  but  one, 
who  was  a  woman  about  twenty-live  years  of  age  and  unusual- 
ly beautiful.  She  appeared  almost  frantic  with  grief.  Olive 
succeeded  in  communicating  with  her,  and  learned  that  her 
distress  was  caused  by  her  separation  from  her  husband  and 
infant  child.  Their  village  had  been  attacked  in  the  night, 
and  the  Cocopahs  had  fled.  As  she  ran  along,  her  husband 
took  the  child  from  her  arms  and  ran  ahead.  She  followed, 
but  was  overtaken.  After  remaining  in  the  Mohave  village 
for  a  week,  she  made  her  escape  in  the  night.  She  swam  down 
the  river  for  several  miles  and  concealed  herself  in  a  willow 
thicket  during  the  day.  In  this  way  she  swam  about  uue 
hundred  and  thirty  miles  down  the  Colorado,  in  less  than  a 
week,  .ravelling  only  at  night.  She  had  passed  almost  through 
the  country  of  the  Yumas,  when  one  day  a  Yuma  warrior  dis- 
covered her  lying  under  a  shelving  rock  near  the  river.  lie 
secured  her,  and,  as  obliged  by  the  intertribal  relations, 
brought  her  back  to  the  Mohaves.  The  Mohaves  crucified 
her.  That  is  one  thing  that  the  Arizona  Indians  have  learned 
from  missionaries,  at  any  rate,  and  they  seem  to  think  it  an 
improvement  on  their  own  barbarities.  She  was  raised  to  the 
cross-beam,  about  eight  feet  above  the  ground,  and  her  hands 
fastened  by  driving  coarse  wooden  pegs  through  them.  Sim- 
ilar pegs  were  driven  through  her  feet.  Her  head  was  tied  to 
the  upright  by  strings  of  bark  stuck  full  of  thorns.  The 
other  captives  and  Olive  were  then  brought  before  her  and 
told  to  behold  the  fate  that  awaited  them  if  they  attempted  to 
escape.     For  two  hours  the  unfortunate  lived,  the  Mohaves 


OATMAN  FLAT. 


179 


iiieainvliilo  dancing  about  her,  shooting  her  with  arrows,  and 
mangling  her  body  with  burning  brands.  After  death  they 
took  her  -.lown  and  burned  iier  i)ody  on  a  funeral  pyre. 

After  tliis  Olivo  gave  up  all  thought  of  escape.  She  lived 
on  in  the  usual  way,  though  with  one  imi)rovetnent ;  the  Mo- 
haves  had  been  awakened  to  the  necessity  of  greater  care  in 
tlicir  planting,  by  the  faniiTie  of  1853,  and  there  was  no  more 
suffering  from  want  of  food.  In  February,  185G,  she  was 
startled  to  hear  that  a  Yuma  Indian  had  arrived  in  the  village 
with  a  message  from  the  fort,  demanding  her  release.     This 


PASliUAL,  YCMA    CIIIKF. 

assistance  had  come  from  an  unexpected  source.  When  Lo- 
reii/.o  Oatman  reached  Camp  Yuma,  his  story  attracted  the 
sympathy  of  a  number  of  jflficers  and  men,  who  desired  to  at- 
teinpt  the  rescue  of  his  sisters,  but  the  garrison  was  soon  to 
move  and  there  was  no  time  for  any  protracted  search.  Colo- 
nil  Ileintzelman,  the  commander,  sent  out  a  small  force  un- 
do' Captain  Davis  and  Lieutenant  Mowry,  but  they  failed  to 
tiiMl  the  captives.  In  June  the  garrison  removed  to  San 
I)iogo,  except  about  a  dozen  men,  who  were  left  to  guard  the 
ttiiv.  In  a  short  time  these  men  were  driven  away  by  the 
Y II mas,  who  retained  control  of  the  ferry  for  several  months. 

12 


180 


MASSACRES  OF   THE   MOUNTAINS. 


A  clii'cf  nained  Antonio  Garra,  a  man  of  resources  and  ability, 
undertook  to  unite  the  Yiinias  and  Coahnillas,  of  Southern 
California,  in  an  alliance  to  sweep  the  Aincrica?is  from  the 
country.    This  failed  through  the  treachery  of  Juan  Antoin'o,  a 
Coahuilla  chieftain,  in  whom  (Jarra  trusted.     Colonel  Ileint- 
zelnian  was  sunt  hack  to  chastise  them,  a  work  that  re(juired 
over  a  year.     By  October,  1852,  Garra  was  killed  and  the 
Yumas  subdued.     Lorenzo  had  gone  to  San  Francisco  with 
Dr.  Hewitt.     lie  remained  there  and  in  the  mines  fur  three 
years,  trying  to  devise  some  plan  to  rescue  his  sisters;  but 
though  he  received  much  sympathy,  he  could  get  no  materiiil 
assistance.     In  October,  1854,  he  went  to  Los  Angeles,  still 
intent  on  this  object.     He  joined  several  parties  of  jirospec- 
tors  organized  to  search  for  gold  beyond  the  Colorado,  nnd 
one  of  them  penetrated  the  country  bordering  on  Bill  Will- 
iams Fork  in  1855,  but  without  getting  any  trace  of  the  cap- 
tive girls.     In  December  of  the  same  year   he  searched  in 
Southern  California  for  them,  but  with  no  success.     lie  then 
tried  the  newspapers,  by  which  he  succeeded  in  anMising  pub- 
lic sympathy  somewhat,  and  in  learning  that  his  sister  was 
reported  to  be  a  captive  among  the  Mohaves.     Thereupon  he 
prepared  a  petition  to  Governor  Johnson,  of  California,  fur 
men  and  means  to  recover  her,  which  was  signed  by  many  of 
the  people  of   Los  Angeles  county.     The  governor  rejilicd 
that  he  had  no  authority  to  grant  the  request,  and  referred 
him  to  the  Indian  Department.     He  prepared  a  mer  trial  to 
the  Indian  Department  and  forwarded  it  about  tho  first  of 
February,  185G. 

During  this  time  an  unknown  friend  was  at  work.  In  1853 
there  came  to  Fort  Yuma,  as  carpenter,  a  Mr.  Grinnell,  who 
was  known  to  the  Indians  as  "  Carpintero"  on  account  of  hif^ 
occupation.  He  was  a  nephew  of  Henry  Grinnell,  whose 
princely  philanthropy  fitted  out  the  Adva7ice  and  Rescue  for 
De  Haven's  search  after  Sir  John  Franklin's  exploring  party. 
A  similar  spirit  of  humanity  actuated  the  humble  carpenter, 
and  led  him  to  take  a  lively  interest  in  the  fate  of  the  Oat- 
man  girls.  He  continually  questioned  emigrants  and  Indians 
for  tidings  of  them.  One  night  in  January,  1856,  a  friciully 
Indian,  named  Francisco,  came  to  his  tent  and  asked  hini: 


OATMAN    FLAT. 


181 


"Carpi  11  tero,  wlmt  is  this  yon  say  so  imicli  about  two  Anieri- 
eaiios  ainoiij;  tlio  Indians?"  (irinnell  informed  liini  tluit  tiio 
whitos  well  knew  of  tiic  existence  of  tiic  j^irls  and  wonld  cer- 
tainly make  war  upon  tlic  Indians  unless  tlioy  were  surrcn- 
(icred.  J'roducing  a  copy  of  tlie  Los  Angeles  Stat;  in  which 
Lorenzo  had  made  his  first  jniblished  appeal  for  assistance, 
(irinne'il  translated  the  article  to  Francisco,  and,  still  appear- 
inif  to  read,  told  him  that  a  larjje  army  was  being  prepared 
which  would  annihilate  the  Mohaves  and  all  tribes  who  as- 
.sistcd  them  in  concealing  tiie  captives.  Francisco  was  visibl}' 
iin])ressed.  Grinnell  kept  him  in  his  tent  all  that  night,  and 
ill  the  morning  took  him  to  Oolonel  Burke,  who  commanded 
the  fort.  Francisco  said :"  Vou  give  me  four  blankets  and 
Home  beads,  and  I  will  bring  her  in  jpst  twenty  days,  when  the 
sun  is  tiiere,"  indicating  about  lOiu  o'clock  in  the  afternoon, 
litirke  thought  it  was  'tne  trickery  on  the  part  of  the 
Indian,  but  (irinnell  said  to  give  him  the  goods  and  charge 
thi'iii  to  him.  The  goods  were  furnished  and  Francisco  de- 
parted. 

The  arrival  of  Francisco  caused  no  little  tumult  in  the 
Mohave  village.  A  council  was  called  and  Olive  was  shut 
up  in  a  distant  part  of  the  valley.  Francisco  urged  lier  re- 
kaso  eloquently,  but  the  Mohaves  were  not  yet  accpiainted 
with  the  power  of  American  arms,  besides  feeling  strong  in 
their  remote  location.  Late  at  night  the  council  broke  up 
with  a  refusal  to  surrender  her,  and  an  order  to  Francisco  to 
cross  the  river  and  return  no  more  on  penalty  of  torture, 
lie  crossed  the  river  but  did  not  abandon  his  purpose.  All 
iiii^ht  he  argued  with  the  chiefs  on  that  side  and  in  the  morn- 
ing they  asked  liim  to  return  with  them,  saying  they  would 
tlo  all  they  could  to  procure  her  surrender.  They  went  back, 
iiiul.  after  some  consultation,  another  council  was  called,  which 
Olive  was  ])ermitted  to  attend.  The  j\Iohaves  had  devised  a 
iiew  project.  They  stained  her  skin  and  ordered  her,  on  pain 
of  death,  not  to  speak  to  Francisco  in  American,  Mohave,  or 
any  other  language  that  he  could  understand.  To  him  they 
represented  that  she  was  an  Indian  of  a  distant  tribe.  She 
i=iiinmoned  all  her  courage  and  told  him  who  she  was  and 
wli;it  they  had  ordered  her  to  do.     Francisco  sprang  from  his 


182 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


T'r-.'T.''- 

A   HOIIATK   DWKLLINO. 


seat  in  fury.  Ho  launched  upon  tlie  Mohaves  a  most  ve- 
hement and  eloquent  address.  He  reproaclied  them  for  their 
attempted  deception  ;  told  them  the  whites  knew  that  tlio 
^irl  was  there  ;  that  they  would  destroy  the  Mohaves  aiitl  the 
Ynnias  if  slu?  were  not  given  up;  that  the  Yuinas  luid 
fought  the  Ainerieatis  for  many  months  and  knew  that  thcv 
were  more  powerful  than  all  the  Indian  trihes  ;  that  he  luul 
come  to  them  out  of  mercy  for  his  own  trihe;  and  that  they 
had  endangered  their  own  lives  and  those  of  their  friendLi  tlio 
Yumas  by  this  treachery.  To  Olive  lie  gave  the  followiiii; 
note,  which  she  deciphered  with  much  difficulty: 


OATxMAN  FLAT, 


183 


"Francisco,  Yuma  Indian,  bearer  of  this,  goes  to  the  Mohave  nation  to 
obtain  a  white  woman  there,  named  Olivia.  It  is  desirable  she  should 
come  to  this  post,  or  send  her  reasons  why  slie  does  not  wish  to  come. 

"Mautin  Blkke,  Lieut. -Col.  Commanding. 
"  IlEADQUAiiTEus,  FoBT  Ydma,  Cal.,  27lh  January,  1S6C," 


The  Mohaves  wanted  to  know  wliat  was  in  tliis  letter. 
Olive  told  them,  and  also  informed  them  that  the  Americans 
would  certainly  send  an  army  to  destroy  them  if  they  did 
not  let  her  go  with  Francisco.  The  Mohaves  began  to  be 
cowed.  They  proposed  that  they  should  kill  Olive  and  that 
I'rancisco  should  report  her  as  dead,  but  this  Francisco  refused 
to  do.  The  night  dragged  on  in  that  fierce  debate,  where 
a  feather's  weight  niiglit  give  the  captive  liberty  or  doom 
her  to  death.  After  sunrise  Francisco  and  Olive  were  told 
to  retire,  and  when  called  back  they  were  informed  that  the 
^lohavcs  had  decided  to  surrender  her.  Unable  to  repress 
hvv  emotion,  Olive  burst  into  tears.  She  was  not  allowed  to 
take  any  mementoes  with  her.  They  took  away  even  the 
Leads  and  cloth  that  had  been  given  to  her  and  Mary  for 
singing.  She  had  only  the  privilege  of  a  last  visit  to  her  sis- 
ter's grave.  There  were  few  preparations  to  make.  They 
irot  breakfast,  secured  a  little  food,  and  started.  They  were 
accompanied  by  Francisco's  brother  and  two  cousins,  who 
had  come  with  him,  and  by  the  chief's  daughter,  who  went  to 
the  fort  to  obtain  a  horse  that  Francisco  had  promised  to  her 
father. 

The  twentieth  day  arrived  and  found  Grinnell  waiting 
patiently.  lie  had  been  the  subject  of  tnany  jests  by  his 
comrades,  who  thought  that  Francisco  had  cleverly  worked 
ou  his  sympathies  to  the  extent  of  the  goods  furnished  him. 
At  noon  three  Yumas  appeared  and  announced  that  Francisco 
was  coming.  "  Is  the  girl  with  him  V  asked  Grinnell,  eagerly. 
"  I'rancisco  will  come  here  when  the  sun  is  thei'e,"  answered 
the  Indians,  indicating  the  point  Fi  incisco  had  designated, 
ami  no  more  satisfaction  could  be  had  from  them.  The  sun 
crept  down  tlie  west  never  so  slowly.  As  the  hour  neared, 
(tiiiineirs  strained  eyes  caught  sight  of  three  Indian  men 
aiid  two  women  approaching  the  ferry,  on  the  opposite  side 
ul   tlie  river.     lie  sprang  forward   with   the  glad  shout: 


184 


MASSACRES   OF  THE   MOUNTAINS. 


"  Thoy  have  come ;  the  captive  girl  is  here !"  Olive,  who  did 
not  wish  to  come  to  the  fort  in  her  scanty  bark  dress,  w'as 
quickly  furnished  with  ciothing  by  an  officer's  wife,  and  was 
soon  presented  to  the  commander  amid  wild  enthusiasm. 
Men  cheered,  cannons  boomed,  and  the  assembled  Ynmas, 
carried  away  by  the  general  joy,  gave  vent  to  shrill  whoops. 
There  remaitied  a  yet  more  atiecting  meeting.  Two  days  af- 
ter sending  his  memorial  to  the  Indian  Department,  a  friend 
handed  Lorenzo  a  copy  of  the  Los  Angeles  /Star  containing  a 
brief  statement  of  Olive's  recovery.  He  mounted  a  horse 
and  hastened  to  the  editor.  The  report  was  reliable.  It  was 
based  on  a  letter  from  Colonel  Burke.  A  kind  friend  fur- 
nished him  with  transportation  and  accompanied  him  to  Foit 
Yuma.  Ten  days  of  riding,  along  the  western  slope  and 
across  the  Colorado  desert,  and  the  brother  and  sister  were 
clasped  in  a  fond  embrace.  What  a  meeting !  Five  years  be- 
fore they  separated  amid  the  groans  of  their  dying  kindred, 
in  the  moonlight,  on  the  desert.  Now  they  meet,  the  Sdle 
survivors,  after  weary  days  and  nights  of  hardship  and  de- 
spair, in  safety,  and  surrounded  by  friends.  Tears  came  un- 
bidden to  tlie  eyes  of  strong  men  who  stood  about  them,  but 
they  were  not  ashamed  to  weep. 

There  I'cmains  but  little  more  to  tell.  Lorenzo  and  Olive 
returned  to  Los  Angeles,  and  thence  went  to  Southern  Ore- 
gon, to  live  with  a  cousin  who  heard  of  their  trials  and  in- 
vited them  to  make  hio  iiome  their  own.  They  afterwards 
attended  school  in  the  Santa  Clara  Valley,  in  California,  ami 
in  1858  removed  to  New  York.  Francisco  received  ])r;ii.so 
and  reward  from  the  whites,  and  this  led  the  Yumas  to  make 
him  a  chief,  lie  was  commonly  known  as  El  Sol  Francisco, 
possibly  from  his  indicating  the  time  of  his  return  by  the 
sun.  lie  was  very  arrogant  in  his  new  station,  but  remaiiu'd 
friendly  to  the  whites  while  he  lived.  In  1857  the  Yunias 
and  Mohavcs  determined  on  a  grand  expedition  against  the 
Maricopas.  They  raised  a  largo  band,  including  a  nuinlicr 
of  Yampais  and  Diegenos,  and  attacked  the  Maricopa  villaiixs 
about  the  first  of  September.  They  burned  some  houses,  and 
killed  some  women  and  children,  but  a  swift  vengeance  over- 
took them.     The  Pimas  and  Maricopas  hastily  congrcgattd, 


wards 
na,  ami 

praise 
o  make 


t'l    » 


m. 


S  4 


$" 


OATMAN  FLAT. 


187 


and  were  reinforced  by  Papagos  until  their  nuinbers  were 
about  equal  to  those  of  the  invaders.     At  Maricopa  WelJs 
they  fought  a  great  battle,  in  which  the  river  Indians  were 
defeate '  with  a  loss  of  over  two  hundred  warriors.     Out  of 
seventy-uve  Yuma  warriors  who  went  to  battle  only  three 
returned  alive.     Francisco  fell  on  this  field,  killed,  it  is  said, 
by  his  own  men,  who  thought  he  had  brouglit  disaster  on 
tluMU  by  befriending  the  whites.     Tlie  Yumas  and  about  half 
of  the  Mohaves  still  remain  along  the  Colorado.     They  are 
not  under  charge  of  any  agent,  and  are  subdued  to  a  state  of 
altject  servility.     The  remainder  of  tlie  Moha%'es  and  most  of 
the  Cliemehueves  are  on  the  Colorado  liiver  reservation  and 
are  commoidy  known  as  the  Colorado  liiver  Indians.     The 
Tuntos  remained  at  largo  for  many  years,  but  at  length,  re- 
(liicod  by  war  and  disease  to  less  than  seven  hundred,  they 
were  placed  on  the  White  Mountain  reservation  in  Arizona. 
Tliey  never  acquired  any  weapons,  except  a  few  knives  and 
lances,  and  were  never  formidable.     The  Pimas  and  Marico- 
pas  have  had  a  reservation  set  off  for  them,  including  their 
cultivated   lands  on  the  Gila,  and  still  remain  there.     The 
I'apagos   have  a  reser- 
vation   of    GOOO   acres, 
including    San    Xavier 
del  Bac.     These  three 
tril)es  have  always   re- 
mained    friendly,    and 
liave  been  at  times  the 
only    bulwarks    of    the 
whites  against  the  hos- 
tile Ai)ache8.    They  of- 
fered to  raise  a  regiment 
for  the   Union   during 
the  civil  war,  but   the 
i;(tvornment    contented 
itself    with    furnishing- 
tlieiii  arms  to  Hglit  the  Apaches. 
as  .-eouts  and  guides. 

After  the  remains  of  the  Oatmans  were  covered  up  by 
Wilder  and  Kelly,  they  were  dug  out  by  coyotes,  and  lay 


CIIAULKS    I).    I'OSTON. 


They  have  often  served 


188 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


scattered  until  the  arrival  of  Dr.  Webb's  party  of  the  Mexican 
Boundary  Commission,  a  few  montlis  later.  They  were  then 
reintcrred.  A  second  time  they  were  du<;^  up  by  the  desert 
scavengers  and  scattered  over  the  mesa.  In  1851  they  wore 
again  gathered  by  Mr.  Poston,  an  early  settler  of  Arizona,  and 
buried  in  the  flat  below  the  scene  of  the  massacre.  A  small 
enclosure  marks  the  spot,  and  a  board  with  a  rudely  carved 
inscription  tells  the  traveller  that  there  are  buried  the  remains 
of  the  unfortunate  family  whose  terrible  calamity  gave  a  name 
to  Oatmau  llat. 


CHAPTER  VII. 
THE  ROGUE  RIVER,  YAKIMA,  AND   KLICKITAT   WARS. 

Orixsox  was  organized  as  a  territory  in  184S  by  Congress, 
and  its  territorial  government  went  into  operation  in  the  fol- 
lowing spring,  on  the  arrival  of  the  governor,  General  Joe 
Lane,  an  Indianian  who  had  won  distinction  in  the  IMexican 
war.     Tiider  the  organic  act,  it  embraced  the  country  west  of 


OENKRAL    jnE    LANE. 


the  Tlocky  Mountains  north  of  parallel  42.  The  part  of  this 
north  of  parallel  40  to  its  intersection  with  the  Columbia,  and 
north  of  the  Columbia  thence  westward  to  the  ocean,  was 
oi;;anized  as  Washington  Territory  in  1853.     At  the  time  of 


190 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


the  organization  of  Oregon,  tiie  part  afterwards  erected  into 
Washington  Territory  was  still  virtually  in  the  hands  of  the 
Hudson's  Bay  Company,  except  that  a  few  families  had  set- 
tled in  1844  at  Tuniwater,  now  a  suburb  of  Olympia,  and  one 
or  two  more  at  tlie  latter  place.  Its  first  governor,  Isaac  I. 
Stevens  (the  Brigadier-general  Stevens  of  the  Union  army 
who  fell  at  Bull  Eun),  arrived,  overland,  in  the  fall  of  1853. 
with  a  surveying-party,  examining  the  country  which  they 
traversed  with  regard  to  its  availability  as  a  railroad  route. 
To  these  territories  we  must  now  return,  for,  while  a  restless 
peace  has  been  maintained  in  Washington  and  Northern  Ore- 
gon for  several  yeai'S,  trouble  has  arisen  in  the  South. 

Along  the  southern  boundary,  exterding  into  both  Cali- 
fornia and  Oregon,  were  several  warlike  tribes,  who,  though 
not  very  friendly  among  themselves,  were  in  general  sympathy 
in  their  hostility  towards  the  whites.  On  the  Rogue  Kiver  were 
several  bands  of  the  Shasta  family,  sometimes  known  by  the 
names  of  their  chiefs,  but  almost  always  called  "  the  Rogue 
River  Indians."  There  were  two  principal  clans  of  them,  the 
Upper  and  Lower  Rogue  Rivers;  the  former  were  led  by 
"  Joe,"  whom  they  called  Apso-kah-hah  (the  Horse  Rider) ;  the 
latter  were  under  "  Sam  "  (Ko-ko-kah-wah — the  Wealthy),  a 
wily  and  avaricious  old  man,  who  generally  restrained  them 
from  hostility  to  the  whites,  and  managed  to  reap  a  heavy 
harvest  of  presents  and  profits  for  himself.  South  of  these, 
on  the  Klamath  River,  were  the  Lutuami  or  Klamaths  (Klamct. 
Klamac,  Clammat,  TIamath),  the  several  tribes  included  under 
the  name  having  no  close  relationship.  Those  nearest  the 
ocean,  called  the  Lower  Klamaths  (Eurocs,  Youruks  or  Poli- 
liks),  were  a  dark  people,  inferior  to  their  relatives  above,  a 
distinction  which  is  always  marked  between  the  tribes  who 
subsist  on  fish  and  roots  and  those  who  eat  flesh.  Above 
them,  on  the  river,  were  the  Upper  Klamaths  (Cahrocs,  Kali- 
ruks  or  Pehtsik),  a  finely  formed,  energetic,  and  cleanly  race. 
The  Modocs  (Moiidocks,  Moahtockna),  formerly  included  in 
the  Klamaths,  but  really  a  branch  of  the  Shoshonee  stock,  lived 
about  the  lakes  in  which  the  Klamath  heads,  and  others  near 
them,  extending  to  the  bounds  of  the  Bannocks  and  Pah-Utes. 
In  their  own  lang.tage  they  are  called  Okkov.-ish,  their  com- 


THE  ROGUE  RIVER,  YAKIMA,  AND  KLICKITAT  WARS.   191 

iiion  name  (pronounced  3Io' -ah-dock')  being  a  Shasta  word 
wliich  means  strangers  or  enemies,  a  coincident  signification 
tliat  has  doubtless  caused  them  to  be  blamed  for  n)any  wrongs 
wliich  they  did  not  commit.  South  of  the  Klaniaths  were  the 
remainder  of  the  Shastas  (Tshastl,  Chastu,  Slinsty,  Sastu,  Shas- 
teeca),  of  whom  a  part  were  f  riendl}',  especially  a  band  of  the 
Seott's  River  Indians  (Ottetiewas),  u;ider  their  chief,  Tolo,  who 
was  called  by  the  whites  "Old  Man"  or  "Charley."  The 
Sliastas,  Rogue  Rivers,  and  Scott's  Rivers  have  all  one  lan- 
triiagc,  and  had  formerly  one  head  chief,  who  was  accidentally 
killed  a  short  time  before  the  discovery  of  gold  in  California. 
After  his  death  a  contest  arose  as  to  the  chief  command  be- 
tween John,  the  old  chief's  son,  Sam  and  Joe  of  the  Rogue 
Rivers,  and  Scarface  of  Shasta,  Tolo  remaining  neutral. 
When  tlie  whites  began  to  come  in  they  separated,  each 
aspirant  retaining  supreme  control  of  his  own  faction.  These 
Ijands  were  further  subdivided  under  various  sub-chiefs,  and 
with  them  had  confederated  the  Umpquas,  who  lived  north  of 
the  Rogue  Rivers. 

These  Indians  had  never  been  friendly  to  the  Americans. 
Away  back  in  183-1  the  Urnpquas  attacked  a  trading  party  of 
luiirteen  men  under  Captain  Smith,  of  Smith,  Sublette,  & 
Jackson,  and  killed  eleven  of  them.  In  1835  a  party  of  eight 
was  assailed  in  the  Rogue  River  Valley ;  Daniel  Miller,  Edward 
Rarnes,  Mr.  Sanders,  and  an  Irishman  called  Tom  were  killed  ; 
the  other  four  escaped,  badly  wounded.  In  1838  they  attacked 
the  first  party  sent  out  by  the  Wallamet  Cattle  Company  to 
Ijiiiig  in  stock  from  California,  but  were  beaten  oil  after 
wounding  Mr.  Gay,  one  of  the  survivors  of  the  party  of 
\^o').  In  1845  the  Klamaths  attacked  Fremont's  third  ex- 
])luiing  expedition,  in  camp,  at  Klamath  Lake,  and  killed 
three  men  before  Kit  Carson's  trained  ear  caught  the  sound, 
and  the  party  was  awakened  to  win  safety  in  a  hand-to-hand 
Conflict.  In  the  spring  of  1851  the  Rogue  Rivers  killed  two 
men  on  Grave  Creek,  and  two  or  three  on  Rogue  River,  in 
consequence  of  which  Major  Phil.  Kearny,  the  same  gallant 
cavalier  who  fell  at  Chantilly,  was  sent  against  them  with  a 
detachment  of  regulars.  He  defeated  them  in  two  actions; 
the  men  fled  to  the  mountains  and  about  thirty  women  and 


192 


MASSACRES    OF   THE    JIOUNTAINS. 


PllII.II'    KEAllNY. 


children  were  captured.     He  was  taking  these  jirisoiiers  into 
California   when    he  was  met   by  Ciencral    Joe   Lane,  who 

persuaded  him  to  ])erniit 
tiiem  to  return  with  him 
to  the  Iloi'ue  Iliver.  Lane 
arrived  at  liogue  Iliver 
shortly  after  the  connnis- 
sioners  who  were  treat- 
ing with  the  various  tribes 
arrived  at  the  same  place. 
The  Lidiuiid  had  refused 
to  make  any  terms  witii 
Major  Kearny;  but  when 
they  saw  their  women  and 
children  returning,  under 
charge  of  a  "  tyee "  in 
whom  they  had  great 
confidence,  they  came  in,  and  a  treaty  was  made.  Just 
about  this  time,  unfortunately,  the  commission  received  in- 
structions to  discontinue  its  labors,  and  the  treaty  was  never 
ratified.  Kevertheless,  the  11  'j;uo  llivers  committed  no  fur- 
ther serious  dej)redations  for  about  two  years. 

The  other  tribes  were  not  so  quiet.  Li  June,  1852,  the  Pitt 
River  Indians  killed  four  men  who  were  locating  a  wagon  road, 
and  in  August  the  Modocs  massacred  an  emigrant  party  of 
thirty-three  persons,  of  whom  several  were  Californians  who 
had  gone  out  to  assist  the  emigration.  Volunteer  companies 
were  at  once  organized  at  Yreka  and  Jacksonville  and  de- 
spatched to  the  scene  of  the  affair,  near  Tule  or  Rhett  Lake. 
The  California  company,  under  Captain  Ben  Wright,  reached 
Bloody  Point,  on  the  lake,  just  in  time  to  relieve  an  emigrant 
train  of  sixteen  wagons  M'hich  had  been  surrounded  by  tiic 
Indians  for  several  hours.  At  the  approach  of  the  volunteers 
the  Indians  took  to  their  caiioes  and  continued  the  fight  from 
the  lake,  which  is  shallow,  full  of  islands,  and  bordered  with 
a  heavy  growth  of  tule  reeds.  They  soon  discovered  that 
they  were  playing  an  unequal  game,  and  after  losing  a  dozen 
or  more  warriors  they  retired  out  of  range.  The  next  day  the 
volunteers  found  and  buried  the  bodies  of  eighteen  murdered 


THE   ROGUE   RIVER,   YAKIMA,   AND   KLICKITAT   WARS.   193 


eini^n-ants  and  settlers.     They  remained  in  the  locality  for 
tliree   niontlis,  toi^ether   with  the   Oregon   company,   under 
Captain  Ross,  which  had  arrived  after  the  battle  and  consoli- 
dated with  the  Yreka  Company,  with  Captain  Wright  com- 
manding.    They  employed  tiieir  time  in  escorting  emigrant 
trains  through  the  more  dangerous  places,  and  concluded  an 
otherwise  meritorious  campaign  by  a  most  disgraceful  massa- 
cre.   It  was  on  the  morning  that  they  left  for  home  that  they 
liad,  as  one  of  their  number  reported  it,  "a  smart  engagement, 
in  which  we  killed  about  forty  of  them,  impressing  upon  the 
minds  of  the  balance,  no  doubt,  the  opinion  that   we  lifid 
avenged  tlie  wrongs  their  tril)e  had  committed  towards  the 
whites,  at  least  during  that  season."     In  reality  Wright  sent 
out  a  cai)tured  squaw  by  whose  representations  forty-eight  of 
the  Modocs  were  induced  to  come  to  the  camp  to  have  a  feast 
and  make  a  treaty.     The  original  plan  was  to  poison  the  food 
given  to  the  Indians,  and  so  be  rid  of  them,  but  it  did  not  suc- 
ceed.    Some  say  that  the  scpiaw  got  an  inkling  of  what  was 
guing  on  and  notified  the  warriors,  who  thereupon  refused  to 
eat.     Others  say  that  they  ate,  but  the  poison  diu  not  operate  ; 
that  Wright  used  to  swear  afterwards  over  the  way  he  had 
Ijeen  imposed  on  by  the  druggist.     At  any  rate,  the  feast  part 
of  the  programme  passed  and  they  sat  down  to  talk.     While 
the  talk  was  going  on  Wright  opened  fire  with  his  revolver, 
killing  two  of   the  principal  Indians.     At   this  prearranged 
.signal  his  men  fired,  their  rifles  having  l)een  charged  afresh 
for  the  occasion,  and  thirty-six  more  of  the  Modocs  fell.   The 
remaining  ten  managed  to  escape  before  the  volunteers  could 
reload.   Wright  broke  canip  and  returned  to  Yreka  in  triumph, 
liis  men  carrying  the  scalps  of  the  Indians  on  their  rifles.    lie 
reported  that  he  had  denumdcd  the  return  of  stolen  property 
of  the  Modocs,  and,  on  tlieir  failure  to  surrender  it,  had  pun- 
i>hed  them.    A  general  welcome  was  extended  by  the  citizens 
of  Yreka,  and  the  legislature  of  California' paid  the  volunteers 
for  tlieir  services,  but  Wright  met  his  punishment  four  years 
afterwards,  when  the  liogue  Rivers  killed  hini,  at  his  agency, 
with  twenty-three  others.     The  Modocs  never  forgot  this  out- 
rage, and  the  bad  faith  shown  bore  fruit  long  afterwards,  as  we 
shall  see  hereafter. 


194 


MASSACRES   Ol'  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


From  tlieso  conflicts  no  very  peaceable  disposition  had 
been  produced  in  either  whites  or  Indians,  but,  aside  from 
this,  there  was  a  continning  caiise  which  was  the  cluef  occa- 
sion of  botli  the  wars  tliat  followed.  In  1852  President  Fill- 
more said,  in  his  message  to  Congress :  "  The  Senate  not  hav- 
ing thought  proper  to  ratify  the  treaties  which  liad  been  ne- 
gotiated with  the  tribes  of  Indians  in  California  and  Oregon, 
our  relations  with  them  have  been  left  in  a  very  unsatisfac- 
tory condition.  In  other  parts  of  our  territory,  particular  dis- 
tricts of  country  have  been  set  apart  for  the  exclusive  occupa- 
tion of  the  Indians,  and  their  right  to  the  lands  within  those 
limits  has  been  acknowledged  and  respected.  But  in  Cali- 
fornia and  (Oregon  there  has  been  no  recognition  by  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  exclusive  right  of  the  Indians  to  any  part  of 
the  country.  They  are,  therefore,  mere  tenants  at  suflEerance, 
and  liable  to  be  driven  from  place  to  place  at  the  pleasure  of 
the  whites."  AVhat  the  President  thought  "liable"  to  occur 
was  at  that  time  occurring.  IJuring  the  controversy  with  Eng- 
land, as  to  the  ownership  of  the  country,  and  afterwards, 
strong  representations  of  future  benefits  had  been  held  out  to 
emigrants,  by  statesmen  who  favored  an  occupation  of  Oregon, 
and  these  had  been  made  good  by  Congress,  by  allowing  eacli 
actual  settler  before  1850  to  pre-empt  three  hundred  and  twenty 
acres  of  land,  with  an  equal  amount  for  his  wife,  if  married, 
while  settlers  from  December  1,1850,  to  December  1,1853,  took 
lialf  that  amount.  As  there  was  no  restriction  in  regard  to  what 
lands  were  to  be  taken,  the  settlers  naturally  took  the  best  they 
could  find,  and,  as  gold  was  discovered  at  various  points,  farais 
were  opened  about  the  diggings,  and  all  f  the  better  part  of 
the  country  was  overrun  by  the  euterpri  \g  immigrants.  In 
the  meantime  treaties  were  not  ratified,  a  the  Indians  failed 
to  receive  the  promised  consideration  for  he  lands  of  which 
they  had  been  dispossessed.  Of  course,  1 
title  remained  in  them  as  had  always  bee 
eastern  tribes,  and  disinterested  persons,  particularly  the  army 
officers,  regarded  them  as  being  imposed  upon.  In  1S52, 
Brevet  Brigadier-general  Hitchcock,  commanding  the  Pacilic 
division,  wrote:  "As  matters  now  stand  the  United  States 
troops  are  placed  in  a  most  delicate  and  awkward  position. 


e  same  possessory 
recojrnized  in  the 


Tin:    HOGUE  KIVKIJ,  YAKIMA,  AND   KLICKITAT  WARS.  195 

The  whites  go  in  upon  Indian  hinds,  provoke  the  Indians, 
l)riiij^  on  collisions,  and  then  call  for  protection,  and  complain 
if  it  is  not  furnished,  while  the  practical  effect  of  the  presence 
of  the  troops  can  be  little  else  than  to  countenance  and  give 
security  to  them  in  their  aggressions  ;  the  Indians,  meanwhile, 
Idokiiig  upon  the  military  as  their  friends,  and  imploring  their 
protection."  The  courts,  of  necessity,  took  much  the  same 
view  of  the  question  as  the  military  authorities.  In  1851 
stveriil  Ivlickitats  were  indicted  for  malicious  trespass,  for  de- 
stroying some  timber  in  the  Wallamet  Valley,  which  a  settler, 
named  Donald  McLeod,  had  prepared  for  a  house.  They 
maintained  that  it  was  their  own  timber,  grown  on  their  land, 
and  that  they  had  warned  McLeod  not  to  attempt  to  settle 
there.  The  United  States  District  Judge  held  that  they  had  a 
])ussessory  title  to  the  land,  not  yet  extinguished  by  the  gov- 
ernment, and  that  the  action  would  not  lie.  Another  attempt 
to  have  the  Indians  i)unished  for  trespass  was  made  by  one 
Uiidgefarmer.  lie  had  built  a  fence  across  an  Indian  trail, 
and  they  had  torn  it  down  and  followed  their  customary  high- 
way.    It  resulted  as  the  other  case  had. 

The  situation  was  one  from  which  warfare  was  certain  to 
result.  The  settlers  had  come  to  get  their  three  hundred  and 
twenty  acres  of  land  and  go  to  farming,  but  no  matter  where 
they  settled  they  were  on  Indian  land.  They  saw  other  set- 
tlers peaceably  established  on  their  farms,  under  the  same 
circumstances,  and  they  settled  also.  But  they  went  to  inex- 
cusable lengths  in  their  appropriations.  Nearly  all  of  the  In- 
dians had  adopted  agriculture  to  some  extent,  and  particularly 
the  cultivation  of  the  potato,  of  which  they  were  very  fond. 
Ill  many  tribes  each  family  had  its  little  patch  of  a  quarter 
of  an  acre  or  more,  which  was  carefully  tended  and  quite  pro- 
•iiictivo.  In  pre-empting  farms  many  or  these  were  enclosed 
bv  the  settlers,  and  so  notorious  had  this  evil  become,  in 
L'^ri;;,  that  Lieutenant  Jones,  commanding  Steilacoom  bar- 
racks, gravely  writes :  "  The  practice  which  exists  throughout 
the  territory,  of  ".jttlers  taking  from  them  their  small  potato 
patches,  is  clearly  wrong  and  should  be  stopped."  One  is  al- 
most inclined  to  ask  what  he  was  there  for,  but  it  is  woll  to 
remember  that  military  interference,  in  the  United  States,  has 

13 


196 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


ever  been  regarded  astlie  climax  of  evils,  and  no  officer  could 
be  expected  to  do  more  than  call  the  matter  to  the  attention 
of  the  government. 

The  Indians  of  Oregon  had,  from  the  first,  treated  the 
Americans  remarkably  well.  The  Whitman  massacre  was  the 
first  serious  trouble  that  had  occurred,  and,  in  Northern  Ore- 
gon, almost  tlie  onl}'  one.  But  as  the  Indians  saw  tlieir  lands 
being  taken  without  compensation,  tlieir  treaties  unfultilled, 
and  the  men  who  "  spoke  with  authority  "  to  them  being  con- 
stantly changed,  and  unable  to  carry  out  their  agreements,  they 
lost  all  confidence  in  their  white  friends.  One  Ilogue  River 
chief  said:  '*  We  have  waited  and  waited,  because  the  agents 
told  us  to  be  patient;  that  it  would  be  all  right  by  and  by. 
We  are  tired  of  this.  We  believe  Uncle  Sam  intends  to  cheat 
us.  Sometimes  we  are  told  there  is  one  great  chief  and  some- 
times another.  One  superintendent  tells  us  one  thing,  and 
the  gieat  chief  removes  him.  Then  another  superintendent 
tells  us  another  thing,  and  another  great  chief  removes  him. 
Who  are  we  to  believe  ?  Who  is  your  great  chief,  and  who 
is  to  tell  us  the  truth  ?  We  don't  understand  the  way  you  act. 
With  us,  we  are  born  chiefs ;  once  a  chief  we  are  a  chief  for 
life.  But  you  are  only  common  men,  and  we  never  know 
how  long  you  will  hold  your  authority,  or  how  soon  the  great 
chief  may  degrade  you,  or  how  soon  he  may  be  turned  out 
himself.  We  want  to  know  the  true  head,  that  we  may  state 
our  condition  to  him.  Let  him  come  here  himself  and  see 
us.  So  many  lies  have  been  told  him  that  we  think  he  never 
hears  the  truth,  or  ho  would  not  compel  us  to  suffer  as  we  do." 

The  Kogue  Rivers  chafed  more  than  the  others,  because 
there  were  more  miners  in  their  country,  and  consequently 
more  aggression.  The  road  from  California  to  Oregon  lay 
across  their  lands;  placers  liad  been  found  on  them;  ami 
miners  and  settlers  had  flocked  in.  Jacksonville  was  a  flour- 
ishing town;  villages  had  sprung  up  at  several  points;  farms 
were  opened  all  through  the  Rogue  River  Valley.  The  In- 
dians saw  but  one  chance  for  relief.  On  August  4, 1853,  tliey 
began  remedying  the  ovil  by  killing  Edward  Edwards  in  his 
house,  on  Stewart's  creek;  and  rapine  and  destruction  uero 
the  order  from  that  time  forward.     On  the  next  day  Thomas 


MOUNT   SHASTA    KIIOM    VALLKV    OK   SACUAMKMO. 


THE  ROGUE  KIVER,  YAKIMA,  AND   KLICKITAT  WARS.  199 

Wills  was  killed  within  three  hundred  yards  of  Jacksonville, 
and,  on  the  6th,  liiciiard  Nolan  was  murdered  about  a  mile 
from  the  same  town.  By  this  time  the  alarm  had  been 
sounded  everywhere,  and  the  people  gathered  together  for 
protection,  while  the  torch  was  applied  to  their  buildings  and 
liaystacks,  and  their  stock  was  being  driven  off  to  the  moun- 
tains. Captain  B,  II.  Alden,  commanding  at  Fort  Jones,  in 
^S'orthern  California,  was  notified,  and  at  once  repaired  to  the 
scene.  He  brought  ten  regulars,  all  that  were  available  at  the 
fort,  and  some  volunteers  from  Yreka,  who,  together  with  the 
volunteers  at  Jacksonville,  made  a  force  of  about  two  hundred. 
On  August  11  this  force  had  prepared  for  a  night  attack 
on  the  Indians,  who  were  strongly  posted  near  Table  Eock, 
l)ut  at  dusk  a  messenger  appeared,  at  full  speed,  announcing 
that  a  band  of  Indians  was  raiding  the  valley  and  that  the 
fanulies  there  were  in  imminent  danger.  As  he  spoke  his 
words  were  verified  by  the  red  glare  of  burning  buildings  on 
the  western  sky,  and  the  volunteers,  without  waiting  for  or- 
ders, hurried  to  the  defence  of  their  honies.  The  force  could 
not  be  collected  again  for  work  till  tiie  IGth,  and  then  the 
Indians  had  retired  into  the  mountains,  firing  the  pine  forests 
behind  them. 

On  the  20th,  while  preparations  were  being  made  for  an 
extended  chase.  General  Lane  arrived  and  took  command. 
At  daybreak  of  the  22d  the  troops  moved  forward  in  quest  of 
the  savages.  For  two  days  and  a  half  they  searched  through 
iiii  almost  impassable  country,  where  nea'.ly  all  traces  of  the 
trail  had  been  destroyed  in  the  forest  fires.  Near  noon  of  the 
LMth,  General  Lane,  who  was  in  advance,  heard  a  sound  of 
Vdices,  about  four  hundred  yards  away,  in  a  dense  forest.  The 
tidops  were  quietly  dismounted,  and,  dividing  into  two  parties, 
made  their  attack.  The  Indians  quickly  recovered  from  their 
liist  surprise  and  took  positions  behind  logs  and  trees,  from 
wliicli  they  returned  the  fire  vigorously.  The  battle  was  thus 
carried  on  for  nearly  four  hours,  and  duriiig  it  General  Lane, 
Captain  Alden,  and  three  others  were  badly  wounded  and 
thice  killed,  the  Indians  losing  eight  killed  and  twenty 
wuiiiided,  of  whom  seven  died.  While  General  Lane  was  at 
thi:  rear,  having  his  wound  dressed,  the  Indians  called  to  the 

in-' 


200 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


troops  tliat  they  wanted  to  make  peace.  Two  men  went  to 
talk  with  tlieiii,  and,  on  learning  tliat  General  Lane  was  in 
command,  they  wanted  him  to  come  also.  lie  went  over,  and, 
as  there  was  no  prospect  for  a  victory  over  the  Indians,  he 
made  arrangements  hy  which  they  were  to  come  to  Tabic 
Rock  and  make  peace.  Both  parties  remained  on  the  ground 
over-night,  good  faith  being  mntually  observed,  and  in  the 
morning  the  Indians  moved  -^ff.  They  appeared  at  Table 
Kock  as  agreed,  and  a  treaty  was  concluded  there  on  Septem- 
ber 10.  The  Indians  were  by  no  means  conquered,  but 
treated  on  equal  terms,  being  influenced  by  their  confidence 
in  General  Lane  more  than  by  any  other  consideration. 

Discontent  soon  became  an  active  force  again,  for  all  the 
old  causes  wore  in  operation.  Force  seemed  to  be  the  only 
arbiter  for  which  either  party  had  any  respect.  There  were 
murders  committed  by  Indians,  and  murders  committed  by 
white  men.  On  January  IG,  1854,  a  party  of  citizens  from 
Vreka  undertook  to  ciuistise  a  party  of  Shastas  for  an  alleged 
theft  of  cattle,  but  were  driven  back  with  a  loss  of  four  men. 
C'  er  on  tlie  Oregon  side,  at  daybreak  of  the  2Sth,  a  party  of 
thirty  miners,  under  a  discharged  sergeant  of  dragooiKS 
named  Abbott,  attacked  three  lodges  of  friendly  Indians  at 
the  niouth  of  the  Coquille ;  killed  sixteen,  and  wounded  four. 
These  Indians  had  oidy  three  good  guns  among  them,  aiui 
the  number  of  warriors  in  tlie  district  was  less  than  half  uf 
that  of  the  whites.  The  assassination  of  some  thirty  men  is 
attributed  to  the  Shastas,  Kogue  Ilivers,  and  Modocs  between 
the  treaty  of  September  10,  1853,  and  the  outbreak  of  1S.")5. 
It  may  safely  be  assumed  that  at  least  as  many  Indians  were 
murdered  by  whites,  for  there  were  many  white  men  anioni,' 
the  pioneers  wiio,  when  a  safe  opportunity  presented,  shot  an 
Indian  as  they  would  a  wolf.  In  addition  to  these  home  af- 
fairs, the  whites  were  greatly  inflamed,  all  through  the  coast, 
by  the  barbarous  massacre  of  an  emigrant  party  of  nine  lui-'ii, 
two  women,  and  eight  children  on  August  20.  This  crime 
was  committed  near  Fort  IJoisee  by  ti)e  Snake  Indians.  I'c- 
fore  it  occurred  there  had  been  murders  all  along  the  emigrant 
trails,  and,  in  the  summer,  a  company  of  militia  had  been  sent 
out  under  Captain  Jesse  Walker.    He  attacked  the  Modor.-.  at 


THE  ROGUE  UIVEK,  YAKiMA,  AND  KLICKITAT  WARS.  201 

their  ranclierias  on  Tiild  Lake,  forced  them  to  take  to  the 
water,  and  destroyed  their  buildings  and  all  their  provisions. 
From  August  18  to  September  4  there  was  more  or  less  skir- 
mishing between  them,  and,  on  the  latter  date,  the  Indians, 
being  wholly  out  of  provisions,  made  peace,  and  promised  to 
ntb  and  kill  no  more.  lie  then  marched  against  the  Pah- 
I'tt'S  and  chastised  them  at  Warner's  llock,  but  was  unable 
to  bring  them  to  terms.  But  troubles  in  Oregon  were  be- 
ilinning  to  be  more  important  Ihan  those  aloni,'  the  trails. 

Until  1855  the  Klickitats  (Robbers)  liad  been  friendly  to 
the  whites.  In  1851  they  had  tendered  their  services  during 
the  Kogue  Iliver  troubles,  but  had  not  been  used.  In  1853, 
sixty  of  tlicir  warriors,  armed  and  mounted,  had  gone  to  as- 
sist General  Lane,  but  they  did  not  arrive  until  the  treaty  of 
Table  llock  had  been  completed.  These  Indians,  though  not 
groat  in  numbers,  were  among  the  most  powerful  and  influen- 
tial of  the  tribes,  well  supplied  with  fire-arms,  and  very  ex- 
pt'i't  in  their  use.  From  their  home  on  the  eastern  slope  of 
the  Cascade  Mountains,  north  of  the  Columbia,  they  had  sal- 
lied forth,  at  about  the  time  the  missionaries  came  into  the 
country,  and  fallen  on  the  weaker  tribes  below.  They  first 
attiieked  the  Cowlitz,  Cliinooks,  and  other  inferior  tribes  along 
the  Columbia,  and  in  five  years  had  reduced  them  to  tribu- 
tiiiies.  In  184:1  they  began  raiding  south  of  the  Columbia, 
west  of  the  Cascades,  where  the  coast  tribes,  reduced  by  dis- 
ease, were  unable  to  resist  them.  They  subdued  the  Clacka- 
iii;is,  Yamhills  (Che-am-ills,  meaning  bald  hills,  now  liope- 
lessly  corrupted  in  the  form  given),  Santiams,  and  other  tribes 
of  the  Wallamet  Valley,  and  forced  them  to  pay  tribute. 
The  Umpquas  next  fell  before  their  conquering  arms,  and  the 
Klickitats  controlled  the  country  from  the  Columbia  to  the 
lioi;ue  River  Mountains,  exercising  possession  and  claiming 
title  by  right  of  conquest.  In  their  palmy  days  they  niain- 
taiiied  a  state  more  nearly  approaching  regal  magnificeiice 
than  did  any  savage  tribe  of  America.  Casino,  one  of  their 
chiefs,  was  frequently  attended  on  his  travels  by  a  hundred 
slaves,  and,  on  visiting  Fort  Vancouver,  it  is  said,  his  slaves 
iai[ietcd  the  way  from  the  landing  to  the  fort, a  quarter  of  a 
mile,  with  furs,  and,  on  returning,  the  Hudson's  Bay  men 


202 


MASSACRES  OF  THE   MOUNTAINS. 


carpeted  tlie  same  path  with  blankets  and  other  goods.  In 
1851  treaties  were  n)ade  with  the  coast  tribes  at  Shampoag,  in 
wliich  tlie  Klickitats  were  entirely  ignored,  notwithstanding 
their  possessory  title  had  been  judicially  recognized,  as  before 
mentioned.  Nevertheless  they  retained  their  aotual  sover- 
eignty. They  inaintiiined  an  extensive  trade  in  furs  and 
slaves  with  all  the  neighboring  tribes,  roamed  the  country  at 
will,  and  exacted  tril)ute  on  all  fish  and  furs  taken  in  their 
territory,  as  well  as  on  all  increase  of  stock.  Their  chief 
highway  was  through  the  valley  of  the  Wallaniet,  and  here, 
during  the  winter  season,  they  usually  kept  their  families. 
As  the  country  settled  up,  their  excursions  became  annoying 
to  the  whites,  and,  in  18r>3,  Governor  Palmer  represented  to 
the  government  that  the  property  of  the  whites,  as  well  as 
tliat  of  their  subject  tribes,  suffered  at  their  hands.  In  the 
spring  of  1855,  r'^duced  by  disease  to  a  comparatively  small 
band,  they  were  compelled  to  remove  to  their  original  home, 
and  from  that  time  they  were  ready  for  war. 

Several  of  the  tribes  east  of  the  Cascade  Mountains  wore 
dissatisfied  with  the  treaties  which  had  been  made  with 
them,  for  their  lands,  by  Governor  Stevens,  in  the  spring  of 
1855.  They  did  not  understand  the  bargain  as  the  whites 
did.  Chief  among  these  were  the  Yakim.^is  (Black  Bears), 
a  strong  tribe  of  Washington  Territory,  whoso  country  lay 
just  north  of  the  Klickitats.  They  were  closely  united  by 
intermarriage  and  interest  with  both  the  Klickitats  and  the 
"King  Georges,"  or  British,  and  carried  on  an  extensive 
commerce  through  all  the  northern  country  from  the  coast 
to  the  Ilocky  Mountains.  Their  chiefs,  Kamiaken,  Owaiii, 
Skloo,  and  others,  had  signed  the  treaty  of  Walla-Walla  undor 
strong  pressure  from  Governor  Stevens,  and  almost  iminodi- 
atoly  re|)udia'i;ed  it.  The  Indians  claimed  that  the  chiefs  who 
signed  it  had  been  bought  up,  a  practice  occasionally  resorted 
to  by  the  representatives  of  the  government;  they  were  iti- 
jignant  and  alarmed.  To  the  representations  of  the  Ihid- 
g-.'.n^e  Bay  people,  that  the  Americans  M'ould  take  their  lands, 
luo  Yidcimas  lent  a  credent  ear.  In  fact,  they  had  only  to 
look  across  the  mountains  to  see  the  lands  of  other  tribes 
taken  without  recompense,  while  disease  was  sweeping  tlio 


THE  EOGUE  RIVER,  YAKIMA,  AND  KLICKITAT  WARS.   203 


expelled  owners  from  the  face  of  the  earth.  Disaffection 
was  rife  everywhere,  and  there  was  scarcely  a  tribe  from  the 
Jjritish  possessions  to  California  but  had  its  j^rievanco.  Mor- 
mon emissaries  aided  in  ditfnsin<;  enmity,  nor  was  their  part 
merely  that  of  advisers,  for  in  the  succeeding  war  pins  and 
amniiinition  bearing  Mormon  brands  were  captured  from  the 
Indians.  The  more  intelligent  and  resolute  chiefs  urged  a 
union  of  all  the  tribes  fur  war.  Among  these  none  was  more 
iiitiuential  than  Leschi,  a  Nasqualla  chief,  who,  with  half  a 
dozen  of  his  tribe,  crossed  the  mountains  and  preached  a  cru- 
sade to  the  interior  tribes.  "  Bold,  adventiu'ous,  and  elo- 
quent, ho  possessed  an  unlimited  sway  over  his  people,  and, 
by  the  earnestness  of  his  purpose  and  the  persuasiveness  of 
his  arguments,  carried  all  with  him  who  heard  him  speak, 
lie  travelled  by  day  and  night,  caring  neither  for  hunger  nor 
fatigue;  visited  the  camps  of  the  Yakimas  and  Klickitats; 
addressed  the  councils  in  terms  of  eloquence  such  as  they  had 
seldom  heard,  lie  crossed  the  Columbia,  penetrated  to  South- 
ern Oregon,  appealed  to  all  the  disaffected  there.  He  dwelt 
upon  their  wrongs ;  painted  to  them,  in  the  exuberance  of 
his  imagination,  the  terrible  picture  of  the  ^ polakly  illeha^ 
the  land  of  darkness,  where  no  ray  from  the  sun  ever  pene- 
trated; where  there  was  tortuj-e  ami  death  for  all  the  races  of 
Indians;  where  the  sting  of  an  insect  killed  like  the  stroke  of 
a  ppear,  and  the  streams  were  foul  and  nnuldy,  so  that  no  living 
tiling  could  drink  of  the  waters.  This  was  the  place  where 
the  white  man  wanted  to  carry  them.  Ho  called  upon  them 
to  resist  like  braves  so  terrible  a  fate.  The  white  men  were 
hut  a  handful  now.  They  could  all  be  killed  at  once  and 
t!ien  others  would  fear  to  come.  But  if  tliere  was  no  war, 
they  would  grow  strong  and  many,  and  put  all  the  Indians  in 
their  big  ships,  and  send  them  off  to  that  terrible  land  where 
tdi'ture  and  death  awaited  them."  On  the  other  hand,  there 
were  chiefs  in  all  the  tribes  who  opposed  war;  some  tribes 
nfused  to  take  any  part  in  the  matter,  and  others  acted  as 
auxiliaries  to  the  whites.  The  Nez  Percds  were  particularly 
faithful.  They  escorted  back  to  Walla-Walla  Governor  Ste- 
vens, who  had  gone  to  treat  with  the  Blackfeet  and  other 
tribes,  and  for  whose  safety  there  was  ranch  apprehension. 


201 


MASSACRES   OF  THE   MOUNTAINS. 


Tliej  .also   organized    for   active   work   against   the  liostiles 
when  they  should  he  called  upon. 

A  union  in  sympathy,  at  least,  was  effected  between  a 
majority  of  the  tribes,  but  before  any  definitely  arranged 
plans  for  simnltaneous  action  were  matured  the  impatient 
tribes  of  the  North  opened  the  contest.  The  Colville  mines 
were  discovered  in  the  summer  of  1S55,  and  the  usual  rush 
for  the  new  diggings  ensued.  Among  others  who  started  wap 
a  Mr.  ^lattice,  who  had  been  operating  a  coal-mine  on  the 
Dwatnish.  lie  had  just  crossed  the  mountains,  by  Snoqua- 
limie  Pass,  with  a  considerable  amount  of  money  and  pro- 
visions, when  a  party  of  Indians,  supposed  to  be  Yakiinas, 
killed  him  and  carried  off  his  property.  About  the  same 
time  his  partner,  Fantj.iy,  was  also  murdered  by  the  Indians, 
and  thereafter  miners  were  cut  off  at  every  opportunit}'.  In 
September,  Indian  agent  I'olen  went  from  the  Dalles  into 
the  country  of  the  Yakimas,  and  had  a  talk  with  Kaniia- 
ken,  Owahi,  and  other  chiefs.  On  the  next  day,  as  he  was  re- 
turning, three  Indians  came  up  with  him,  and,  while  two 
talked  to  him,  one  fell  behind  and  shot  him  in  the  back. 
He  was  scalped  and  his  body  partially  burned.  As  soon  as 
this  outrage  was  heard  of,  a  plan  was  formed  to  send  IdO 
men  into  the  Yakima  country  from  Fort  Steilacoom,  while 
Major  Rains  (afterwards  a  Confederate  general),  connnandiiii,^ 
at  Fort  Vancouver,  advanced  by  way  of  the  Columbia,  and 
to  unite  the  two  forces  in  the  enemy's  territory.  The  force 
from  Steilacoom  was  confronted  in  the  moiuitains  by  an 
overwhelming  body  of  Indians,  and  retired  to  the  western 
slope.  Under  instructions  from  Major  Rains,  Major  Ilallcr 
advanced  from  the  Dalles,  with  100  men  on  October  3.  On 
the  fitli  he  was  surrounded  in  a  position  where  he  had  neither 
wood  nor  water,  and  was  forced  to  retreat,  reaching  the  Dal- 
les on  the  KhIi.  He  lost  three  killed,  nineteen  wounded,  thirty 
pack  animals,  and  was  obliged  to  cache  a  mountain  howitzer, 
which,  however,  was  afterwards  recovered.  Major  Rains  then 
came  up  and  took  the  field  in  person,  with  350  regulars.  He 
pushed  forward  to  the  Catholic  mission  on  the  Yakima,  Ii.hI 
a  few  skirmishes  with  the  Indians,  and  burned  some  of  their 
stores,  but  failed  to  accomplish  any  satisfactory  result. 


THE   KOGUE  KIVER,  YAKIMA,  AND  KLICKITAT  WAK.S.    205 

In  the  Soutli,  war  was  precipitated  by  a  foolish  and  fiend- 
ish attack  on  the  friendly  Rogue  Rivers  of  C)ld  Sam's  band. 
Some  of  tlie  whites  decided  that  snb-chief  Jake's  rauche  was 
a  harbor  for  unfriendly  Indians,  who  iiad  been  burninjif  fences 
and  buildings,  and  also  for  friendly  ones  wiio  bad  been  guilty 
of  pilfering,  so,  early  on  the  morning  of  October  8,  a  party  of 
them  imder  "Major"  James  Lnpton  attacked  it.  They  left 
behind  them,  as  proof  positive  of  their  prowess,  the  bodies  of 


THE    DAI.i.KS. 


fMuht  men  (four  very  aged)  and  fifteen  women  and  children, 
Iii^ides  several  whose  bodies  were  thrown  into  tlu^  river. 
Tii(!y  also  fired  into  sub-chief  Sambo's  camp,  killing  one  wom- 
an and  wounding  two  boys.  This  latter  party  was  on  the 
Way  to  the  reservation,  the  men  having  gone  ahead.  A 
1  iiire  number  of  the  remaining  friendly  Indians  Hed  in  terror 
t"  Fort  Lane,  where  the  troops  saved  them  from  destruction 
ill  the  war  of  extermination  that  followed.     The  rest  joined 


20G 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


"John"  (Te-cnm-ton — Elk-killer),  the  hostile  fourth  chief 
of  the  tribe,  and  at  once  began  retaliating.  On  the  9tli 
they  burned  every  house  from  Evans'  Ferry  to  Juinp-ofF-.To 
Creek,  and  robt)ed  and  destroyed  every  wagon  along  the  road. 
They  killed  eighteen  people,  of  whom  six  were  women  and 
children,  at  Jewett's  Ferry,  Evans'  Ferry,  Wagoner's  Ilaiicli, 
and  neighboring  points.  This  descent  is  known  as  the  "  Wag- 
oner massacre."  On  the  next  day  they  killed  Misses  Hudson 
ajid  Wilson,  on  the  road  between  Crescent  City  and  Indian 
Creek,  and  thenceforward  a  most  sanguinary  war  was  waged 
by  both  whites  and  Indians  on  unprotected  parties  of  strag- 
glers, while  both  parties  oppressed  the  friendly  Indians  who 
desired  only  to  remain  on  the  reservation  in  peace,  the  whites 
murdering  them  at  every  opportunity,  and  the  Indians  de- 
stroying their  houses  and  other  property.  Among  other  atroc- 
ities a  party  of  volunteers,  on  December  23, 1855,  surrounded 
the  camp  of  some  Indians,  whom  they  had  visited  tlie  day 
before,  and  knew  to  be  friendly  and  unarmed,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  a  few  bows  and  arrows ;  they  killed  nineteen  men, 
and  drove  the  women  and  children  out  into  the  severe  cold, 
from  the  effects  of  which  the  little  remnant  that  gathered  at 
Fort  Lane  were  all  suffering  with  frozen  limbs.  The  openly 
expressed  policy  of  the  volunteers,  and  of  many  of  the  citizenfi, 
was  the  extermination  of  all  neighboring  Indians. 

At  the  North  the  volunteers  blundered  as  badly  as  in  the 
South.  A  company  of  them,  under  Nathan  Olney,  an  In- 
dian agent,  had  organized  on  the  call  of  Major  Rains,  and 
pushed  up  the  Columbia  early  in  the  winter.  They  reached 
Fort  Walla- Walla  on  December  3,  and  on  December  5  met  the 
band  of  the  Walla- Walla  chief  Pio-pio-mox-mox  (Yellow  Ser- 
pent, Serpent  Jaune).  This  chief  had  formerly  been  a  good 
friend  of  the  Americans.  He  had  assisted  Colonel  Fremont 
in  California  ;  he  had  refused  to  join  the  hostile  Cayuses  after 
the  AVhitman  massacre  ;  he  was  emphatically  the  chief  of  the 
Columbia  country  whose  influence  was  most  worth  having. 
l)Ut  he  had  rcfently  plundered  Fort  Walla- Walla  (still  a  Hud- 
son's Bay  Company  post),  and  was  understood  to  be  in  sym- 
pathy with  the  hostiles.  He  advanced  under  a  white  flag  and 
desired  to  treat,  but  a  question  arose  over  the  terms,  and  the 


THE  KOGUE  RIVER,  YAKIMA,  AND  KLICKITAT  WARS.    207 

whites  told  liitn  lio  must  go  back  and  fight.  This  ho  refused 
to  do,  80  he  and  four  of  his  men  were  held  as  prisoners,  still 
repeatedly  refusing  to  leave  the  camp  and  fight,  still  promis- 
ing to  return  the  property  plundered  from  Kort  Walla- Walla, 
and  still  insisting  on  peace.  On  the  7tli,  the  volunteers  were 
attacked  by  about  three  hundred  Indians  and  fought  them  on 
the  march  all  day.  At  evening  an  attempt  was  nuule  to  bind 
Vcllow  Serpent  and  his  companions,  but  they  refused  to 
bubmit  to  this  indignity;  they  drew  knives  and  attempted  to 
resist,  but  were  shot  down,  except  one  young  Indian  who 
made  no  resistance.  Yellow  Serpent's  scalp  and  ears,  and 
the  scalps  of  the  others,  were  sent  into  the  settlements  as  tro- 
pliies.  This  action  settled  the  question  with  many  hesitating 
Walla-Wallas,  Umatillas,  Cayuses,  Pelouses,  and  Des  Chutes, 
who  forthwith  joined  the  hostiles.  On  the  8th,  the  attacking 
force  numbered  nearly  six  hundred,  but  they  were  driven 
across  the  Columbia  with  little  loss  to  either  side.  Aside 
from  this  these  volunteers  accomplished  nothing  beyond  cre- 
ating dissatisfaction  among  the  friendly  Cayuses  and  Nez 
Purees,  who  had  acceded  to  their  terms,  and  who  accused 
them  of  taking  their  property  wrongfully.  After  two  months' 
service  this  company  was  disbanded,  but  a  large  force  of  vol- 
unteers was  kept  in  the  field  in  various  parts  of  Oregon,  most 
of  them  still  determined  on  the  policy  of  extermination. 

In  tlie  latter  part  of  January  the  Indians  about  Puget's 
Sniiiid  suddenly  began  war,  having  been  incited  to  it  by  the 
chiefs  Leschi,  Kitsap,  Stahi,  Nelson,  and  others.  So  unlooked- 
for  was  this  outbreak  that  a  number  of  unsuspecting  settlers 
were  cut  oft"  while  supposing  themselves  in  entire  safety,  and 
much  valuable  property  was  destroyed  before  any  organiza- 
tion could  be  made  for  mutual  protection.  Some  of  the  set- 
tlers took  refuge  on  shipboard,  and  others  in  the  town  of 
Si'iittle.  The  Indians,  meantime,  devastated  all  King  County, 
;ui(i  even  attacked  Seattle.  It  was  a  sit'iation,  seemingly,  of 
i,n'cat  peril,  with  active  hostilities  thus  in  progress  from  the 
Sound  to  Northern  California,  but  the  sources  of  safety  were 
^iiiong  the  Indians  themselves.  They  were  hopelessly  divided. 
There  was  not  a  tribe  in  which  there  were  not  some  chiefs 
ami  some  warriors  who  favored  the  Americans,  and  preferred 


2(»S 


MASSACRES  OF  THE   MOUNTAINS, 


])eaet',  while  the  great  majority  of  the  Fhvtheads  and  Nez 
Poreus  were  of  this  mind.  This  enabled  the  army  officers 
afterwards  to  accomplish  by  diplomacy  what  could  only  have 
been  accomplished  with  the  greatest  ditticwlty  by  war.  no- 
sides,  these  Indians  were  not  tlic  Indians  of  the  I'^ast.  Per- 
haps three  thonsand  warriors  in  Oregon  could  be  counted  as 
liostile,  but  one  thousand  IShawnees,  Delawares,  8eminoles, 
Sioux,  or  Apaches  would  have  done  ten  times  as  much  damage. 
Major-general  John  E.Wool,  who  succeeded  General  llitcli- 
cock  in  the  command  of  the  lJe|)artment  of  the  Pacific,  had 
little  sympathy  with  the  e:?termination  policy,  and  less  with 
tiie  plan  of  sending  troojis  into  the  country  of  the  hostilos 
while  the  settlements  were  left  unprotected,  lie  disregarded 
the  voluminous  jilans  which  Governors  Stevens  and  Curry 
[)rcpared  for  carrying  on  the  wai-,  refused  to  make  a  winter 
campaign,  declined  to  recognize  the  volunteers  as  United 
States  troops,  insisted  that  their  presence  in  the  field  was 
wholly  unnecessary,  concentred  the  regulars  at  Fort  Van- 
couver, and  used  as  many  of  them  as  he  considered  necessary 
in  protecting  the  friendly  Indians,  who  renuiined  on  the  res- 
ervations, from  the  aggressions  of  the  whites.  Governor 
Palmer  took  substantially  the  same  view  of  the  matter  as 
General  Wool,  and  also  urged  the  establishment  of  the  Grande 
Ilonde  and  Siletz  reservations  near  the  coast ;  and,  in  conse- 
quence, petitions  of  the  Oregon  Legislature  were  forwardunl 
to  Washington,  asking  the  removal  of  both.  They  fDrther 
charged  against  Palmer  that  he  was  a  " Know-not iiing  AVliig," 
and  iiad  been  guilty  of  not  voting  the  Detnociatic  ticket  at 
local  elections ;  while  they  characterized  E.  ii.  Geary,  whom 
they  recommended  for  his  successor,  and  wlioni  Palmer  liml 
discharged  from  the  office  of  secretary  for  abetting  the  opposi- 
tion, as  a  "sound,  consistent,  and  reliable  national  Democrat." 
Governor  Palmer  was  succeeded,  for  other  reasons,  by  George 
L.  Curry,  as  Governor,  but  was  retained  as  Superintendent  of 
Indian  Affairs.  A  spicy  wrangle  ensued  between  Wool  and 
Governors  Stevens  and  Curry,  which  was  protracted  fur 
months  in  the  newspapers  and  in  their  official  reports.  It 
must  have  been  painful  to  the  governors,  in  after-tits.es,  to 
learn  that  Wool's  reports  had  uniformly  gone  to  the  Secretary 


t( 

1 

(I 
ri 
ti 
Hi 
ii 
II] 


THE  ROGUE   UIVER,  YAKIMA,  AND  KLICKITAT  WAR8.    211 


(if  Wear  endorsed,  "  IlespectfuUy  submitted.  I  fully  approve 
the  views  of  Mjijor-geiieral  Wool.     Winfiklu  Scott."    • 

The  regular  troops  and  the  volunteers  acted  independently 
of  each  other,  the  former  endeavoring  to  bring  the  war  to  a  close 
l»y  treaty,  making  what  the  settlers  considered  undue  conces- 
sions to  the  Indians,  and  the  others  trying  to  accomplish  the 
extermination  prefect,  or,  at  least,  to  make  "an  indelible  im- 
pressif  n."  Neither  did  anything  of  importance  during  the 
MJnter,  but  the  Indians  had  more  success.  On  February  22, 
185G,  at  dawn,  when  most  of  the  volunteers  of  the  force  en- 
camped on  Ilogue  Iliver,  three  miles  above  its  mouth,  were 
gone  to  a  " AVashington's-birthday  ball"  at  the  month  of  the 
river,  the  hostiles  surprised  the  camp  and  killed  Captain 
IJen  Wright,  special  agent,  Captain  Poland,  and  twenty-two 
others,  among  whom  was  Mr,  Wagoner,  whose  family  had 
been  murdered  in  the  preceding  October.  Charles  Foster 
;ilone  escaped  from  the  camp,  and  succeeded  in  reaching  a 
])iaco  of  safety,  after  hiding  all  day  in  the  bushes.  lie  esti- 
mated the  attacking  jJarty  at  three  hundivu.  They  also  sacked 
and  burned  all  the  ranches  along  the  river,  the  whites  who 
escaped  fleeing  to  Port  Orford  and  the  mouth  of  the  river, 
wliere  they  fortified  theniselves,  and  remained  on  the  defensive 
for  a  while. 

As  the  spring  opened,  and  General  Wool  got  ready  to  act. 
Colonel  Wright,  of  the  0th  Infantry,  went  up  the  Columbia 
and  took  charge  of  the  campaign.  He  passed  the  Cascades, 
loaviiig  only  a  command  of  nine  men,  under  Sergeant  Kelly, 
to  protect  the  portage.  The  river  from  tliu  Cascad>^s  to  the 
Dalles  was  the  key  to  the  Columbia  country,  as  it  aflorded  the 
•  •Illy  connection  between  eastern  and  western  Oregon.  T'.ie 
liver  here  breaks  through  the  Cascade  range.  From  Celilo 
to  Dalles  City,  fifteen  miles,  it  rushes  through  a  narrow  chan- 
)!i'l  of  basaltic  rock  with  an  impetus  th;»t  makes  navigation 
impracticable;  then  comes  a  stretch  of  quiet  water  for  forty 
itiiles;  and  then  between  five  and  six  miles  of  rapidt;,  known 
as  ttie  Upper,  Mid''  and  Lower  Cascades.  The  node  of 
passage  is  now,  as  it  was  from  the  earliest  days,  bj  boats, 
making  portages  at  the  Cascades  and  the  Dalles.  In  1855-0 
tlio   intermediate   fortv   miles  was    traversed    by    two   little 

U 


212 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


steamers,  the  Mary  and  the  Wasco.  The  force  left  by 
Colonel  Wright  was  located  in  a  block-house  at  the  Middle 
Cascades.  On  May  2<»  Wrigiit  left  the  Dalles,  and  on  the 
same  day  a  party  of  Yakinias  under  Kaniiakin,  assisted  by 
some  of  the  supposed  friendly  Indians,  attacked  the  settle- 
ment at  the  Cascades.  They  first  fired  on  the  steamer  Jldi'ij, 
lying  at  her  landing,  and  killed  one  man  and  wounded  three. 
The  boat  was  run  out  into  the  stream,  before  they  could  ac- 
complish their  purpose  of  boarding  and  destroying  it,  leaving 
the  captain  and  mate  on  shore,  and  steamed  up  to  the  Dalles, 
picking  up  a  number  of  families  on  the  way.  Tlie  Indians 
next  turned  their  attention  to  the  citizens,  a  part  of  whom 
were  killed  and  a  part  escaped  to  tiie  block-house  at  the  Mid- 
dle Cascades.  The  block-house  was  attacked  and  fired  on  all 
that  day  and  the  succeeding  night,  but  withont  damage.  A 
messenger  reached  AVright,  five  miles  above  the  Dalles,  ami 
he  countermarched  on  ti>e  i.''Tth.  Tim  portage  was  clcaretl. 
after  a  warm  skirmish,  and  on  the  morning  of  the  28th  the 
besieged  blockhouse  Wiis  relieved.  In  this  affair,  known  as 
the  '•  Cascade  massacre,"  seventeen  whites,  including  one 
soldier  and  several  women  and  children,  were  killed. 

Colonel  Wright  found  there  was  satisfactory  evidence  tliat 
some  of  the  supposed  friendly  Cascade  Indians  had  aided  in 
the  massacre,  and  ordered  a  military  commission,  i)y  which 
their  chief,  Chimoneth,  and  eight  braves  were  found  guilty 
and  hanged.  He  then  resumed  his  march  against  the  hostiles, 
leaving  detachments  to  guard  the  fisheries,  and  a  stronger 
force  at  the  Cascades — the  latter  under  an  officer  v  ith  wiioni 
the  American  jmblic  is  now  well  acquainted.  Lieutenant  P.  II. 
Sheriihin.  One  of  his  first  duties  was  to  rejwrt  on  the  nnu'- 
der  of  six  Indians,  the  father,  wife,  niece,  and  little  child  of 
Spencer,  a  friendly  chief",  and  two  friendly  Vancouver  In- 
dians in  company  with  them,  by  six  white  men.  These  In- 
dians were  bound,  short  cords  with  slip-nooses  were  ])lac('il 
about  their  necks,  and  then,  l)y  pulling  on  both  ends  of  tliu 
cords,  they  were,  to  borrow  an  expression  from  Balzac, "  dtli- 
catelv  stranijled  l)etween  the  head  and  the  shoulders."  Tiiu 
younger  woman  was  also  outraged. 

l^y  May  23  Governor  Stevens  appears  to  have  had  hopes 


^rF:AIlIN(!   SALMON   AT  TIIK  tASCAnK.S. 


llO|)('a 


THE   KOGUE   UlVEli,  YAKIMA,  AND  KLICKITAT  WAKS.    215 


that  (irenenil  Wool's  plan  would  be  as  dismal  a  failure  as  the 
winter  campaign  liad  been.  On  that  date  lie  wrote  to  the  Sec- 
ivtary  of  War :  "  It  is  Jiot  to  be  disguised  that  the  tribes  east  of 
llic  mountains  thus  far  consider  tiuMnseives  the  victors.  When 
<  Oloncl  Wright  commenced  his  marcli  into  the  Yakima  coun- 
trv.  early  this  month,  they  practically  iield  the  whole  country 
tnr  which  they  had  been  fighting.  Not  a  white  man  novv  is 
to  be  found  from  the  Dalles  to  tiie  Walla-Walla;  not  a  house 
s-tands;  and  (Jolonel  Wright,  at  the  last  despatches,  was  in 
the  Xahchess,  in  presence  of  twelve  or  fifteen  hundred  war- 
riors, determined  to  fight.  Colonel  Wright  met  the  hostiles 
oil  the  8th  of  May,  and  made  an  efl'ectual  |  ineffectual  |  attem]it 
t"  treat  with  them  till  the  11th.  On  the  evening  of  the  11th 
hr  despatched  an  express  to  the  Dalles  for  reinforcements. 
His  force  probably  now  numbers  some  four  hundred  and  sev- 
I'lity-fivo  effective  men.''  Nevertheless  the  Indians  would  not 
ti-ht,  and  Wright  was  unal)le  to  bring  on  a  general  engage- 


216 


MASSACRES   OF  THE   MOUNTAINS. 


inent.  But  while  they  were  able  to  avoid  the  troops,  tlie 
Indians  were  distressed  by  the  loss  of  their  supplies  and  their 
lisherles.  After  numerous  talks,  in  which  the  sub-chiefs  were 
promised  preference  over  the  hostile  head-chiefs,  bands  of  the 
hostilcs  began  coming  in  and  agreeing  to  live  at  peace,  it  being 
understood  that  their  lands  were  not  to  be  taken  away  from 
them.     In  this  way  the  summer  was  passed. 

At  the  same  time.  Lieutenant-colonel  Buchanan,  assisted 
by  Superintendent  Palmer,  was  pursuing  a  similar  course  in 
tiie  South,  hut  the  hostiles  there  were  more  pugnacious.  John, 
their  leader,  said  the  whites  would  kill  him  if  they  got  him  in 
their  power,  and  declared  he  would  never  surrender.  On 
May  27  his  band  surrounded  the  camp  of  Captain  Smith  at 
Big  Bend,  on  the  Kogiie  River,  and  held  him  besieged  for 
thirty-six  hours,  althoug!;  Smit!'  had  ninety  men  and  a  how- 
itzer. Their  situation  was  one  which  would  have  resulted  iti 
their  total  destruction  if  assistance  had  not  arrived,  but  word 
had  reached  the  troops  below,  and  a  detachment  under  Caj)- 
tain  Augur  was  sent  to  relieve  the  beleaguered  company.  lie; 
routed  the  Indians  by  a  dashing  charge,  in  which  he  lost  two 
killed  and  three  wounded.  Smith's  company  had  been  with- 
out water  for  twelve  hours,  atiJ  had  lost  eight  killed  and 
eighteen  wounded.  This  was  the  only  engagement  in  the  en- 
tire war  that  was  worthy  of  being  called  a  battle.  On  Juno 
21  all  of  the  friendly  Indians  who  had  been  near  Port  Orfonl. 
and  all  the  Lower  Rogue  Hi  vers,  were  gathered  together  and 
removed  by  .steamer  to  their  new  reservation  of  Grande  Konde, 
between  the  Wallamet  and  the  coast.  The  hostiles  then  coii- 
clnded  to  treat  also,  and  John's  band  surrendered  on  June  l^'.t. 
By  July  19  all  the  remaining  Indians,  to  the  number  of  twelve 
hundred  and  twenty-five,  were  on  the  way  to  the  (iramle 
Ronde,  where  they  remained  until  the  spring  of  1857,  and 
were  then  removed  to  the  Siletz  reservations  on  the  coast.  In 
the  North  a  few  of  the  hostiles  fled  to  the  interior,  but,  by  the 
efforts  of  Lieutenant-colonel  Casey,  the  main  body  were  paci- 
fied and  pnt  on  the  several  small  reservations  set  off  for  them 
along  the  Sound,  a  few  being  held  as  prisoners.  Late  in  the 
fall  arrangements  were  concluded  with  the  interior  Indian-, 
by  which  they  were  ])ermitted  to  retain  their  former  territorv, 


THE  ROGUE  KIVER,  YAKIMA,  AND   KLICKITAT  WARS.    217 


the  army  officers  recommending  that  the  treaties  made  by 
Governor  Stevens  be  not  ratified.  No  whites  were  to  remain 
east  of  the  Cascade  Mountains  but  tiiose  who  had  ceded  rights 
from  the  Indians,  except  the  miners  at  Colville,  and  these 
were  to  be  punished  if  they  interfered  with  the  Indians. 
Military  stations  were  estabHsiied  among  the  tribes,  however, 
and  maintained,  althongli  they  occasioned  some  dissatisfaction. 
Lieutenant  Sheridan  was  put  in  command  of  the  one  in  the 
Vakima  country. 

This  war  was  little  more  than  a  succession  of  massacres 
and  outrages  on  botii  sides,  so  far  as  collisions  between  the 
hostile  parties  were  concerned.  The  loss  of  life  was  not 
great,  but  the  destruction  of  property  was  enormous,  on  the 
southern  coast,  on  the  Columbia,  and  on  the  Sound.  Not 
only  was  there  serious  loss  from  destruction,  but  also  from 
the  desertion  of  property.  A  gentleman  who  passed  over  the 
road  from  Cowlitz  Landing  to  Oij'mpia,  in  1857,  wrote  :  "  Not- 
withstanding this  region  was  exempt  from  any  actual  collis- 
ion with  the  Indians,  tiie  eflfects  are  nearly  the  same  as  in 
other  parts  of  the  territory.  All  along  the  road  houses  are 
deserted  and  going  to  ruin  ;  fences  are  cast  down  and  in  a 
state  of  decay;  fields,  once  waving  with  luxuriant  crops,  are 
desolate ;  and  but  little,  if  any,  stock  is  to  be  seen  on  the 
broad  prairies  that  formerly  bore  such  inspiring  evidences  of 
life."  It  was  a  costly  war,  and,  as  usual  with  Indian  wars, 
the  loss  and  injury  had  fallen  heaviest  on  the  innocent,  both 
red  and  white. 

The  treaties  for  the  cession  of  land,  which  were  largely  the 
cause  of  the  hostilities  by  the  interior  tribes,  were  very  exten- 
sive, the  land  relinquished  being  about  equal  to  all  of  New 
Fliigland,  with  the  State  of  Indiana  added.  They  were  di- 
vided as  follows  :  the  Wallamet  Valley  tribes,  7,500,000  acres, 
for  §198,000;  the  Walla- Wallas,  Cayuses,  and  Umatillas,  4,012,- 
SOO  acres,  for  ^150,000 ;  the  Yakimas,  Pelouse8,Klickitat.s,  and 
others,  10,828,000  acres,  for  $200,000;  the  Nez  Perces,  15,- 
ts(»,000  acres,  for  $200,000;  the  Des  Chutes,  8,110,000  acres, 
for  $4-35,000;  the  Flatheads,  Kootenais,  and  Upper  Pend 
1  )"()reilles,  14,720,000  acres,  for  $485,000.  The  sums  paid,  in 
:i^'gregate,  look  rather  large,  but,  viewed  with  reference  cither 


iilS 


MASSACKES   OF   THE   MOUNTAINS. 


to  tlie  price  per  acre  or  the  number  of  grantors,  tliey  are  tri- 
fling. Viewed  with  reference  to  the  result  they  are  supposed 
to  accomplish,  the  subsistence  of  the  Indians  till  they  are  ini- 
tiated in  civilized  methods  of  support,  they  are  ridiculous. 
The  treaty  with  the  Rogue  Rivers  of  September  10, 1853,  by 
which  2,18(1,000  acres  was  relinquished  for  §00,000,  was  about 
on  a  par  with  them — three  cents  an  acre,  more  or  less — and  it 
was  ratified.  The  grantors,  at  the  time  of  the  treaty,  num- 
bered nearly  two  thousand  ;  four  years  later  they  had  dwin- 
dled away  to  nine  hundred  and  nine,  and  $1:0,000  of  the  pur- 
chase-money was  still  to  come,  in  sixteen  annual  payments 
of  $2500  each.  In  other  words,  the  Indians  were  getting 
$2.75  each  per  year.  Of  course  they  had  their  reservation 
lands,  and  the  usual  treaty  adjuncts  of  schools,  blacksmith- 
shop,  etc.,  but,  if  the  Indian  profited  much  by  his  education,  he 
certainly  would  not  find  much  consolation  in  reflecting  on  his 
treaty.  An  annual  income  of  $2.75  can  hardly  be  considered 
a  princely  recompense  for  the  surrender  of  a  principality. 
There  is  no  greater  foundation  than  this  for  the  oft-repeated 
claim  that  these  treaties  of  Governor  Stevens  were  made  on  a 
grandly  liberal  basis. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 
ASH  IiOLLOW  AND  THE  CHEYENNE  EXPEDITION. 

Ix  1850,  eight  years  after  our  last  look  at  the  eastern 
edge  of  the  mountain  country,  tliere  had  not  been  much 
alteration  in  its  appearance  in  the  matter  of  settlements. 
There  still  remained  the  two  pueblos  on  the  Arkansas,  one 
at  the  month  of  the  Fontaine  Que  Bouille,  the  present  city 
of  Pueblo,  Colorado,  and  the  otlier  some  thirty  miles  farther 
up  the  stream,  called  Ilardscrabble.  The  former  was  estab- 
lished in  1840,  and  the  latter  two  or  three  years  later.  Their 
cliaracter  may  be  gathered  from  the  following  extract  from 
a  letter  of  Indian  agent  Fitzpatrick,  in  1847:  "  ^  bout  seven- 
ty-live miles  above  this  place  [Fort  l)ont],  am!,  mmediately 
un  the  Arkansas  River,  there  is  a  small  settlement,  the  princi- 
pal part  of  which  is  composed  of  old  trappers  and  hunters; 
the  male  part  of  it  are  mostly  Americans,  Missouri  French, 
Canadians,  and  Mexicans.  They  have  a  tolerable  supply  of 
cattle,  horses,  mules,  etc.,  and  1  am  informed  that  this  year 
they  have  raised  a  good  croj)  of  wheat,  corn,  beans,  pumpkins, 
and  other  vegetables.  They  number  about  one  hundred  and 
tifty  souls,  and  of  this  number  there  are  about  sixty  men, 
nearly  all  having  wives,  and  some  have  two.  These  wives 
are  of  various  Indian  tribes,  as  follows,  viz.,  Blackfoot, 
Assineboines,  Arickeras,  Sioux,  Aripohoes,  Chyennes,  Snake, 
Siripitch  (from  west  of  the  Great  Lake),  Chinook  (from  the 
iiiwuth  of  the  Columbia),  Mexicans  and  Americans.  The 
.\iiierican  women  are  Mormons:  a  party  of  Mormons  having 
wintered  there,  and,  on  their  departure  for  California,  left 
behind  two  families.  These  people  are  living  in  two  se])arate 
establishments  near  each  other;  one  called  'Punble'  [Pueb- 
lo ;j  and  the  other  '  Hardscrabble ;'  both  villages  are  fortified 
hy  a  wall  twelve  feet  high,  composed  of  advhe  (sun-dried 


220 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


brick).  Those  villages  are  becoming  the  resort  of  all  idlers 
and  loafers.  They  are  also  becoming  depots  for  the  smug- 
glers of  liquors  from  New  Mexico  into  this  country ;  theru- 
foro  they  must  be  watched." 


CIIKYENNE   VILLAOR 


There  were  also  the  trading-posts,  as  formerly,  but  the 
chief  trace  which  the  white  man  had  left  was  by  the  weariii;^ 
of  thousands  of  wagon-wheels  along  the  Platte  and  the  Ai- 
kansas.  There  was  also  a  well-marked  road  along  the  foot- 
hills  from  north  to  south.  The  country  was  still  occiipieil 
by  the  same  Indian  tribes,  but  their  boundaries  were  fixed  to 
a  certain  extent.  The  Cheyennes  and  Arapahoes,  by  t!/e 
treaty  of  Fort  Laramie,  in  1851,  held  the  lands  east  of  the 


ASH  HOLLOW  AND  THE  CHEYENNE  EXPEDITION.   221 


monntiiiiis,  between  the  North  Platte  and  the  Arkansas,  as 
far  as  tlie  junction  of  tlie  South  Phitte  on  the  former,  and  the 
old  Santa  V6  road  crossing  (near  Dodge  City)  on  the  latter. 
To  the  south  of  the  Arkansas  were  the  Kiowas  and  Comanch- 
es,  and  north  of  the  Phitte  were  the  Sioux.  Tliese  Indians 
belong  to  the  plains,  but  their  conflicts  with  the  settlers  of 
the  mountains  and  foot-hills  are  within  our  province.  The 
Arapahoes  have  lived  in  this  general  locality  from  the  period 
of  our  earliest  knowledge  of  them.  They  call  themselves 
Atsina  (-'  Good  Hearts").  They  are  also  called  the  Fall  River 
Indians  and  the  (rros  Ventres  of  the  South.  In  origin  they 
are  allied  to  the  Caddoes.  Their  number  in  1822  was  esti- 
mated at  10,000,  which  was  probably  about  three  times  their 
real  number,  and  in  1842  at  2500. 

The  Cheyennes,  though  closely  confederated  with  the 
Arapahoes,  are  of  entirely  different  stock.  They  belong  to 
the  great  Algonquin  family,  and,  when  first  known  to  the 
whites,  lived  on  a  branch  of  the  Ked  River  of  the  North. 
Here,  about  a  century  ago,  they  became  embroiled  with  the 
Sioux  through  a  collision  between  two  of  their  hunting  par- 
ties. The  Sioux  were  far  the  stronger,  and  tlie  bloody  war 
that  resulted  seemed  so  certain  to  destroy  the  Cheyennes 
tliat  they  retired  west  of  the  Mississippi.  Tlieir  powerful 
foe  still  pursued  and  oppressed  them,  so  they  determined  to 
move  again  ;  this  time  to  the  west  of  the  Bad  Lands,  where 
they  hoped  to  rest  in  peace.  The  main  body  of  the  nation 
started  in  the  spring,  leaving  a  large  i^arty  which  was  to  re- 
main for  four  months,  to  hunt  and  to  keep  back  the  Sioux. 
When  these  last  went  after  the  others  the  Sioux  followed  on 
their  trail,  and  overtook  them  on  the  Big  Cheyenne.  The 
Cheyennes  were  besieged  for  many  days;  at  length  their 
warriors  made  a  night  sortie,  while  the  squaws  and  children 
I'.scaped  across  the  river;  many  of  the  warriors  were  killed, 
hut  the  remnant  reached  the  main  band.  The  Cheyennes 
located  along  the  eastern  border  of  the  Black  Hills,  and  grew 
ill  wealth  and  numbers.  They  acquired  horses,  and  joined 
their  neighbors  in  raiding  the  Mexican  settlements.  Their 
men  ranked  among  the  best  warriors,  and  their  squaws  were 
t!ie  most  chaste   women  of  the  plains.     In  1822  they  were 


222 


MA«SACKES  Ol'  Tllli   MOINTAIN.S. 


cstiinated  at  3250,  and  in  1847  at  5300.  These  numbers 
would  be  more  nearly  eorrect  if  reversed.  Their  numlicr 
did  not  exceed  3000  in  1S47,  and  they  were  then  eomplainiiii^ 
of  their  decrease.  Previous  to  this  date  diilerences  had 
arisen  among  them,  gruwiiiif  out  of  their  southern  journeys 
for  the  i^urposes  of  trade  and  war,  and  they  separated  into 
two  bands,  one  renuiining  about  the  North  Platte,  in  coali- 
tion witli  the  Ogallalla  Sioux,  and  the  otliers  rattging  gener- 


.    :.  " 

^i^TZ^\!7:~ 

,my 

^  ""^'i'' 

%/          i 

f^^  '^^-  ''M  J 

m 


K, 


K 


I.MIIAN    VIt.l,A(iK    OS    TIIK    MOVK. 


ally  on  the  Arkansas.  The  Arapahoes  also  separated  into 
north  and  soutli  bands,  on  account  of  a  factional  tight,  ami 
both  bands  allied  themselves  to  the  Cheyenncs.  Although 
these  tribes  were  dissimilar  in  many  respects,  their  contVil- 
erations  proved  close  and  lasting  ones.  They  fought  e;ii'li 
other's  battles  and  shared  each  other's  triumphs;  treatril 
together,  went  on  reservations  together,  and  still  remain  in 
the  same  close  comuiunion. 


ASH   HOLLOW   AM)  THE  CHLYLNNE   KXI'KDITION. 


0.)> 


Although  liviiiif  thus,  ciich  trilx;  retained  its  own  Inii- 
ifiijiifo,  :iiul  vory  few  of  oithor  loiiriictl  tiio  languai^o  ot'  the 
otiier.  Their  iiieatis  of  couimuiiiciition  was  the  universal 
sign  language  of  tlie  Indians,  which  has  Ijeeu  hrought  to  a 
I'ctnarkulile  state  of  cultivation  by  the  Indians  of  the  plains. 
This  distinctiveness  of  language  is  prohahly  due  to  the  char- 
acter of  the  Arapahoe  tongue,  which  is  liarsh  and  guttural, 
and  very  diflicult  to  leani  or  understand.  It  has  even  been 
said  that  two  Arapahoes  have  (litK<'nlty  in  understanding 
each  other  in  the  dark,  when  signs  cannot  be  used,  but  this 
is  doubtful,  and,  if  true,  is  due  to  tho  constant  use  of  the 
.•-ign  language  and  not  to  scantiness  of  vocabulary.  Sign 
language  is  used  among  all  savages,  and,  to  a  greater  or  less 
extent,  by  all  civilized  peoples.  Among  them  all  it  is  in 
many  respects  similar,  and,  what  is  more  remarkable,  dupli- 
cate si  's  for  the  same  idea  are  often  duplicated  in  the  same 
wav  'Terent  continents.     This  indicates  that  certain  siirns 

are  .  ..itural  expressions  for  certain  thoughts,  and  that 
such  communicaticjn  is  in  fact  less  artificial  than  vocal  lan- 
guage. The  experiment  of  bringing  Indians  and  deaf-mutes 
together  has  often  been  tried  during  visits  of  Indians  to  the 
Ka^t,  and  they  always  communicate  readil}',  the  signs  being, 
oF  course,  ideographic.  A  very  wonderful  demonstration  of 
the  extent  of  Jiatural  meaning  in  signs  and  expression  was  a 
test  exhibition  by  President  CJallaudet,  of  the  National  Deaf 
Mute  College,  at  Washington,  in  which  he  related  intclligi- 
My  to  a  pupil  the  story  of  I'rutus  ordering  tho  execution  of 
his  two  sons  for  disobedience,  without  making  a  motion  with 
hands  or  arms,  or  using  any  ])reviously  determined  sign  or 
(itlier  communication,  but  simply  by  facial  expression  and 
motion  of  tho  head.  To  illustrate  the  natural  sign  theory, 
let  us  take  the  expression  of  peace  or  friendship.  To  the 
ravage  the  obvious  natural  thought  would  bo  to  show  that 
he  had  no  weapons,  which  is  easily  done  by  exposing  the 
empty  hands.  When  one  is  mounted,  or  it  is  inconvenient 
t.i  lay  down  tlio  weapons,  tho  same  thought  is  conveyed  by 
c\]iosing  the  opened  palm  of  tho  right  hand ;  this  is  some- 
rimes  supplemented  by  moving  the  hand  towards  the  party 
t'liiumunicated  with,  signifying  that  although  armed,  you  are 


224: 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


disarmed  as  to  him.  Tliis  is  tlie  sign  tliat  Logan  ir.auc  to 
the  white  hunters  on  the  Juniata,  more  than  a  century  ago, 
at  tlie  same  time  furtlier  expressing  the  thought  hy  spilling 
the  powder  from  the  pan  of  liis  rifle,  and  they  understood 
iiim  at  once. 

On  the  other  liand  the  long-distance  signal  of  friendship, 
when  mounted,  is  an  illustration  of  purely  artificial  -signs. 
The  person  desiring  to  communicate  the  message  of  amity 
turns  his  horse  and  rides  him  back  and  forth  two  or  throe 
times,  o\cv  a  space  of  forty  or  tifty  paces.  If  the  approaching 
party  be  friendly,  he  clasps  his  hands  above  his  head,  or  in- 
terlocks the  lingers  as  far  as  the  first  joints,  and  rests  his 
hands  on  his  foreliead,  as  though  shading  his  eyes  from  the 
sun.  The  first  answer  is  ])ossil)ly  deriv<'d  from  the  white 
man's  habit  of  shaking  hands,  but  this  is  not  certain  ;  the 
Natchez  Indians  used  it  in  10S2  in  saluting  La  fc.'alle's  party, 
as  they  descended  the  Mississippi.  The  second  answer  is  of 
uncertain  origin,  but  is  also  ancient;  an  Illinois  chief  used  it 
on  the  occasion  of  a  visit  by  Father  Manpiette,  who  mistook 
it  for  a  sign  of  reverence  indicating  that  he  was  dazzled  by 
his  visitor.  Another  artificial  sign  is  that  for  white  man, 
wliich  is  made  by  drawing  the  horizontal,  flattened  hand,  i)ahn 
down,  or  the  index  finger  alone,  across  the  forehead  from  loft 
to  right,  just  above  the  eyebrows.  Other  signs  are  derived 
from  the  verbal  expressions  of  ideas.  Thus,  the  common 
Indian  expression  of  deceit  is  to  say  one  has  a  double  uv 
forked  tongue ;  this  is  expressed  in  sign  language  by  touch- 
ing the  left  breast  with  the  right  hand,  and  carrying  it  thence 
to  the  mouth,  from  which  a  forward  motion  is  nnide  with 
the  hand  closed,  excepting  the  first  and  second  lingers,  which 
are  extended  and  slightly  separated.  So,  with  the  Kl;;tnath?, 
the  word  for  crazy  or  mad  is  from  a  root  signifying  a  whirl- 
ing motion,  and  the  sign  is  a  rotary  motion  of  the  hand  close 
to  the  head. 

The  signs  for  the  different  tribes  usually  correspond  with 
the  tribal  nanu*,  though  they  are  sometimes  indicated  l)y 
reference  to  their  mode  of  dressing  tli  '■  hair,  or  other  trihiil 
peculiarities.  The  Crows  are  designated  by  bringing  the  ti.it- 
tened  hands  to  the  shv^ulders,  and,  by  a  wrist  movement,  ii'ii- 


ASH  HOLLOW  AND  THE  CHEYENNE   EXPEDITION.      225 


tating  a  bird  flapping  its  wings.  The  Arapahoes  or  "Good 
Hearts"  are  designated  by  touching  the  left  breast  with  the 
lingers.  They  are  also  called  "  Smellers  "  by  some  bands,  and 
the  corresponding  sign  is  seizing  the  nose  with  the  thumb 
iiiid  index  finger,  or  touching  the  first  finger  to  the  right  side 
uf  the  nose.  The  Cheycnnes  are  usually  called  "Cut-arms" 
or  "  Cut-wrists,"  from  the  mutilations  they  practise  in  the 
sun-dance  and  other  religious  ceremonies,  and  are  designated 
liy  drawing  the  first  finger  of  the  right  hand, or  the  bottom  of 
tlie  flattened  hand,  across  the  left  arm,  as  though  gasliing  it. 
Tiiey  are  also  called  "  Dog-eaters,"  which  is  signified  thus: 
make  the  sign  for  dog,  by  extending  the  hand  in  front  of 
and  below  the  hip,  and  drawing  it  back,  marking  with  the 
extended  first  and  second  fingers  the  upper  contour  of  an 
imaginary  dog,  from  head  to  tail;  then  make  the  sign  for 
eating,  by  bringing  the  thumb  together  with  the  first  and 
second  fingers,  above  and  a  little  in  front  of  the  mouth,  and 
moving  them  quickly  to  the  mouth  several  times.  A  mo- 
tion of  the  hand  or  the  first  finger  across  the  throat,  as  if 
cutting  it,  indicates  the  Sioux  or  "Cut-throats" — the  Coupes- 
(ioi'ijcn  of  the  French  trappers.  The  Brule  (Burnt)  Sioux, 
or  Si-can-gu  ("  i  urnt  Thighs"),  are  designated  by  rubbing 
the  palm  of  the  hand,  fingers  down,  in  a  small  circle  on  the 
iipjier  part  of  the  right  thigh.  This  band  received  its  name 
from  being  caught  in  a  prairie  fire  about  the  year  17(53. 
The  Nez  J'erces  and  Caduoes  are  both  designated  by  passing 
the  extended  index  finger  from  right  to  left  under  the  nose, 
referring  to  their  ancient  practice  of  piercing  the  nose.  A 
forward  motion  of  the  index  finger  towards  the  left,  in  a  sin- 
uous course,  indicates  the  Shoshonees  or  "Snakes." 

There  is  a  tradition  among  the  jjlains  Indians  that  the 
sii,Mi  language  originated  with  the  Kiowas,  who  were  original- 
ly the  go-betweens  in  the  commerce  of  Jiorthern  and  southern 
Iii'liafis  and  Mexicans,  but  this  is  not  within  the  range  of 
|>o->ibility.  They  could  not  have  communicated  it  so  r.iiiver- 
siillv  over  the  continent,  and  it  is  certain  that  the  lani;uajje 
existed  in  many  places  before  there  was  any  extensive  com- 
nieiee  on  the  plains.  There  is  little  doubt  that  they  extend- 
wi  and  improved  it,  as  other  tribes  in  other  localities  have 


226 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


done  also,  so  that  no  tribe  at  present  uses  purely  natural 
signs.  It  is  certain  that  there  are  divergencies  in  meaning 
in  many  cases;  that  some  tribes  have  carried  the  language  to 
greater  perfection  than  others,  and  that  many  signs  are  alto- 
gether conventional.  The  reader  must  also  remember  tiiat 
what  would  appear  natural  to  one  accustomed  to  signs,  might 
not  appear  so  to  one  who  had  given  the  matter  no  thought. 
A  slight,  unintentional  gesture  may  entirely  alter  the  mean- 
ing that  an  amateur  sign-talker  is  desirous  of  conveying. 
Thus,  Baillie-Grohman  undertook  to  say  to  an  Arapahoe, 
"  How  has  it  come  to  pass  that  the  bravest  of  the  brave,  *^^hc 
man  of  all  men,  the  dearest  friend  1  have  among  the  Arapa- 
hoes,  has  grown  such  a  flowing  beard  ?"  but  only  succeodi'd 
in  informing  the  gentle  savage, "  that  his  facr  was  like  a 
young  maiden's,  and  his  heart  that  of  an  old  sijuaw." 

For  communicating  at  long  distances  the  Indians  have 
devised  many  ingenious  expedients.  When  a  party  is  search- 
ing for  anything,  its  discovery  is  usually  communicated  by 
riding  rapidly  in  a  circle;  the  same  sign  is  also  used  as  a  sig- 
nal of  danger,  or  when  it  is  desired  for  the  party  communi- 
cated with  to  be  on  the  alert.  Horsemen  riding  to  and  fro, 
passing  one  another,  inform  the  beholder  that  an  enemy  is 
at  hand.  If  riding  back  and  forth  abreast,  the  meaning  is 
that  game  is  discovered.  Blankets  are  frequently'  used  in 
long-distance  signalling.  The  discovery  of  buffalo  is  an- 
nounced by  facing  the  camp  and  spreading  the  blanket,  the 
upper  C(  lers  being  held  in  the  out-stretched  hands.  Instnic- 
tit)n  to  ]»ass  around  a  place  is  given  by  pointing  the  folded 
blanket  in  its  direction,  drawing  it  back  towards  tlie  body, 
waving  it  rapidly  in  front  of  the  body  oidy,  and  then  throw- 
ing it  out  to  the  side  on  which  the  jiarty  signalled  is  desired 
to  go.  When  it  is  desired  to  signal  the  discovery  of  sonic- 
thing  sought,  and  the  discoverer  has  no  blanket,  the  infor- 
mation is  communicated  by  throwing  a  handful  of  dust  in 
the  air.  A  novel  mode  of  signalling  at  night,  in  use  anioni;' 
the  Sioux,  is  Ity  tire- arrows,  which  are  prepared  soineth,  ; 
like  sky-rockets,  by  attaching  moistened  powder  to  the  arrow- 
heads. Tiic  meaning  given  to  various  flights  of  these  arrows 
is  always  agreed  upon  for  special  occasions.     Another  viiv 


ASH  HOLLOW  AND  THE  CHEYENNE  EXPEDITION.     227 

common  mode  of  signallings  is  by  colnmns  of  smoke,  some- 
times rising  steadily,  and  sometimes  in  puffs,  made  by  cover- 
ing the  fire  briefly  with  a  blanket.  Perhaps  the  most  ingen- 
ious method  ever  used  was  signalling  by  the  reflections  of  the 
sun  on  hand-mirrors,  which  was  liighly  perfected  among  the 
Sioux.  General  Dodge  once  saw  a  Sioux  chief  put  his  war- 
riors through  a  long  drill,  giving  his  directions  entirely  by 
the  reflections  of  a  small  glass.  This  system  has  never  been 
communicated  to  the  whites,  though  the  Indians  say  they 
have  no  further  use  for  it,  having  abandoned  war.  It  was 
much  used  in  their  operations  against  Fort  Phil  Kearne}'. 

The  government  of  western  tribes  is  ratiier  complex. 
They  have  usually  a  head  chief,  whose  power  in  ordinary 
matters  is  supreme,  but  still  not  sufticient  to  crush  an  organ- 
ized opposition  of  large  extent.  Below  him  are  sub-chiefs, 
who  control  various  bands  of  the  tribes  and  iiave  absolute 
control  over  their  immediate  followers.  Any  change  of  the 
settled  policy  of  the  tribe,  or  matter  affecting  the  common 
interest,  is  ci  ntrolled  by  the  council,  or  assembly  of  all  the 
warriors  who  choose  to  attend.  The  police  power  is  in  the 
hands  of  certain  chosen  men  whom  they  call  "soldiers,"  from 
their  analogy  to  the  warriors  of  the  whites.  Says  Parkman, 
ill  speaking  of  the  Sioux  soldiers, "  The  office  is  one  of  con- 
siderable ho.ior,  being  confided  only  to  men  of  courage  and 
lopiite.  They  derive  their  authority  from  the  old  men  and 
chief  warriors  of  the  village,  who  elect  them  in  councils  oc- 
cu^ionally  convened  for  the  purpose,  and  thus  can  exercise  a 
di'i,'ree  of  authority  which  no  one  else  in  the  village  would 
dare  to  assume.  While  very  few  Ogillallah  chiefs  would 
viiiture  without  risk  of  their  lives  to  strike  or  lay  hands  upon 
tlio  meanest  of  their  people,  the  '  soldiers,'  in  the  discharge 
(if  their  appropriate  f mictions,  have  full  license  to  make  use 
of  these  and  similar  acts  of  coercion."  With  the  Oheyenncs 
tlli^i  body  is  enlarged  and  performs  many  other  duties,  par- 
taking of  the  nature  of  a  fraternity  rather  than  an  official 
iH'iranization.  They  are  called  "dog-soldiers,"  which  is  equiv- 
iiKiit  to  Cheyenne  soldiers,  the  name  of  the  tribe  being  an 
Anglicism  of  the  French  c/uVh,  or  rather  of  the  feminine 
form,  chienue,  which  was  given   them   on  account   of  their 

15 


228 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


fondness  for  dogs  as  food.  The  name  is  always  pronounced, 
and  formerly  was  frequently  written,  Sliian.  Of  this  body 
General  Dodge  says,  "Among  these  'dog-soldiers'  are  many 
boys  who  have  not  yet  passed  the  initiatory  ordeal  as  war- 
riors.    In  short,  this  guild  comprises  the  whole  working  force 


KVILAWS   fLUlNLi    UUUES. 


of  the  band.  It  is  the  power  which  protects  and  supplies  the 
women  and  children.  A  war-party  is  under  the  command  of 
the  chief.  Tiie  home,  or  main  camp,  with  its  women  and 
children,  horses,  lodges,  and  property  of  every  kind  is  under 
the  control  and  protection  of  the  'dog-soldiers.'  From  th(Mn 
emanate  all  orders  for  marches.  I3y  them  the  encampments 
arc  selected.  They  supply  the  guards  for  the  camp,  do!^iilJ- 
nate  the  hunting-parties  and  the  ground  they  are  to  work 
over,  and  when  buflPalo  are  sought,  they  select  the  keen-eyed 
hunters  who  are  to  go  in  advance  and  make  all  the  arrange- 


ASH  HOLLOW  AND  THE  CHEYENNE  EXPEDITION.      229 


nients  for  the  surround.  One  of  the  most  important  func- 
tions of  the  'dog-soldiers'  is  the  protection  of  the  game.  .  .  . 
Crimes  against  the  body  politic,  or  violations  of  the  orders  of 
the  chief,  are  punished  severely  :  sometimes  by  death,  at  oth- 
er times  by  beating  and  destruction  of  property.  In  these 
cases  the  chief  acts ;  but  he  must  have  at  least  the  tacit  con- 
sent of  the  Council,  and  the  active  assistance  of  the  'dog-sol- 
diers.' Nearly  all  crimes  against  individuals  are  compound- 
ed by  the  payment  of  damages,  the  amount  of  which  is 
assessed  generally  by  the  chief,  assisted  in  important  cases 
by  two  or  more  prominent  men.  A  violation  of  the  'dog- 
soldiers'  '  rules  is  at  once  met  by  a  sound  beating."  The  in- 
dependence of  this  organization  and  its  ability  to  defy  the 
power  of  the  chiefs  has  caused  tiie  name  of  "dog-soldiers" 
to  be  applied,  in  some  instances,  to  bands  of  renegades ;  but 
this  is  a  perversion  of  the  real  meaning  of  the  term,  and  it 
is  never  used  in  that  sense  by  tiie  Cheyennes. 

Between  the  Cheyennes  and  Arapahoes  and  the  white 
trappers  of  early  days  there  was  peace  or  war  as  happened 
to  suit  the  parties  respectively.  In  18-U  the  Indians  had 
l)ecome  quite  hostile,  and  a  severe  engagement  occurred  be- 
tween Cheyennes  and  Sioux  and  sixty  men  under  Mr.  Frapp, 
(if  St.  Louis,  on  Snake  River,  in  which  the  Indians  lost  eight 
or  ten  warriors,  and  the  whites  four,  besides  their  leader. 
Fremont  found  them  hostile  at  the  times  of  his  several  ex- 
iKilit'ons,  but  avoided  trouble  by  threatening  the  vengeance 
of  the  "Great  Father"  in  ease  of  any  injury  to  his  party. 
In  IS-tS  Colonel  Kearny  marched  along  the  foot-hills  from 
Fort  Laramie  to  Fort  IJent,  and  summoned  the  Indians  to  a 
grand  council.  When  convened,  he  informed  them  that  any 
future  injury  to  the  whites  would  be  severely  punished,  and 
><lui\ved  his  power  by  parading  the  dragoons,  firing  a  howitz- 
er, and  sending  up  a  rocket.  The  Indians  were  much  im- 
jm^ssed  and  promised  good  behavior,  which  promise  they 
kept  for  many  months.  During  the  summer  of  1847  the 
Kiiiwas,  Apaches,  Pawnees,  and  Comanches  were  at  war  with 
till!  whites,  and  doing  much  damage;  it  was  estimated  that 
tluy  killed  47  men,  destroyed  330  wagons,  and  run  oJBE  0500 
lie  d  of  stock.     In  the  winter,  efforts  were  made  to  bring 


230 


MAS8ACKE8  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


SIOUX   UUKTIMU    BUFFALO. 


the  Cheyenncs  and  Arapahoes  into  a  coalition  against  the 
whites,  bnt  Lieutenant -colonel  Gilpin  (afterwards  governor 
of  Colorado)  marched  two  companies  of  cavalry  into  the 
midst  of  their  villages,  and  camped  there  all  winter.  This 
movement,  with  their  enmity  to  the  Pawnees,  determined 
them  in  the  course  of  friendship,  and  they  abandoned  all  in- 
tercourse with  the  hostile  tribes.  Before  this  time  a  party 
of  Arapahoes,  under  circumstances  of  base  treachery,  had 
murdered  two  trappers  named  Boot  and  May.  Their  tribe 
was  much  frightened  over  the  anticipation  of  vengeance  by 
the  whites,  and  hastened  to  send  a  valuable  present  of  horses 
to  Fort  Laramie  in  atonement.  Bordeaux,  the  trader  there. 
declined  to  accept  them.  Still  more  terrified,  they  sent  in 
offeritu'  to  surrender  the  murderers,  but  Bordeaux  declined 
this  also.  They  then  returned  to  their  lodges  in  despair,  ex- 
pecting a  terrible  punishment,  but  weeks  passed,  and  no  tlni- 
goons  came,  so  their  courage  rose  again.  They  grew  more 
insolent  and  bold,  and  this  feeling  spread  to  the  neighboring 
tribrM  until  all  were  ready  for  the  hostilities  which  broke  out 
iti  lb5i,  beginning  with  the  Sioux. 


ASH  HOLLOW  AND  THE  CHEYENNE  EXPEDITION.      231 


The  Sioux  were  the  most  extensive  of  the  western  na- 
tions. Tlieir  name  in  their  own  hinguage  is  Daliota,  the 
word  Sionx  being  an  abbreviation  of  Nadowessioux,  wliich 
is  a  term  of  contempt  given  them  by  their  Algonquin  ene- 
mies, the  Chippewas.  Tiiey  also  call  themselves  0-ce-ti  Sa- 
kow'-in,  or  the  Seven  Council  Fires.  Their  tradition  is  that 
in  the  far  past  they  were  all  of  one  council  fire,  but  separated 
on  account  of  intestinal  strife.  These  council  fires,  as  usu- 
ally counted,  are :  (1)  The  Mde-wa-kan-ton-wan,  or  .Village  of 
the  Holy  Lake;  (2)  the  Wah-pe-ku-te,  or  Leaf-Shooters;  (3) 
the  Wah-pe-ton-wan,  or  Village  in  the  Leaves ;  (4)  the  Sis-se- 
ton-wan,  or  Village  in  the  Marsh  ;  (5)  the  Lhank-ton-wan-na, 
or  End  Village ;  (6)  the  I-hank-ton-wan,  or  End  Village ;  (7) 
the  Te-ton-wan,  or  Prairie  Village.  Some  count  only  six 
Hrcs,  esteeming  the  5th  and  6th,  which  are  commonly  called 
Yanktonnais  and  Yanktons,  to  be  the  same.  The  first  four 
ai-e  called  by  the  other  Sioux  I-san-ti,  or,  as  it  is  commonly 
written,  Santee,  meaning  People  of  the  Leaves,  on  account  of 
tlieir  forest  homes.  The  French  called  them  Gens  du  Lac. 
We  have  to  deal  only  with  the  last  division,  though  in  all 
tlie  Sioux  wars  there  were  always  more  or  less  of  the  other 
sections  among  the  hostiles.  The  ending  of  the  names  above 
given  signifies  a  village,  from  ton-wan-yaii — to  form  a  village, 
to  dwell.  Ordinarily  the  last  syllable  is  dropped,  and  the  In- 
dians referred  to  are  called  the  Sissetons,  the  Tetons,  etc. 
As  to  pronunciation,  the  letter  n  in  these  names,  preceded 
by  a  or  o,  has  the  French  nasal  sound.  The  Tetons  (the  word 
means  Boasters  or  Arrogant  Ones)  or  prairie  Sioux  have  also 
seven  principal  divisions :  (1)  The  Si-can-gu,  Brnle,  or  Burnt 
Thighs  ;  (2)  the  I-taz-ip-co,  Bowpith,  Sans  Arcs,  or  Nobows  ; 
('))  the  Si-ha-sa-pa,  or  Blackfeet ;  (4)  the  Mi-ni-kan-ye  (Min- 
iie-con-jous)  or  Those  who  Plant  by  the  Water;  (5)  the  Oo- 
lien-on-pa.  Two  Boilings  or  Two  Kettles;  (ti)  the  O-gal-lal- 
l;i>;,  Wanderers  or  Dwellers  in  the  Mountains;  (7)  the  Unk- 
]>;ih-pah8  (Oncpapas),  or  Those  who  Camp  by  Themselves. 
Tlie  student  is  cautioned  not  to  be  misled  into  the  belief 
that  the  0th  tribe  is  of  Irish  origin,  by  the  fact  that  their 
iiiiine  is  put  "O'Gallalla"  in  one  of  their  treaties  with  the 
!:i>vernment.     The  country  of   the  Tetons  was  west  of  the 


232 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


Missouri,  north  of  the  Platte,  and  east  of  the  mountaitis  ;  tlic 
Yanktons  and  Yanktonnais  held  tiie  eastern  side  of  the  Mis- 
souri from  Sioux  City  to  ahout  the  line  of  the  Northern 
Pacitic  railroad ;  the  Santees  were  in  Minnesota  and  Eastern 
Dakota,  gradually  retiring  before  the  settlements. 

In  the  late  summer  of  1854:  a  large  number  of  BrnlJp', 
Ogallallas,  and  Minneconjous  were  camped  below  Fort  Lara- 
mie, waiting  for  their  annual  presents.  On  Angnst  ISth  an 
ox  belonging  to  some  Mormon  emigrants  was  taken  and 
killed  by  a  Minneconjon,  who  was  camped  with  the  Brules. 
The  whites  said  it  was  stolen,  and  the  Indians  that  it  had 
given  ont  and  been  abandoned.  The  Bear  (Mah-to-I-o-wa),* 
chief  of  the  Brnlcs,  came  to  the  fort,  reported  his  version  of 
the  story  to  Lieutenant  Fleming,  commanding,  and  said  that 
if  a  detachment  were  sent  for  the  Indian  he  would  be  sur- 
rendered. Lieutenant  Grattan,  with  eighteen  men  and  two 
howitzers,  was  sent  after  him.  The  Indians  were  camped 
between  Gratiot's  and  Bordeaux's  trading-houses,  distant  re- 
spectively five  and  eight  miles  from  Fort  Laramie,  between 
the  Oregon  road  and  the  river.  The  Ogallallas  were  nearest 
the  fort  and  tlie  Brnlcs  farthest  from  it,  with  the  Minnecon- 
jous between.  The  Brule  camp  was  semicircular  in  form,  with 
the  convex  side  to  the  river,  and  was  bordered  by  a  sliglit, 
abrupt  depression,  heavily  grown  with  bushes.  Tiie  Bear 
came  out,  but  either  could  not  or  would  not  surrender  the 
accused,  as  he  had  promised.  Grattan  then  moved  forward 
towards  the  centre  of  the  camp,  where  the  teepee  of  the  ac- 
cused stood,  with  the  intention  of  taking  him  by  force,  and 
as  he  did  so  the  warriors  of  the  camp  and  many  from  the 
other  camps  pressed  angrily  forward  and  massed  around  the 
teepee  and  in  the  bushes,  to  resist  the  attempt.  At  this  show 
of  resistance,  Grattan  ordered  his  men  to  fire,  and  their  gnus 
were  scarcely  discharged  before  their  commander  and  tlio 
greater  part  of  themselves  fell  dead  from  a  return  volk'v, 


*  "The  Bear  "  is  not  n  fii  !  tmnslation  of  this  name,  tlitU  boinp  the  site 
nification  of  Mah-to.  Mr.  Reed  fnmslated  it  "The  liear  that  Scatters," 
but  Iowa  means  a  pen,  or  pencil,  or  otlier  instniment  for  writinir.  Tli" 
name  has  been  printed,  perliaps  as  a  result  of  illegible  writing,  "Mali  to- 
Lowan."    Lo-wan  is  the  Sioux  verb  "  to  sing." 


ASH  HOLLOW  AND  THE  CHEYP:NNE   EXPEDITION.      233 

while  the  remainder  wet  '■  surrounded  by  a  tiiousand  or  more 
of  infuriated  warriors,  anO  exterminated  in  an  iiiconceiva- 
lily  short  time.  Only  one  laan  escaped,  and  ho  died  of  his 
wounds  two  or  tliree  days  iater.  The  Indians  menaced  the 
fort  for  a  time,  bnt  withdrew  without  accomplishing  any 
damage,  and  the  fort  was  soon  afterwards  roinfoi'ced  by  troops 


ON   THE   OUKUUN    TiUIL. 


from  Fort  Riley.  The  Bear  was  killed  in  this  affair,  and  Lit- 
tle Thunder  succeeded  to  the  chieftainship.  The  band  sepa- 
nited  from  the  other  tribes,  thongh  accompanied  by  many  of 
their  warriors,  and  struck  the  wliites  whenever  opportunity 
presented.  Their  principal  successes  were  the  destruction  of 
a  mail  party  and  the  murder  of  Captain  Gibson.  The  latter 
was  leading  a  train  of  Missourians  up  the  Platte  in  June, 
1  "^.jS,  when,  at  Deer  Creek,  thirty  miles  below  the  North 
riatte  bridge,  two  Indians  rode  up  and  asked  where  the  cap- 
tain was.     He  was  pointed  out,  and  while  one  shook  hands 


231 


MASSACUliS  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


with  him,  tlio  otlier  shot  him  dead,  after  which  they  fled. 
Several  da^'s  later  an  emifjrant  party  was  attacked  at  the 
same  place  by  eighteen  Indians,  who  lanced  one  man  and  one 
woman,  and  drove  off  sixteen  head  of  horses. 

On  Angust  4,  1855,  Kansas  matters  having  become  more 
quiet,  General  Harney  marched  from  Fort  Leavenworth  with 
thirteen  hnndred  men  for  the  country  of  the  hostiles.  As  ho 
rode  out  of  the  fort  he  remarked  to  Mr,  Morin, "  By  God,  1 
am  for  war — no  peace,"  and  he  experienced  no  change  in  his 
sentiments.  lie  had  learned  Indian  fighting  thoroughly  in 
the  Black  Hawk,  Seminole,  and  other  wars,  and  believed  in 
decisive  measures.  lie  had  brought  the  Seminole  hostilities 
to  a  close  by  hanging  thirteen  of  the  hostile  chiefs.  The  In- 
dians are  not  long  in  learning  the  character  of  an  opponent, 
and  they  knew  what  to  expect  from  Ilarney.  Billy  Bowlegs 
used  to  say,  "  Ilarnty  catch  me,  me  hang;  me  catch  him,  he 
die."  The  command  reached  Fort  Kearney  without  incident, 
and  having  re|)lenished  their  supplies  continued  their  march 
on  the  24th.  On  September  2d  they  reached  Ash  Hollow, 
a  celebrated  point  in  the  early  history  of  the  plains.  It  is 
the  lower  valley  of  Ash  Creek,  a  tributary  of  the  Platte,  in 
North-western  Nebraska,  and  was  afterwards  the  location  of 
old  Sidney  Barracks;  it  must  not  be  confounded  with  tlie 
town  of  Sidney,  that  lies  to  the  south-west,  on  Lodge-pole 
Creek.  Here  information  was  received  that  the  hostile  Brules 
were  encamped  in  force  on  Bhiewater  Creek  (Me-ne-to-wah- 
pah),  a  stream  on  the  north  side  of  the  Platte  and  two  niiios 
above  Ash  Hollow.  General  Ilarney  at  once  prepared  for 
an  attack.  Colonel  Cooke,  the  former  commander  of  the 
Mormon  battalion,  was  sent  at  three  o'clock  in  the  morniiiL', 
with  four  companies  of  cavalry,  to  cut  off  their  retreat.  I'n- 
der  the  guidance  of  Joe  Tesson,  an  old  trapper,  the  comniaiul 
approached  tiic  creek  several  times,  but  found  a  succession  of 
villages  for  four  miles  up  the  stream.  About  sunrise  tlicy 
succeeded,  without  attracting  attention,  in  reaching  a  position 
half  a  mile  above  the  upper  village,  in  the  bed  of  a  drv 
gulch  which  opened  to  the  creek.  At  half-past  four  Ilarney 
moved  forward  with  the  infantry.  As  he  approached  the 
lower  village,  the  Indians  struck  their  lodges  and  began  re- 


ASH  HOLLOW  AND  THE  CHEYENNE  EXPEDITION.      235 

treating  up  the  creek,  wliile  Little  Thunder  came  forward 
and  began  a  parley.  To  this  Ilurney  was  not  averse,  know- 
ing that  their  retreat  was  cut  off.  lie  told  the  chief  that  his 
warriors  had  insulted  our  citizens  and  murdered  our  troops, 
and  now,  these  warriors,  whom  he  said  he  could  not  control, 
must  be  surrendered  or  they  must  fight.  While  they  were 
talking,  a  commotion  among  the  more  distant  Indians  an- 
nounced to  the  soldiers  that  the  cavalry  had  been  discovered. 
Little  Thunder  returned  to  his  warriors,  and,  without  waiting 
for  any  answer  to  his  demand,  Harney  advanced,  firing.  At 
the  first  volley  the  dragoons  rode  out  of  the  defile  and  charged 
down  the  valley.  As  they  came  in  sight,  the  infantry  gave 
one  wild  yell  and  dashed  forward.  Tlie  Indians  saw  their 
danger  and  fled  towards  the  bluffs  on  the  west  side  of  the 
valley,  pursued  by  the  infantry,  while  the  cavalry  directed 
their  course  to  cut  off  the  fleeing  Indians.  The  battle  then 
liocame  a  chase,  the  Indians  urging  their  fresh  ponies  to  their 
utmost  speed,  and  throwing  away  everything  that  could  ham- 
per their  flight.  The  dragoons  pursued  them  from  five  to 
eight  miles,  until  scattered  and  far  beyond  the  support  of  the 
infantry ;  they  then  turned  back  to  camp.  In  this  engage- 
ment the  Indians  lost  eightv-six  killed,  of  whom  a  number 
were  women  and  children,  five  wounded,  and  seventy  prison- 
ers, women  and  children,  besides  fifty  horses  and  mules  capt- 
ured, a  large  number  killed,  and  all  their  provisions,  robes, 
camp  utensils,  and  equin.''go  destroyed.  In  the  camp  was 
found  a  lot  of  the  plundered  mail,  some  of  the  cloiiiing  tak- 
en at  the  Grattan  massacre,  and  two  white  women's  scalps. 
The  loss  to  the  troops  was  four  killed  and  seven  wounded. 

Such  a  dreadful  blow  had  never  before  been  struck  at  the 
plains  Indians,  and  it  produced  a  valuable  result.  Harney 
iiKirclied  on  to  Fort  Laramie,  and  thence  across  the  country  to 
I'ort  Pierra,  but  before  he  left  Laramie  he  sent  word  to  the 
Indians  that  the  murderers  must  be  surrendered.  After  he 
started,  the  Indians  came  in  numbers  to  Fort  Laramie,  and 
nskod  permission  to  camp  in  the  neighborhood.  This  was 
granted,  and  soon  after  the  garrison  was  surprised  to  see  five 
warriors  in  full  war  costume  approach  the  fort,  chanting 
tlieir  death  -  songs.     They   were  a  part   of   the   murderers 


286 


MASSACRES  OF  TIIK  MOUNTAINS. 


whose  surreiuler  had  been  deinaiuled,  and  came,  as  they  said, 
to  throw  their  lives  away  for  the  good  of  the  tribe.  Tiiey 
were  lied  Leaf,  Long  Chin,  two  brothers  of  the  dead  chief 
Muhto-Iowa,  and  Spotted  Taih  Of  the  remaining  two  nnn- 
derers,  one  ha<l  tied  and  one  was  too  sick  to  be  moved. 
After  these  had  snrrendered,  lied  Plume  and  Spotted  Lll<, 
two  leading  men,  came  in  and  offered  themselves  as  hostages 
for  the  peace,  and  all  seven,  with  their  scpiaws,  who  had  ac- 
companied them,  were  sent  to  Fort  Leavenworth  for  further 
proceedings.  The  Sionx  of  the  plains  were  evidently  con- 
quered, and  Harney  was  entitled  to  the  credit  of  quieting 
them,  for  this  action  on  the  Blucwater,  which  has  since  be- 
come commonly  known  as  the  fight  at  Ash  Hollow,  was  tiie 
only  engagement  that  occurred.  At  Fort  Pierre,  (Jenend 
ILirney  held  a  council  with  all  the  Siou.x  bands,  in  Marcii, 
185G,  at  which  they  all  agreed  to  be  peaceable  in  the  future. 
They  made  reparation  for  all  property  stolen,  and  agree'  to 
surrender  the  man  who  killed  the  cow  and  the  man  who 
killed  Gibson.  At  this  time  General  Harney  also  authorized 
the  appointment  of  a  native  police  force,  the  first  instance  of 
the  kind  among  the  Western  tribes. 

The  people — especially  those  of  the  West — accorded  Gen- 
eral Harney  the  ])raise  which  the  results  of  his  campaign 
merited,  but  the  War  Department  appeared  inclined  to  ques- 
tion the  means  rather  than  to  admire  the  end.  TImm'c  ap- 
])ear8  to  have  been  bad  blood  between  Lieutenai't -general 
Scott  and  General  Harney,  for  some  reason  not  satidfactorily 
explained,  and  it  was  understood  throughout  the  army  with- 
out much  delay  that  Scott  objected  seriously  to  the  killing 
of  women  and  children  that  had  occurred  at  Ash  Hollow. 
Colonel  Cooke,  in  his  ofiicial  report,  which  was  not  published 
for  a  year  after  Harney's,  and  then  on  express  Congression;d 
call,  says,  "I  will  remark  that  in  the  pursuit,  women,  if  rec- 
ognized, were  generally  passed  by  my  men,  but  that  in  some 
cases  certainly  these  women  discharged  arrows  v.t  them.'' 
Colonel  Sumner,  in  his  final  report  of  the  Cheyenne  expedi- 
tion, two  years  later,  goes  more  bluntly  to  the  ])oint,  saying, 
"  I  have  the  pleasure  to  report,  what  I  know  will  give  the 
Lieutenant-general  commanding  the  army  the  highest  satis- 


ASH  HOLLOW  AND  THE  CHEYENNE  EXPEDITIO:,'.   21^7 

faction,  that  in  these  operations  not  a  woman  nor  a  child  has 
boon  linrt."  Tiie  matter  drifted  alon<j  nntil  the  bummer  <,f 
lis57.  Harney  had  then  received  orders  to  take  command  of 
the  cxpeditictn  into  L'tah,  and  was  nuiking  his  preparations, 
when  h<j  received  a  summons  to  appear  hefore  a  court-martial 
in  Washington,  and  the  command  of  tlie  Utah  expedition 
was  turned  over  to  Col.  Alhert  Sidnc}'  Jolinston.  For  u 
time  things  looked  gloomy  for  Harney;  but  he  had  friends, 
and  he  was  a  lighter  in  a  political  way  as  well  as  on  the  field. 


BKKUKE   niK    UAYd   OV   STAUK    STATIUNM. 


Soon  tin  was  felt  in  the  case  the  power  of  William  H.  Kus- 
il,  of  the  firm  of  Majors,  Kussell  «fc  Co.  The  greatness  of 
iiese  names  is  but  a  memory  now  in  the  West,  and  in  the 
i'last  they  are  forgotten,  though  people  who  knew  Washing- 
ton City  thirty  ye,  ,.s  ago  may  remember  Mr.  Kussell,  the 
ureat  contractor,  who  daily  dashed  along  Pennsylvania  Ave- 
nue behind  four  blooded  grays.  They  were  the  great 
freighters  of  the  plains,  vho,  for  r;everal  years  before  the  re- 


238 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


bellion,  controlled  all  trail iportation  of  a  public  nature  from 
the  Missouri  to  the  nionitains.  They  coinnionced  business 
early  in  tiie'50's  with  tv.enty  wagons  and  two  hundred  oxen, 
from  which  they  grow  until,  in  1850,  tiiey  eniplo^'ed  5000 
wagons,  20,000  oxen,  10,000  horses  and  mules,  and  4000  men. 
They  inaugurated  and  owned  the  famous  Pony  Express,  by 
which,  with  its  1000  fleet  horses  and  100  trusty  men,  the 
mail  was  carried  from  St.  Joseph  to  Sacramento.  What  u 
change  came  over  them !  Tlie  failure  of  Congress  to  pass 
the  appropriation  bills,  in  the  spring  of  ISGO,  paralyzed  tlieir 
business,  which  then  amounted  to  88,000,000  a  year,  Iliis- 
Bell  was  arrested  as  a  defaulter,  and  died  so  poor  that  his 
friends  paid  his  funeral  expenses.  Mr,  "Waddell  of  the  firm 
died  penniless;  A.  B.  Miller  was  recently  living  in  Denver, 
Colorado,  in  reduced  circumstances;  and  Majors,  the  only 
one  of  them  that  came  up  again,  is  a  millionaire  in  Salt  Lake 
City,  But  to  resume,  llnssell  v/as  very  influential  with  tlic 
administration,  so  much  so  that  he  procured  the  appointinciit 
of  Gen.  Joe  Johnston  as  quartermaster-general  of  the  army 
after  the  death  of  (ieneral  Jesup.  lie  induced  Buchanan  to 
put  a  summary  end  to  the  court-martial,  by  making  Ilarney 
a  brigadier -general,  a  rank  he  already  held  by  brevet,  and 
putting  him  in  command  in  the  West.  Ilarney  went  out  to 
Utaii,  but  after  a  brief  stay  went  on  co  Oregon,  where  lio 
was  soon  qui'.rrelling  with  Scott  again  ';ver  the  occupation  of 
the  island  .»f  Ilaro  and  the  cashieritig  of  Lieutenant  De  Hart. 
Terrorizing  as  was  the  blow  struck  on  the  Bluewater  to 
the  Sioux,  it  seemed  to  have  no  effect  on  the  Clieyennes  and 
Arapahoes.  It  was  too  late  in  the  season  «'f  1855  to  pro- 
ceed against  them,  and  the  expeditioij  which  was  planned,  for 
the  spring  of  ISftCi,  "to  compel  them  to  release  the  captives 
held  by  tliein,  restore  the  property  taken,  inJ  deliver  up  the 
criminals,"  was  given  up  because  the  troops  were  needed  in 
Kansas  again.  Immunity  from  jMiiiuhment  only  made  tlio 
Indians  more  bold.  On  August  2+,  1850,  a  wjr-party  of 
eighty  Clieyennes  attacked  a  mail  jiarty  within  a  few  iiiilis 
of  Fort  Kearney,  and  severely  wounded  the  conductor,  ('apt. 
G.  II.  Stuart  was  sent  in  pursuit  of  the  marauders  with  forty- 
one  men,  and  overtook  them  at  about  four  o'clock  on  t!i<j 


ASH  HOLLOW  AND  THE  CHEYENNE  EXPEDITION.      239 

following  afternoon.    Dividing  his  force,  he  cliargcu  their 
camp  from  two  sides.     The  Indians  fled,  but  were  hotly  pur- 
sued, and  suffered  a  loss  of  ten  killed,  eight  or  ten  wounded, 
twenty-four  horses  a; id  mules  and  much  other  jiroperty  capt- 
ured.   On  this  same  day  another  party  of  Ciieyennes  attacked 
a  train  of  four  wagons  on  Cottonwood  Creek,  about  tiiirty 
miles  below  Kearney.     This  train  belonged  to  A.  W.  Babbitt, 
Secretary  of   Utah,  who  was  conveying  a  large  amount  of 
public  money  and  valuable  property  to  Mormondom.     The 
Indians  hero  killed  two  men,  wounded  one,  carried  off  Mrs. 
Wilson,  and  killed  her  child.     On  the  30th  a  party  of  Chey- 
cnne5  and  Arapahoes  attacked  a  small  party  of  emigrants 
eighty  miles  above  Kearney,  killed  one  woman,  wounded  one 
man,  and  carried  off  a  child  four  years  of  age.     On  Septem- 
ber Gth  a  party  of  Cheyennes  and  Arapahoes  attacked  a  Mor- 
mon train  on  the  Platte,  and  killed  two  men,  one  woman  and 
a  child,  besides  carrying  off  a  woman.     These  particulars  of 
outrages  committed  by  the  Cheyennes,  long  after  the  Sioux 
bad  made  peace,  are  mentioned  because  an  impression  has 
l)een  created  by  certain  Indian-ring  gentlemen,  who  will  be 
mentioned  more  expressly  hereafter,  that  the  Cheyennes  were 
over  friendly  to  the  whites.     Many  well-meaning  but  poorly 
informed  people  have  been  drawn   into  this  delusion.     Mr. 
I.onghridge,  of  Iowa,  in  descanting  on  the  "Sand  Creek  mas- 
wicre,"  even  went  so  far  as  to  say  that  the  Cheyennes  "had 
(lone  more  to  make  travel  across  the  plaiiis  safe  to  the  whites 
than  any  other  class  of  peojde."     Major-genin-al  Persifer  F. 
Smith  wrote  from  Fort  Jx>avenworth,  on  September  lu,  1850, 
"  This  tribe  must  be  severely  punished,  .  .  .  but  no  trifling  or 
piirtial  punishment  will  sulHce,  and  as  no  one  can  be  spared 
liom  this  neighborhood  I  will  postpone  extensive  operations 
until   the  spring."     The  beauty  of  a  winter  campaign  was 
not  yet  appreciated. 

In  the  summer  of  1857,  Col.  E.  V.  Sumner  was  sent 
ii'.'ainst  them  with  six  com])anies  of  cavalry  and  three  of 
mlantry.  On  July  2!»th,  while  marching  dowrj  Solomon's 
1  ork,  tiie  cavalry,  which  was  about  three  miles  in  advance 
ul  the  infantry,  came  suddenly  upon  some  three  hundred 
warriors,  drawn  up  in  line  of  battle  across  the  valley.     The 


3«0 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


troops  wlieelcd  into  line  and  charged  at  once.  "Tlie  In- 
dians," says  Colonel  Sumner,  "  were  all  mounted  and  well- 
armed;  many  of  them  had  rifles  and  revolvers,  and  Hicy 
stood  with  remarkable  boldness  until  we  charged  and  were 
nearly  upon  them,  when  they  broke  in  all  directions  and  we 
pursued  them  seven  miles.  Their  horses  were  fresh  and  very 
fleet,  and  it  was  impossible  to  overtake  many  of  them.  There 
were  but  nine  men  killed  in  the  pursuit,  but  there  must  have 
been  a  great  number  wounded."  The  loss  to  the  troops 
was  two  killed  and  nine  wounded.  On  July  Slst  Sumner 
found  their  principal  village,  from  which  they  had  fled  in 
great  haste,  leaving  one  hundred  and  seventy  lodges  stand- 
ing, and  in  them  a  large  amount  of  supplies  of  every  kind,  all 
of  which  were  destroyed.  Sumner  then  continued  his  searcii 
for  the  Indians,  but  they  separated  into  small  parties  and 
avoided  Iiim,  a  move  which  they  accomplished  more  easily 
because  his  troops  had  no  provisions  but  fresh  beef,  the  cut- 
tle being  driven  as  they  marched.  Early  in  September  lu; 
received  «>rders  to  break  up  the  command  and  detach  all 
but  two  companies  of  dragoons  to  join  the  expedition  into 
Utaii.  He  obeved  with  reluctance,  for  he  said  he  tliou<i:i;t 
the  (nieyennes  had  "  not  been  sutticiently  punished  for  tlie 
barbarous  outrages  tliey  have  recently  committed."  TIic 
punishment  was  severer  than  it  seemed,  for  the  bnfl'alo  diil 
not  range  in  their  country  that  summer,  and  the  movements 
of  the  troops  {jrevented  them  from  tiiakitig  any  preparation 
for  the  ensuing  winter  bv  luintini'  eUewhero. 

For  tlsreo  or  four  years  their  behavior  was  quite  exempla- 
ry, and  tills  change  of  heart  came  at  an  opportune  season,  for 
in  the  next  year  was  made  the  discovery  of  gold,  which  causcil 
the  settlement  (tf  the  eastern  slope  of  the  mountains.  In  the 
summer  of  js.jS  a  party  of  nbout  one  hundred  men,  mostly 
(JeorgiaJis  atxl  Cherokee  Indians,  led  by  Green  Kussell,  started 
from  the  Alissouri  to  look  for  gold  on  the  eastern  slope  ul" 
the  Rockies.  They  foiuul  indications,  but  no  paying  jilacers. 
and  all  but  thirteen  of  them  st.irted  back  in  disgust  On  tin; 
next  day  Russell  struck  pay  in  Cherry  Oeek.and  soon  afi<i' 
in  Dry  (Julch,  both  on  tlie  plains  near  Denver.  They  tool 
back   enough  gold  to  interest  every  one  who  learned  of  u, 


AfcH  HOLLOW  AND  THE  CHEYENNE  EXPEDITION.      241 


and  in  the  spring  of  1859  a  considerable  emigration  began. 
Among  those  vvIjo  turned  from  previously  intended  courses 
to  look  at  the  new  diggings  was  John  Gregory.  He  knew 
that  placers  on  the  plains  were 
very  fjrtain  to  mean  deeper  de- 
posits in  the  nr.'.  ntains,  and  made 
his  search  in  the  tangled  ravines 
of  the  foot-hills,  which  resulted  in 
the  discovery  of  (iregory's  Gulch. 
From  that  time  the  future  of  the 
niiiios  was  assured.  The  wildest 
stories  were  current  concerning 
the  wonderful  riches  of  the  re- 
gion, lienton's  jest  about  the 
"ankle -deep"  and  "knee -deep" 
gold  in  California  was  put  in  the 
isiiade  by  some  genius  who  re- 
ported that  the  gold  on  Pike's 
I'eak  was  in  layers  on  the  surface, 
iiiid  was  collected  by  parties  of 
men  who  slid  down  the  mountain 
nil  a  harrow,  each  tooth  of  the 
harrow  cutting  up  a  long  shaving 
(if  gold.  AVithiii  three  years  there 
were  probably  8(>,(****^  immigrants 
to  the  ''  Pike's  Peak  "  country,  of 
whom,  however,  a  large  number  re- 
tiiined  to  their  homes, or  went  olso- 
wiicre. 

Concerning  these  settlers  there 
is  one  very  extraordinary  thing  to 
In'  noticed  —  the  Indians  never 
luiiiplaincd  of  atjy  bad  treatment 
:it  their  hands.  The  cause  of  tl  o 
iimtual   good    feeling   was    par  ly 

ihu!  to  Ash  Hollow  and  Sunuur's  expedition,  but  more  than 
aiivthing  else  it  was  due  to  the  fact  that  the  whites  were 
I't'ating  on  ground  which  lay  between  the  territory  of  the 
iiiuuntain  tribes  and  those  of  the  plains,  and  was  never  per 


<B 
O 

n 

V! 

o 

hi) 

c 
r. 


6- 


S42 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


manently  occupied  by  either.  The  consequence  was  that  the 
settlers  neither  interfered  with  the  Cheyeniies  and  Arapa- 
hoes  nor  the  IJtes,  but  had  their  friendship  sought  by  each 
party  for  the  purpose  of  acquiring  arms  and  ammunition  to 
tight  the  otiier.  Wliilc  tlie  Indians  fought  each  other  the 
prospectors  made  tlieir  way  all  through  the  foot-hills  and 
the  mountains  of  the  main  range.  To  tills  day  the  hunter 
and  prospector  find  their  old  workings  and  the  decaying 
boards  of  their  tiumes  in  the  ravines  on  the  western  slope 
of  the  Snow  Mountains,  which  are  the  main  divide  in  Colo- 
rado. In  time  of  war,  when  all  i)rovocation8  were  sunnned 
up,  the  Indians  accused  the  whites,  in  a  general  way,  of  in- 
truding on  their  lands  and  driving  away  the  buflfalo,  but  in 
the  "weak  piping  time  of  peace"  they  had  nothing  to  say  of 
this.  On  February  18,  18G1,  the  Arapahoe  and  Cheyenne 
chiefs  made  a  treaty  at  Fort  Wise,  which  contained  this  un- 
common clause:  "In  consideration  of  the  kind  treatment  of 
the  Arapahoes  and  Cheyennes  by  the  citizens  of  Denver  and 
the  adjacent  towns,  they  respectfully  request  that  the  proprie- 
tors of  said  city  and  the  adjacent  towns  be  permitted  by  the 
United  States  government  to  enter  u  sufficient  quantity  of 
land  to  include  said  city  and  towns,  at  the  minimum  price  of 
^1.25  per  acre,"  The  Senate  struck  out  this  clause,  but  in 
the  capacity  of  a  solemn  declaration  by  the  Indians  it  stamis 
unimj)aired  by  the  amendment.  Of  course  it  cannot  be  said 
to  be  conclusive  proof  that  the  Indians  were  particularly  anx- 
ious to  do  something  for  their  white  friends.  It  was,  more 
probably,  the  result  of  a  few  presents  by  the  town  companies 
to  induce  the  Indians  to  recommend  a  favor  that  iiijurol 
them  in  no  respect;  but  in  tiie  absence  of  any  accusation  uf 
mistreatment  by  the  whites,  it  is  satisfactory  evidence  of  tlio 
real  stcate  of  feeling. 

This  treaty  is  a  celebrated  one,  and  the  reader  will  tint! 
himself  repaid  in  remembering  some  of  its  provisions,  for  it 
was  the  foundation  of  the  subsequent  troubles  with  tIkj 
Cheyennes.  ll\  it  the  southern  tribes  of  C'lieycnjies  and 
Arapahoes  ceded  all  their  lands  except  a  triangular  tract, 
bounded  on  the  west,  practically,  by  merid'an  28'"  30' west  of 
Washington,  on  the  north-tast  by  the  Big  Sandy,  and  on  tlie 


ASll   HOLLOW   AND  THE  CHEYENNE   EXPEDITION.      243 


south-east  by  the  Pur^atoire  or  Las  Animas.  It  recited  tliat 
these  tribes  were  very  desirous  of  adopting  an  agricultural 
life,  and  mpde  provisions  for  such  a  change.  Finally  it  pro- 
vided that  right  of  way  should  be  had  across  their  lands  for 
"all  roads  and  highways  laid  out  by  authority  of  law."  In 
this  phrase  there  was  a  world  of  significance.  Whether  or 
jiot  the  chiefs  understood  that  the  right  to  build  a  railroad 
would  l)e  claimed  under  it  is  uncertain,  but  whether  they  did 
or  not  it  is  certain  that  their  warriors  wanted  no  railroad,  no 
such  cession  of  lands  as  had  been  made,  and  no  acricultural 
life.  They  said  that  they  preferred  to  remain  hunters,  and 
would  do  so;  that  the  buffalo  would  last  a  hundred  years. 
Dissatisfaction  was  expressed  at  once,  and  depredations  fol- 
lowed soon  afterwards.  Thoy  threatened  to  kill  their  chiefs 
if  they  did  not  repudiate  the  treaty.  The  war  of  the  rebel- 
lion had  its  weight  in  i'^creasing  the  hostile  feeling,  and  at 
length  the  Kansas  Pacific  road  was  begun,  directly  through 
their  country.  All  these  things  work(.'d  towards  war,  and 
culminated  in  the  open  hostilities  of  1804. 

16 


CHAPTER  IX. 

LOS   NABAJOS. 

Of  all  the  interesting  Indians  of  the  Far  West  none  are 
more  interesting  than  the  Navahos.  The  name  is  a  Spanish 
one,  in  their  orthography  Nahajos  or  Navajos,  and  signifies 
ponds  or  small  lakes.  Their  countr}-,  which  abgunds  in  these, 
most  of  them  fnll  in  the  rainy  season  and  dry  the  remainder 
of  the  year,  was  originally  called  Navajoa,  and  the  Indians, 
in  the  old  New  Mexican  records,  were  called  "  Apaches  de 
Xavajoa,"  which  has  gradnally  given  place  to  the  present 
form.  The  Apaches  proper  call  theiri  Yu-tah-kah,  and  they 
call  themselves  Tenuai  or  "  men,"  a  title  which  nearly  all  tiie 
American  tribes  take  to  themselves  in  their  respective  lan- 
guages. Their  home,  from  our  earliest  knowledge  of  tlicin, 
has  been  in  the  northwestern  corner  of  Xew  Tilexico  and  the 
northeastern  corner  of  Arizona.  It  ma}',  in  a  general  way,  be 
described  as  lying  between  parallels  35  and  37  of  north  lati- 
tude and  107  and  111  of  west  longitude  ;  or  east  of  the  Moqiii 
villages,  north  of  Zuni,  west  of  the  divide  between  the  Rio 
(irande  and  the  Pacific  slope,  and  south  of  the  Rio  San  Juan. 
Across  it,  from  southeast  to  -  orthwest,  is  a  ridge  of  high  land 
which  takes  a  mountainous  shape  at  the  northern  end.  It  is 
there  known  as  the  Sierra  Tunicha;  farther  south  as  tlic 
Chusca  ;  still  to  tiie  scjuth  and  cast  as  the  Mesa  de  Lopos ;  ami 
terminates  at  the  southeast  as  the  Sierra  San  Mateo.  In  tlio 
southern  part  is  a  low  range  called  the  Zuni  Mountains,  and  in 
the  northwest  a  more  rui^ged  chain  known  as  the  Calal);i>.i 
(Calavaser)  Mountains. 

The  country  is  partially  drained  to  the  north  by  the  Sun 
Juan,  of  which  the  Clielly  and  Chaco  are  the  principal  trilm- 
taries;  oti  the  southwest  the  drainage  is  to  the  Colonidi) 
Chiijuito,  by  the  Rio  Puerco  (Hog  River)  of  the  West  ami 


LOS  NABAJOS. 


245 


Cottonwood  Fork.  Much  of  it  is  not  dniined  at  all,  the  sur- 
face water  gathering  in  ponds  during  the  wet  season  and  pass- 
ing off  by  evaporation.  The  higher  land  presents  a  succession 
of  high  peaks,  ster'le  valleys,  timbered  table-lands,  and  fields 
of  lava,  with  an  occasional  oasis.  The  lower  lands  have  a  yel- 
lowish composite  soil,  with  outcroppingsof  sandstone,  gypsum, 
and  some  coal.  It  is  readily  washed,  converting  the  face  of 
the  land  into  a  series  of  mesas  (table-lands)  separated  by  ar- 
royos  and  cafions,  with  now  and  then  a  streamlet,  to  which 
the  ground  imparts  a  color  varying  from  a  rich  cream  to  a 
dark  buff.  These  are  all  called  rios,  though  elsewhere  they 
would  be  called  brooks.  In  the  rainy  season,  they  at  times 
develop  suddenly  into  raging  torrents,  sweeping  away  dams 
and  other  obstructions,  and  then  as  quickly  subside  to  their 
former  feeble  state.  The  vegetable  growth  is  chiefly  the  wild 
sage  or  artemisia,  with  a  fair  allowance  of  cactus,  and  a  sprink- 
ling of  pines,  cedars,  and  piuons.  On  the  mountains  are  some 
extensive  forests  of  pines  of  large  growth,  with  scrub  oak, 
and  rarely  the  valley  of  some  mountain  brook  shows  a  fertility 
(if  soil  and  luxuriance  of  vegetable  growth  that  makes  it  a 
paradise,  as  compared  with  the  hot,  dusty,  dreary  deserts 
about  it. 

The  Navahos  are  well-formed,  of  good  countenance,  and 
light-colored,  as  compared  with  the  average  Indian.  It  has 
iieen  claimed  by  some  savants  that  they  are  a  degenerated 
I'ueblo  people,  an  idea  which  has  also  been  advanced  in  re- 
gard to  the  Nez  Perces,  the  Natchez,  and  some  other  tribes 
that  showed  a  marked  degree  of  civilization,  but,  with  due  re- 
-pcct  to  the  authors  of  the  idea,  there  is  little  ground  for  the 
lit'lief.  The  surest  test  of  origin  is  language,  and  the  lan- 
^LTuage  of  the  Xavahos  identities  them,  as  M'ell  as  the  Apaches 
and  Lipans,  with  the  Athabascan  family  of  British  America. 
Neither  of  these  three  southern  tribes  has  any  traditional  ac- 
<'iiunt  of  occupying  the  old  pueblos  or  casan  that  are  found  in 
their  country,  and  the  buildings  themselves  show  a  gradual 
tU'cay,  through  centuries,  without  repair  or  occupancy.  The 
ilwellirigs  of  the  Navahos,  which  they  call  hoyans^AVQ  rude, 
lunical  liuts  of  poles,  covered  with  brush  and  grass,  and  plas- 
t(.'red  ovei   with  mud.     They  refuse  to  make  any  more  sub- 


246 


MASSACRES   OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


stantlal  bnildiiifijs  on  .iccoiiiit  of  tlieir  nomadic  habits  and  cer- 
tain superstitions,  wliicli  cause  the  destruction  of  tiieir  hoijan.s, 
at  times.  With  these  facts  in  view,  it  is  far  more  proliable 
that  tlierc  was  an  emigration  of  Athabascans  from  tlie  North, 
and  a  partial  adoption  of  the  customs  of  the  people  they  con 
tpiered,  tlian  tliat  there  was  an  emigration  from  tlie  South,  of 
a  civilized  race,  wliich  has  fallen  back  into  complete  savagery, 
while,  at  the  same  time,  the  remainder  of  this  Southern  civilized 
race  has  retained  all  its  civilization  exce|)t  the  dwellings,  that 
constituted  its  most  desirable  feature.  The  Navahos  are  of  a 
more  i)eaceful  dis])osition  than  their  cousins,  the  Apaches  and 
Lipans — even  mure  so  than  their  timid  relatives,  the  Tinn<5  of 
the  North.  They  devote  their  liiiie  to  pastoral  and  agricultu- 
ral pursuits  almost  exclusively.  At  the  time  of  our  conrjuest 
they  possessed  about  200,000  sheep,  10,(»00  horses,  and  many 
cattle.  Tiieir  chief  crop  was  corn,  of  which  they  sometimes 
raised  (iO.OOO  bushels  in  one  year;  it  was  estimated  that  they 
liad  r)00(t  acres  under  cultivation,  in  185,5.  They  irrigated 
very  little,  but  secured  crops  by  deep  planting,  the  corn  beii:g 
placed  about  eighteen  inches  under  the  surface,  and  earing  out 
soon  after  it  came  above  the  ground  ;  in  consequence  of  which 
their  fields  ]>resent  an  unfamiliar  appearance  to  an  Atnerican. 
In  addition  to  corn,  tliey  raised  wheat,  peas,  beans,  melons, 
pumpkins,  and  potatoes,  atid  had  numerous  peach  and  apri- 
cot orcliards. 

They  dressed  much  more  comfortably  than  other  Indians. 
The  men  wore  a  double  apron  coat,  like  a  shortened  jxiiicIhk 
o[)ened  at  the  sides  and  fastened  about  the  waist  by  a  belt. 
It  was  of  woollen  cloth  and  frecpiently  much  ornamented. 
The  legs  were  covered  with  buckskin  breeches,  close-fitting, 
adorned  along  the  outer  seams  with  brass  or  silver  button^. 
They  e.xtcndeil  to  the  knee,  and  were  there  »net  by  woollen 
stockings.  The  feet  were  covered  with  moccasins,  and  often 
leggiiig.s  reaching  to  the  knee,  were  worn.  The  attire  w;is 
finished  l»y  a  l)laid<et  thrown  over  the  shoulders,  as  a  mantle. 
atid  a  turban  or  leather  cap,  surmounted  by  a  j)liune  thai 
gave  it  the  appearance  of  a  helmet.  They  formerly  carried  a 
lance  and  a  shield,  which,  with  their  costume,  gave  them  the 
appearance,  at  a  distance,  of  Grecian  or  Roman  warriors.    Tin.' 


•'■■"■. -^'ff 

|5-f;'f 

LOS   NABAJOS. 


249 


costume  of  the  women  was  a  sleeveless  nodico,  loose  above, 
but  fitting  neatly  at  the  waist,  a  skirt  reaching  below  the 
knees,  and  moccasins,  in  sunimer;  in  winter  they  added  leg- 
gings and  a  blanket.  The  liodice  and  skirt  were  usually  of 
l>right  cnhirs,  the  latter  terminating  in  a  black  border  or 
fringe.  The  costumes  of  both  sexes  have  become  more  or  less 
nondescript  of  later  years,  but  many  still  retain  their  ancient 
fashions.  They  nuuiufacture  all  their  clothiiig,  including 
their  blankets.  Tiie  blankets  have  been  the  wonder  and  ad- 
miration of  civilized  people  for  many  years.  They  are  very 
thick,  and  so  closely  M'oven  that  a  first-class  one  is  practically 
water-tight,  re(juiring  four  or  live  hours  to  become  soaked 
through.  The  weaving,  which  is  all  done  by  women,  is  very 
tedious,  two  months  being  consumed  in  making  a  cojnmon 
blanket  and  sometimes  half  a  year  for  a  line  one.  Thev  are 
worth  from  fifteen  to  a  hundred  dollars,  varying  with  the 
([uality  of  the  wool  and  the  aniount  of  work  put  on  them. 
They  formerl}'  manufactured  cotton  goods  also,  importing  the 
cotton  bolls  from  Santa  V6,  according  to  Kejlor  Uonancio 
Vigil,  but  this  has  been  discontinued  for  many  years.  They 
make  some  ])ottery,  similar  to  that  of  the  Pueblos,  of  whom 
they  probably  learned  the  art.  They  have  numerous  silver- 
smiths, who  work  cunningly  in  that  metal,  and  these  have  made 
remarkable  advances  in  art  of  late  years,  since  they  added 
modern  tools  to  their  kits.  They  are  singularly  imitative, 
and  will  acquire  a  practical  knowledge  of  any  kind  of  work 
in  a  very  short  time. 

Their  supo'rstitions  arc  peculiar.  They  never  touch  a  corpse 
if  possible  to  avoid  it.  If  a  person  dies  in  a  /io(/an,  they 
cither  burn  it  or  pull  out  the  poles  and  let  it  fall  on  the  body  ; 
if  on  the  open  plain,  they  pile  stones  over  the  corpse  and  leave 
it.  In  consequence,  the\'  do  not  scalp  or  mutilate  their  vic- 
tims, and,  in  fact,  have  little  pleasure  in  killing,  though  they 
have  a  Spartan  adtniration  for  adroit  thievery.  They  have  a 
great  aversion  to  the  hog,  and  neither  eat  its  flesh  nor  permit 
it  to  live  in  their  country.  This,  with  a  few  other  peculiari- 
ties, has  caused  some  to  insist  on  their  Israelitish  origin.  Per- 
haps oome  future  sago  may  see  in  it  evidence  of  relation  to 
P)ismarck.     They  arc  averse  to  bear  meat  also,  on  account  of 


2S0 


MASSACHKS  OF  TME  MOUNTAINS. 


8uine  I't'liijious  scniplo,  and  seldom  kill  tlio  animal  except  it  lie 
ill  self-defence. 

The  most  strikiiii'  characteristic  of  the  Navahos  is  ilieir 
treatment  of  women.  The  life  of  ati  Indian  S(|ua\v,  ordinari- 
ly, is  one  of  drudirery,  with  very  few  pleasures  to  i-elieve  its 
monotony.  She  is  so  completely  a  slave  that  her  hnshand  has 
the  riijlit  not  only  of  selliiii^  hut  also  of  rentinjij  her.  She 
does  all  the  work,  while  her  iiiishand  looks  after  the  ainnse- 
mcnts  for  the  family.  In  occasional  instances  women  hold 
higher  positions,  hut  it  is  usually  throu<;h  some  gift  of  proph- 
ecy or  other  ''medicine'"  j)()wer;  this  is  e8])ccially  the  case 
with  the  tribes  of  Oregon  and  Washington.  There  have  also 
i)een  a  few  trihes  that  admittetl  women  to  the  council. 
William  I'enn  mentions  a  council  at  which  several  women 
were  i)rcsent,  and  among  tlu'in  one,  to  whom  remarkable  defer- 
ence was  paid,  known  as  "  tiie  ancient  wise  woman."'  He 
asked  them  if  this  were  their  custom.  They  replied  that  "it 
was,  and  that  they  never  decided  on  any  important  matter 
without  consulting  their  wijuien,  ami  that  some  women  wore 
wiser  than  some  nien."  The  Mohawks  paid  unusual  attention 
to  the  opinions  of  the  s(piaws,  but  with  them  their  councils 
were  iield  scjtaratcly.  In  some  trilies  women  have  att:iiiicd 
the  su[ireme  comman<l,  and  in  others,  where  they  cannot  l)e- 
come  chieftainesses,  they  may  have  the  right  of  nannng  tiie 
chief.  Tims,  Catharine  J'rant,  widow  of  .foseph  Hrant,  the 
Mohawk  chief,  named  two  successors  in  otHce  to  him.  Witii 
the  Navahos  there  is  an  ecpiality  of  se.\  which  is  a  close  ap- 
proximation to  the  "  woman's  rigiits  '"  doctrine.  The  husband 
has  no  property  in  the  wife,  though  he  has  invariably  to  ])ay 
her  parents  for  her  when  he  marries.  The  marriage  ccre- 
inony  consists  simply  in  eating  a  meal  together,  and  the  tic  is 
as  lightly  .severed  as  made,  when  either  wearies  of  it.  Tiie 
women  hold  their  property  independetitly,  and  in  case  of 
divorce  an  equitable  division  of  goods  is  made,  tiie  children 
going  with  the  mother.  Incompatil)ility  of  temper  is  an  ex- 
cellent ground  for  separation.  It  is  much  on  the  ])riiiciple 
of  the  French  social  system,  where  a  woman  is  not  free  until 
she  is  married. 

In  conserpience,  women  are  well  treated,  and  escape  much 


liTITMMlliQ^ 


NAVAIIO    SQfAWS    WKAVIXiJ    A    IlLANKKT. 


LOS   NABAJOS. 


253 


of  the  ilruil^ery  that  falls  commonly  to  the  lot  of  squaws. 
The  men  do  the  s^reatcr  part  of  the  out-door  work,  and  the 
\v(»men  look  after  the  alfair.s  of  tiie  house.  If  a  Navaho  wants 
ills  horse  saddled,  he  does  it  himself,  if  he  has  no  peon.  Man 
and  wife  eat  toj^ether.  IStranijer  still,  it  is  a  common  thing 
in  their  country  to  see  a  man  carryitiii;  a  jjappoose — an  ex- 
tremely rare  condescension  in  other  trihes,  thoui(h  somcMmes 
seen  anionic  the  I'tes  aiid  Shoslionees.  The  women  appo.:.-  to 
have  a  specisd  interest  in  the  sheep.  The  Hocks  are  looked 
after  hy  tht;  yonni^  >;ii"ls,  who  employ  their  leisure  mouienls 
in  spinninjjj  a  loose  y;'rn  that  is  used  for  the  lilliui^  of  Idankets. 
Tliey  make  very  pretty  and  roinantic  shepherdesses.  The 
sheep  are  never  disposed  of  without  the  consent  of  the  wom- 
en ;  in  fact,  a  Navaho  never  makes  a  har^ai.  of  any  kind 
witiiout  coiisultinj^  his  wife  or  wives.  They  i  ever  strike  their 
Women.  If  a  man  <piarrels  with  his  wife,  or  she  becomes  care- 
less of  his  wishes,  or  ahamlons  him,  he  solaces  his  i^rief  and 
;i>suages  her  anger  hy  killing  some  geuilen-an  of  an  adjoining 
tribe,  or  other  outsider,  which  ntakes  e\erytliiiig  j)leasant 
:i;,fain.  The  doctrine  of  "free  love"  goes  with  "woman's 
ligiits"  in  their  case.  None  of  the  women  are  chaste, and  the 
iiMtion  has  l)een  badly  intected  with  venereal  disease,  but  they 
claim  to  be  nearly  rid  of  this,  through  the;  elHcacy  of  their 
ticatment,  which  consists  of  a  dcco<;tion  of  herbs  taken  inter- 
nally, an  ointment  made  from  a  ];  'Uiliar  kind  of  clay,  and 
>weat  baths.  In  conse»[uence  (>f  their  bijtter  usage  the  women 
are  !nucli  above  the  avera  •(?  s(piaw  in  look.'  They  are  tall, 
straight,  and  well-formed.  As  a  ruli'  they  are  healthier  than 
tlie  men,  which  is  probably  due  to  their  out-door  exercise  as 
'-lieplierdesses  in  youth  Their  treatment  of  women  is  the 
lesult  tif  their  religion.  Their  only  god,  Wiiai  la-hay,  is  a 
Woman,  uiul,  according  to  their  trailitiou,  she  taught  them  to 
weave  blankets  and  mould  pottery.  Iien(;e  they  arc  grateful 
to  the  se.\.  Resides,  after  death,  the  .Navaho  shade  has  to 
light  his  way  through  a  guard  of  evil  spirits  j-nd  get  across  a 
L'leiit  water,  neither  »>f  which  he  can  do  without  tin-  assistance 
I  Whai  la-hay,  ami  that  they  do  tuA.  receive  utiless  they  have 
treated  their  women  well.  There  appt-ars  to  lie  some  eonnec- 
liun  between  this  goddc-s  and  .\ri/una,  the  sun-maiden,  tho 


254 


MASSAIRI'.S   or  THK   MOINTAINS. 


bi'loved  (if  Moiitezimia,  wlio  figures  mi»ro  or  less  oxtcubivol}' 
ill  tlic  (lilL'rciit  ruliijiotis  of  Mexico.  In  calling  licr  their  only 
mill,  1  mean  tlic  oiilv  one  of  a  lieneticent  disposition.  Tlicv 
liiive  a  nia.>icnliiie  devil,  called  {Jhin-tiay,  to  whom  they  devoto 
much  attention  in  endeavors  of  j)r()|)itialion.  They  also  repair 
at  stated  seasons  to  a  mountain  in  their  country,  called 
I'olonia,  for  the  purpose  cd"  \vorshi|)ping  tin'  spirits  of  their 
ancestors,  who  are  supposed  to  have  a  certain  suhordinato 
power. 

Another  characteristic  of  the  Navahos  was  their  funn  of 
trovernnietit, or,  rather,  their  lack  of  ir<'vi'rnmeiit.  When  they 
came  under  our  control  they  nuinlxjre*!  about  12.i"»'>,  of  wlioin 
■i'>00  Were  warriors,  hut  notwithstaniiing  their  nuinhcrs.  :nid 
the  extent  of  country  tlu'V  occupicid.  fhey  ii.id  scarcely  any 
ccMitral  coi\tr(dling  powj-r,  and  what  power  there  was.  was  on  a 
demo<;ratic  basis.  'J'he  patriarchal  form  of  gi.vernment  nh- 
tained  among  them,  a  man  laving  as  absolute  control  over  \m 
children,  while  tluy  lived  wiih  him,  as  i>f  his  slaves,  l»ut,once 
a  warrior,  a  man  was  his  own  master,  and  oiiee  married,  a  wom- 
an was  largely  her  own  mistress.  lleail  chiefs  were  maiie 
ami  unmade  with  littlt;  ceremony,  and  the  pleilgcs  of  a  head 
chief  appearecl  to  have  little  weighi,  either  while  he  was  in 
otlic(M)r  afterwar<ls.  Kv((ry  man  had  personal  lilierty  «d'  aetioii. 
by  virtue  of  lunng  a  warrior.  If  he  distinguished  himself  in 
war,  or  acipiired  riitluis  which  (>nabled  him  to  maintain  a  fol- 
lowing, h(^  became  known  as  a  child'.  The  liead  chief  was 
really  a  war  chisf,  with  no  |)erceplible  authority  in  time  of 
peace,  and  neitlier  he  nor  any  other  governing  power  of  tin- 
tribe  couh',  C(>mpel  the  surrender  or  punishment  of  a  man  ol 
any  inlluiMice  among  them.  ( )n  account  of  this  lack  of  ex 
ccutivi'  power,  then;  was  no  enforcement  of  law  and  little 
law  to  etiforce.  Religious  scruples  were  the  chief  rc.straiidtii: 
power.  Some  men,  from  a  naturally  bad  disposition,  liecaim- 
vagabonds,  and  livc^d  wholly  by  theft,  plundefing  tln-ir  own 
nati(»n  as  well  asofh(;rs.  ()f  thesis  the  roniiiinder  appeared  t" 
be  in  perpetual  dread,  without  any  power  of  reslraitiing  thetn. 
Major  l)a(!kus  once  asked  a  Navaho  chief  how  they  puinslied 
their  people  for  theft.  "'Not  at  all."  lu;  replied.  "If  1  ;it- 
temj)t  to  whip  a  poor  man  who  has  stolen  my  property,  lie 


LO.S    NAUAJO.S. 


255 


•tiniu 
If  in 
.  fol- 

■  WilS 
llir  I'f 
,r  tlir 
Mil  of 
jf    »'\ 

ittlt' 
aiiiiiiL' 

•IMIIII.' 

(iWll 

.IVll    I' 

tllClli. 

hwIicmI 

1  1  ilt- 

■\y.  Ill' 


will  (lofeiid  liimself  witli  his  arrows  and  will  rob  mc  ajyain 
If  I  leave  him  iMipuiiished,  he  will  only  take  what  ho  reqiiiref, 
at  till?  time." 

'i'liis    lack    (»f    i»ovt;rti merit    was    flic   source   of   all    their 
troubles  with  the  Americans.     We  were  ublij^ed  ti>  eonsider 
them  a  tribe  ami  to  treat  with  them  on  that  basis.     When  a 
treaty  was  broken  it  was  necessary  to  treat  them  as  a  tribe  in  de- 
mandin:^  satisfaction,  but  they  were  unable  as  a  tribe  to  make 
the  reparation  we  demanded.     There  were  two  othi-r  causes 
that  pri'vented  any  lastini^  peace  fur  many  years.     One  was 
that  they  thouj'ht  they  outnumbered  us.     The  reason    they 
irave  for  this  belief  was  that,  in  the  be<;inniiijj,  a  beaver  diitj 
a  hole  in   Jie  earth,  from  which  there  came  live  whites  and 
-even  Navahos,  <riji),  they  are  the  more  numerous.    It  reijuired 
a  score    :'  years  to  satisfy  them  that  fi<rure8  could  lie  in  rejrard 
to  |iop!i!,i!ii  ii.     The  other  was  hostile  feeliiii;  between  them 
and  the  Mexicans.     The  two  nations  had  fought  for  centuries, 
and,  as  niMthcr  of  them  was  atllicted  with  honesty,  they  were 
>niitinually  in  conHict  after  they  passed  under  our  control. 
The  blame  of  this  is  put  on  one  or  the  other,  as  writers  favor 
or  oppose  the  Indians.     The   fact  is,  that  each   robbed  and 
:iliuse<|  the  other  at  every  opportiinii  \ .    When  it  came  to  rep- 
nation,  it  is  reasonably  cert.iin  that  the  estimates  of  damaire 
ionc  liy  the  Navahini.  i's|>e«'ia!ly  as  to  the  amounts  of  stcck 
-tolcn,  were  f»en»-rally  <xa<r;ri'rated  ;  and  it  is  cipially  certain 
iliat.  in  the  restitutions  which  the  Indians  were  com]»elled  to 
make,  they  culled   tin-  worthless  animals  from  their  iierds  to 
return.     The  Mexicans  took  tiie  larijer  number  of  captives; 
ilie  Navahos  stole  the  more  property.     The  territorial  records 
Iroin   the  time  of  oiir  occu|tatinn   to  .lannary   1,  IS(i7,  show 
ilie  New  ]\Ie.\iean  lo.sses  from  all   Indian  tribes  to  have  been 
l'^'.)  persons    kille(l,  ;V2    wounded,  "Jl   captured,  .'$r»5!)    horses 
sfolitn.  l;},47.'?  cattle,  and  *21>4,74ti  hheep,  t»f  a  total   value  of 
^l,:{77,;{21t  •;(»;    or  an   averajji-    of  »'»  killed,    I    captured,  and 
!<7",(1i>n  Worth  of  stock  stolen  annually.     The  Apaches,  Co- 
iiianches,  an<l  I  tes  were,  of  course,  respc'  sible  for  a  share  of 
this,  but  the  Navahos  came  in   for  at  least  one  third  of  it. 
\\'liat  does  not  appear  on  the  records,  and  it  is  very  essential 
'.  'r  showin-'  the  burden  of  jriiilt,  is  how  much  the  Mfxic-anu 


250 


MASSACRES  Ol'  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


stolefroin  tlic  Niivulios.  Tlie  fighting  hotwccn  tlicin  was  not 
serious.  The  Navalios  are  not  dangerous  as  warriors,  altiiougli 
they  have  been  so  represented  in  the  diseased  literature  of 
frontier  life.  The  idea,  so  far  as  it  had  any  basis,  came  from 
the  Mexicans,  and  was  due  not  so  much  to  the  bravery  of  the 
Indians  as  to  the  cowardice  <»f  their  foes. 

The  relations  of  the  Tnited  States  with  the  Xavahos  becin 
with   the  occupation    ot 


»f  New  !M;'.\ico   bv   (rcneral    Kearn 


The  general,  by  his  "  annexation,''  a.-Jsumed  the  protection  of 
the  New  Mexicans  from  Indians,  and  gave  them  fretpient 
promises,  in  public  and  private,  to  that  eilect.  lie  did  not 
reinain  there  long  enough  to  dise(»ver  that  a  feud  of  centuries 
was  not  to  be  disposed  of  abruptly,  i»ut  he  did  receive  a  taste 
of  their  predatory  warfare.  While  visiting  the  settlements 
below  Santa  Fe,  on  the  Ilio  (ii-ande,  with  a  detachment  of 
troops,  tlie  Navahos  swooped  down  on  the  valley,  in  sight  of 
the  command,  and  drove  «>lf  a  large  number  of  horses  and 
cattle,  a  part  of  which  l)elonged  to  the  command,  before  the 
troops  could  reach  them.  An  expedition  was  sent  against 
them  under  ('oloncl  Doniphan,  in  October,  but  it  did  not  re- 
turn until  after  Kearny  had  left  for  (,'alil'ornia.  It  entered 
the  country  of  the  Navahcts  in  two  columns;  one,  under  Major 
(tilpin,  took  the  route  uj)  the  Chama,  by  way  of  Abicjui,  down 
the  San  Juan,  and  over  the  Sierra  Tunicha;  the  other,  under 
Doniphan,  went  up  the  Puerco  of  the  East  and  spread  over 
the  country  in  three  cotnmands,  gathering  up  the  Indians  as 
they  moved.  About  three  fourths  of  the  Navaho  nation  were 
thus  brought  together  at  Ojo  del  Oso  (Dear  Spring— <  >j(i.  lit 
erally  "an  eye,"  is  commonly  used  by  the  Mexicans  to  signify 
a  spring  instead  of  the  ])urer  Spanish  fiiniti  or  in<:ii(Utti<ih, 
and  a  treaty  was  made  with  them  without  any  hostilities.  The 
stealing  went  on  as  usual  as  soon  as  the  soldiers  were  out  of 
the  country.  Fuirly  in  the  following  sjiring  (IS4T)  M.iji'r 
Walker  marclunl  against  them  with  a  force  of  voliinti.'crs,  ami 


ell 


penetrated  as  far  as  the  C.'auon  de  Chelly,  but  tlid  not  ev 
succeed  in  making  a  treaty.  In  184S,  (,'oloncl  Newby,  with 
a  large  force  of  volunteers,  entered  their  country  and  inudt! 
another  treaty,  which  was  promptly  broken  on  his  depart 
ure. 


LOS  NAIIAJOS. 


257 


In  1849,  Colonul  J.  M.  Wasliin^toii  maroliod  against  tliem, 
with  seven  coin])uiiio8  of  soldiers  and  fii'ty-livi!  I'nohlo  In- 
dians, lie  was  accompanied  \>y  Antonio  Sandoval,  ciiict"  of  a 
liand  of  ahont  ono  liuiidrod  and  lifty  Navalios,  who  ovov  ro- 
iiiainod  friendly  to  the  Americans,  and  hy  Francisco  .I.)8hi 
(Ilos-ta,  the  Lijifhtnin^),  (rovernor  of  tlie  I'uehlo  of  Jemez. 
Tlu!  cause  of  the  expedition  was  that  since  their  last  treaty 
the  Xavalios  had  stolen  1070  sheep,  ;>4  mules,  IK  horses,  and 
7s  cattle,  carried  oil  several  Mexicans,  and  murilered  Micento 
'iarcia,  a  I'neblo  Indian.  The  Navahos  were  first  found  on 
till!  Tnnicha,  a  tributary  (»f  the  San  Juan,  where  Xarhona, 
•lose  Lar^o,  and  Archuletti,  three  of  their  chiefs,  met  Colonel 
Washington  and  Aj^ent  Calhoun  in  council.  They  agr'!ed  to 
meet  at  the  Canon  de  Chelly  to  form  a  j)ermanent  treaty,  and 
were  altout  to  separate,  when  one  of  tlio  stolen  horses,  owned 
hy  a  Mexican  volunteer  then  present,  was  noti';ed  in  the 
pussessioti  of  the  Indians,  and  a  demaiul  for  it  was  made. 
The  Navahos  refused  to  surrender  it,  and  Colonel  Washing- 
tun  directed  that  ono  of  theirs  should  be  seized.  At  the  at- 
tempt the  Navahos  lied  and  wore  fired  on.  XarlxMia,  who 
was  tluni  head  chief,  was  kilh'd.  and  six  others  wore  'nortally 
uniiiided.  The  command  moved  on  and  reached  the  Canon 
de  Chclly  on  Septend)er  <!.  ( )u 
the  following  morning,  ]\[ariano 
Martinez,  representing  himself 
as  head  chief,  and  Chapitone, 
>econd  chief,  with  a  number  of 
their  people,  came  into  camp 
and  sued  for  peace.  It  was 
i: ranted,  on  comlition  that  they 
^ave  up  the  stolen  property  and 
siuTcndered  their  Mexican  cap- 
tives and  the  murderers  of  (iar- 
cia. They  gave  up  three  Mi'xi- 
i-ans  and  part  of  the  stolen  prop- 
<  ity,  agreeing  to  deliver  the  remainder  at  the  I'ueMo  of  Jemez 
within  thirty  day.s.  The  ofufkon  was  explored  for  a  distance  of 
nine  and  a  half  miles  abovv»  its  Miouth.and  it  w.as  learned  that 
the  previous  idea  of  an  impregnable  fortress  in  it  was  errone- 


OIUriTONK. 


258 


MAHSACUK.S  OF  TlIK   MOUNTAINS. 


«'ti)j.  The  Cdmiiiiiiid  tlien  rctnrnod  I)y  way  of  the  Piieblci  of 
Zuni,  wliic-h  is  hitiiatt'd  sevt'iity-tivo  miles  soutli  of  the  cafioti. 
Not  only  '.vas  the  piMj»orty  not  delivered  at  Jeiiiez,  Imt  a 
jiarly  of  Navahos  hiirii('<l  to  tlie  settlements  l)efore  the  troops 
reliiiMU'd.  isiid  ran  olf  a  lanre  I'ord  of  mules  from  within  siylit 
of  Santa  Vr.  Sliortly  afterwards,  ("liapitone  was  brutally 
murdered  liv  some  .\[exieans,  near  rilxdetta. 

Not  di-eciuraiied  \>y  i)ast  experiences,  Oolonel  Sumner  and 
(toveriioi  ('alhoun  met  a  .'ar:;e  party  of  warriors  and  chiefs 
at  .leiiicz,  in  the  winter  of  Ibjl  'J,  and  j)roposed  another 
treaty.  Tin;  Indians  ridienled  the  propositii>n  at  iirst,  Init 
after  an  excifitiir  eonneil  tln'V  'iijri'ed  to  ratify  the  treaty 
witii  ("ftloiu'i  \V;i>liini.'ton,  whieb,  they  said  .\  artinez  and 
Chapitone  had  tm  .-mthority  to  make.  The  treaty  was  vici- 
lated  eontinnally  tlnrinj;;  the  same  winter,  and,  in  the  spring' 
(jf  l**.'!:.'.  Colonel  SnMiiH'i-  inareh(  d  aj^ainst  tln>!!i,  but  bciii:: 
unable  to  Itrinj^  on  a  t;eneral  eni>a<^ement,  lie  employed  his 
time  in  bnildini;  Fort  Ddianee.  This  was  the  most  elTeetive 
stndie  made  ai^ainst  tbf  Navahos  for  years,  and  had  a  per('e|p 
tible  efTeet  in  restraining.';  iliem.  it  was  located  in  the  heart 
of  their  country,  sixty  nnles  north  of  Zufn,  fifteen  miles 
south  of  the  f'.ifton  tie  ( 'belly,  fourtcn  miles  from  the  La- 
<;una  Ne:rra  (or  Ne^rital,  a  deep  and  cool  lakelet  of  dark 
water,  much  frecpiented  by  the  Navahos,  and  three  mile> 
west  of  the  present  line  (d'  Ariz>>na.     It  is  in  the  hi:uddands 

about  the  sources  of  rlic  liio  I'u»'r f  the  West,  at  the  base 

of  a  rocky  raiij^e.  which  rises  five  hundred  feet  or  more  aliovc 
the  surroundinif  taido- land,  known  as  the  Bonito  Hills. 
TliBrou<;h  the»e  bills  bn-aks  the  (  inoncito  Iionito  (Pretty  Lit- 
tle Canon ),  an  abrupt  ;rorire  with  perpendicular  waiis,  and  at 
its  i..  >uth  i.-  the  fort.  The  cafioii  is  half  a  nule  lon<;.  averau;- 
iii«5  (»ne  hundred  yards  in  br»*jidrii,  with  a  level  ;irrassy  lloor. 
Near  its  head  ar.-  two  cpriuirs  that  fee<l  a  little  stream  which 
sup])lies  the  fort.  This  place  and  several  fertile  valleys  of 
the  vieiruty  had  lonur  been  favorite  haunts  of  the  Navahos. 
The  fort  yf:*s  simply  a  trronp  of  barracks,  stables,  ami  oliico 
uround  a  p-jrade-irround.  300  by  2ot»  yards  in  extent.  Then- 
were  no  stoeka«le>.  trenches,  blockdiouses,  or  other  fuCtrtica 
trfjtis.     The  bufylin^s  vrere  principally  of  pine  logs  with  dii" 


t 


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LOS   NAIIAJOH. 


S61 


roofs,  tlioiij^h  a  few  of  tlicin  were  of  adobes.  There  was  one 
stone  l)uildiii<^  for  the  ofHctM's. 

Iji  May,  1S5;{,  lioniano  Martin  was  rohhod  and  murdered 
l<y  Navahos.  The  niiirderers  were  not  siirrenderetl  when  de- 
manded hy  (iovernor  Lane,  and  a  campaiirn  was  heint;  pre- 
part'd  for,  when  ('oh)nel  Sumner  was  relieved  \>\  (ieneral 
(iarhtiul  and  (tovernor  Lane  l»y  (Joveriinr  Meriwether.  The 
new   governor   extended    a    jreneral    amnesty,  after    a    talk 

with  the  child's,  and  matters  pr (mIimI  mucli  as  usual.     In 

1"».")4  a  Navahd  killed  a  snlilicr  at  I'urt  I)etiance.  .Major  Keti- 
(Iriek,  the  otiieer  in  command,  demanded  the  oiTeiider  with 
such  sternness  that  the  Indians  concluded  soniethin<;  must  he 
dune.  The  chiefs  at^reed  to  surrender  the  jfuilty  ]>arty,  and 
a  (hiy  was  appointed  for  his  execution  liy  hani^ini,'.  |{atiier 
strangely,  the  Indians  asked  the  ]>rivilege  of  (h)iiif;  the  hanj;- 
iiiir.  which  Mas  <,'ranted  to  them,  and  on  the  day  appointed 
they  hrouijht  forward  and  hunij  the  allej^eil  murderer  in  the 
presence  of  the  troops.  It  was  learned  two  or  three  years 
later  that  the  man  executed  was  a  Mexican,  who  had  heeii  a 
slave  amonjj^  them  for  many  years,  and  that  tlie  murderer, 
who  was  a  man  of  intliience  amoni;  tlicnj,  was  still  living, 
in  Isr);')  (iovernor  Meriwether  met  with  the  Navahos,  fur  a 
talk,  at  I.aguna  Negra.  Sarcillo  Largo,  their  head  chief,  rep- 
resented that  his  people  woidil  not  obey  him,  and  resigned 
his  office  at  the  eouiu'il,  whereu])oii  the  chiefs  elected  .Man- 
nelita  to  the  jmsition.  The  council  proceeded  quite  Ixjistcr- 
iiusly,  hut  a  treaty  was  agree(i  on,  the  Indians  ])romising  to 
."urrender  offenders  and  keep  within  certain  reservation  lim- 
its, except  that  they  had  the  ]>rivilegc  of  gathering  salt  at  the 
-idini'  lake  near  Zufd.  Presents  were  then  «iisti'il)uted,  as  is 
ii>ual  at  treaties,  a  custom  that  may  account  for  the  great 
readiness  of  the  Navahos  to  make  them.  This  treaty  was 
Hot  ratified  hy  tlie  Senate,  i)ut  that  was  immaterial,  for  tlie 
plundering  went  on  just  as  if  the  treaty  were  In  full  force. 
It  is  hut  just  to  sa}',  iiowever,  tliat  thei^e  depredations  were 
ilaimed  to  be — and  to  a  very  large  extent  certaiidy  were — the 
acts  ot  a  small  ])ortion  of  the  tribe.  The  real  offense  of  the 
nation  as  a  whole  consisted  chieHy  in  shielding  the  wrong- 
doers ami  exercisinij  no  control  over  them.     The  result  was 


2(12 


MAS8.\('KKS   OF  THK   MOI'NTAINX. 


that  wliilt'  the  mass  of  the  nation  was  peaccablo  from  inclina- 
tion and  tilt'  noces^*itil's  of  a  larj^fly  a<{ri(Miltiiral  life,  the  war- 
like and  vit'ioiis  inenil)er8  were  e.\erci8in<?  their  violent  ardor 
at  will,  and  the  force  of  American  resentment  was  held  in 
liijht  esteem. 

In  the  early  part  of  •lulv,  iSoS,  a  Xavaho  of  ]>rominence 
and  influence  had  a  diihcnlty  with  his  wife,  lie  desired  her 
to  accompany  him  on  a  visit,  instead  of  which  she  went  to  a 
dance.  Iler  lnis!)and  repaired  to  the  halh  and  reduced  her 
costume  to  an  ultra-fashionahle  ^tyie,  by  tearing  every  stitch 
of  clothin<(  from  her.  This  failed  to  hring  her  to  a  sense  of 
Iicr  conjui^al  duty,  and  it  was  about  as  far  as  Xavaho  customs 
permitted  him  to  ifo  in  the  way  of  direct  coercion.  The  usage 
of  the  nation  |)resented,  as  his  next  proper  step,  the  killing 
of  some  outsider.  He  went  to  Fort  Defiance  on  the  following; 
morning,  July  12,  with  tlie  avowed  intention  of  selling  two 
blankets  that  he  carried  with  him.  lie  was  there  for  three  or 
four  hours,  and  had  just  sold  one  of  the  blankets  to  a  camp- 
woman  (an  American  compromi.se  between  a  sutler,  a  laun- 
dress, and  a  vivandiere),  when  .lim,  a  negro  boy  belonging  to 
Major  I'rooks,  the  ]K»st  commander,  passed  to  the  rear  of  the 
camji-woman's  quarters,  lie  said  nothing  and  did  nothing  to 
tlie  Indian,  nor  had  he  ever  before  seen  him.  As  lio  came 
out  on  the  other  side,  with  his  back  turned,  the  Indian,  who 
meantime  had  jumped  on  his  ])ony,  let  fly  an  arrow  that 
]»assed  under  his  shoulder-blade  and  ])enetrated  his  lung.  The 
Indian  tied  at  once.  The  boy,  without  making  any  outcry  of 
any  sort,  undertook  to  ])ull  the  arrow  from  the  wound,  hut 
broke  it  near  the  end,  leaving  the  head  in  his  body.  Tin; 
surgeon  was  unalde  to  extract  it,  and  four  days  later  Jim  was 
dead.  On  the  day  after  the  assault,  8arcillo  J.argo,  former 
head  chief,  was  sent  for,  and  the  assassin  demanded.  Excuses 
were  made  and  action  postponed  from  day  to  day,  until,  on 
July  :?2,  Sarcillo  and  Iluero  (Juero  or  Iluerero,  literally,  tlic 
lilacksmith — named  lluero  Miles  by  the  soldiers  on  account 
of  the  analogy  of  his  position  to  that  of  Lieutenant-colonel  l>. 
S.  Aides,  recently  placed  in  command  in  that  district)  were 
summoned,  and  notified  that  they  must  produce  the  murderer 
within  twenty  days. 


LOS  NAUA.FOH. 


2(53 


I'ropanitioris  for  a  cainpai^ti  were  kept  up,  and  Indian 
A^cnt  Vust  caino  np  from  Santa  Fc  to  act  in  conjunction 
with  the  military.  lie  was  escorted  l)y  Ca])tain  McLane,  with 
!'.  dozen  men,  and,  at  Oovero,  was  joined  by  Captain  IMas 
liUcero  with  iiis  company  of  Mexican  spies,  fifty  in  number. 
,\s  this  party  appr(»ached  Hear  Sprinj^  (Ojo  (U;l  Oso),  on 
Aujjfust  20,  they  found  an  encampment  of  Navahos  at  that 
point  and  attaclced  it.  The  sprin.i^  lies  to  one  siilc  of  the 
travelled  road  and  is  approached  throunjh  a  valley,  about  two 
hundred  yards  wide,  on  either  side  and  at  the  extremity  of 
which  rise  steep  hills,  covered  with  [>ine-trees.  Down  this 
the  troops  advanced  and  opened  fire  at  long  ranjre,  while  the 
Indians  deployed  on  both  sides,  untler  cover  of  the  timber 
that  skirted  the  valley.  The  tirinj^  was  kept  up  iintil  six 
Indians  were  killed  and  several  woundetl,  when  Captain  Mc- 
Lano  was  struck  in  the  side  by  a  ball,  and  fell.  It  was  sujv 
posed  that  he  was  mortally  wounded,  but  he  afterwards  recov- 
ered, the  ball  havini,'  struck  a  rib  and  glanced  off.  A  part  of 
the  command  charged,  and  captured  twenty-live  jxmies  and  a 
number  of  blankets,  and  the  party  then  proceeded  onward  to 
Kort  Defiance,  where  Colonel  Miles  arrived  two  days  later  and 
took  command.  On  September  1,  Juan  Lucero,  a  Navaho 
chief,  came  to  the  fort  to  see  if  Major  I»rooks  were  not  satis- 
fied with  the  injury  done  to  the  Indians  at  IJear  Springs,  but 
was  informed  that  he  was  not,  and  would  not  bo  until  the 
murderer  was  surrendered,  dead  or  alive.  A  block-house  was 
built  on  the  hill  cast  of  the  fort,  as  an  additional  defence,  the 
garrison  being  comparatively  small.  The  Indians  were  now 
satisfied  that  something  would  really  be  done,  and  Sarcillo 
came  in  and  {promised  to  surrender  the  murderer.  Sandoval, 
the  friendly  chief,  made  a  oJcsperate  effort  to  keep  on  good 
terms  with  both  parties.  Every  day  he  would  rush  breathless 
to  the  fort  and  announce  his  discoveries;  now  the  murderer 
was  at  Ojo  del  Oso;  now  he  was  in  a  cavo  near  Lagnna  Nc- 
grita ;  now  he  had  lied  to  the  Sieri'a  Tiiniclia.  On  the  morn- 
ing of  SejUember  8,  he  announced,  with  great  haste  and  bustle, 
that  the  murderer  liad  l)een  caught  in  the  Sierra  Chusca  on 
the  preceding  day.  Soon  alter,  Sarcillo  Largo  arrived,  and 
stated  that  the  murderer  had  been  desperately  wounded  and 

IT* 


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X^  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  U580 

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264 


MASSACRES  OF   THE   MOUNTAINS. 


UESA    Uf    CIIUSCA    MOUNTAIMa. 


had  died  dnrinij  the  niiyht.  Could  he  have  a  wagon  to  bring 
tlie  body  in?  He  could  not;  but  a  innle  Avas  furnished  him. 
and  after  much  delay  and  display,  a  corpse  was  produced. 
Every  one  in  the  garrison  who  had  seen  the  offender  was 
called  to  identify  him,  and  each  one  unhesitatingly  testified 
that  this  was  the  body,  not  of  the  murderer,  but  of  a  Mexican 
captive  who  had  often  visited  the  post.  The  surgeon  gave 
his  opinion  that  the  wounds  on  the  corpse  had  been  inflicted 
that  morning.  All  of  this  was  afterwards  substantiated  by  tbe 
Indians  themselves,  but,  at  the  time,  the  chiefs  protested  that 


LOS    NABAJOS. 


2G5 


the  body  Avas  the  one  called  for.  Colonel  Miles  declined  to 
hold  any  council  with  them,  and  active  hostilities  were  pre- 
pared for. 

On  the  next  morning  Colonel  Miles  went  on  a  scout  witU 
three  companies  of  mounted  rifles,  two  of  infantry,  and  Lu- 
cero's  spies.  They  entered  the  Canon  do  Chelly  on  the  11th, 
and  marched  through  the  lower  half  of  it,  occasionally  killing 
or  capturing  an  Indiaii,  but  meeting  with  no  material  resist- 
ance. When  they  camped  for  the  night,  in  •♦ke  canon,  the 
Indians  gathered  on  the  heights  above  and  began  firing  at 
them.  The  attack  did  no  harm,  for  the  walls  of  the  caiion 
were  so  high  that  the  ari'ows  lost  their  force  and  dropped 
horizontally  on  the  groutid,  but  it  was  thought  better  not  to 
take  any  risks.  Among  the  prisoners  taken  was  the  father  of 
the  leader  of  the  attacking  party,  and  to  him  notice  was  given 
that  he  would  be  hung  if  the  firing  were  not  stopped.  He 
communicated  his  peril  to  his  son,  who  withdrew  his  warriors, 
and  left  the  soldiers  in  peace.  On  the  next  day  they  reached 
the  mouth  of  the  canon,  and  were  much  relieved  to  be  out  of  a 
place  where  the  Indians  could  have  done  them  much  damage, 
if  they  had  known  how.  At  the  mouth  of  the  canon,  Nak- 
risk-thlaw-nee,  a  chief,  approached  under  a  flag  of  truce  and 
proposed  peace,  but  was  informed  that  there  could  be  no  jjeaee 
until  the  murderer  was  surrendered.  The  comnumd  tiien 
moved  to  the  southwest  twelve  miles,  over  the  Sierra  do  La- 
guna,  a  range  of  red  sandstone  hills,  to  the  ponds  where  the 
principal  herds  of  the  vicinity  were  pastured.  Here  six  thou- 
siind  sheep  were  captured,  and  the  troops  camped,  as  they  had 
been  doing,  in  the  corn-fields  of  the  Indians.  In  the  early 
morning  of  the  l-fth  the  Indians  attacked  the  picket  of  the 
herd,  but  were  driven  off  after  wounding  four  men,  one  mor- 
tally. On  the  same  day  a  bugler  wandered  away  from  the 
command  and  was  killed.  The  troops  returned  to  the  fort 
on  the  15th,  having  killed  six  Indians,  captured  seven,  and 
wounded  several,  bringing  with  them  six  thousand  sheep  and 
a  few  horses. 

On  the  evening  of  the  25th  Captain  John  P.  Hatch,  with 
fifty-eight  men,  started  for  the  ranch  of  Sarcillo  Largo, 
which  was  situated  nine  miles  from  the  Laguna  Xegra.    They 


266 


MASSACRES  OF   THE  MOUNTAINS. 


marched  all  night,  and  approached  the  Indians  early  in  the 
morning,  through  an  arroyo  that  crossed  their  wheat-fields, 
getting  within  two  hundred  yards  of  their  luxjans  before  they 
were  discovered.  About  forty  Navahos,  all  armed  with  guns 
and  revolvers,  hastily  assumed  the  defensive.  Captain  Hatch 
brought  his  men  within  fifty  yards  of  tiiem,  dismounted,  and 
opened  fire.  Tlie  Indians  stood  gallantly  until  they  emptied 
their  rifles  and  revolvers,  and  then  retreated,  leaving  six  dead  ; 
the  wounded,  including  Sarcillo  Largo,  escaped.  There  were 
captured  fifty  horses  and  a  large  number  of  robes,  blankets, 
saddles,  etc.,  of  which  all  that  could  not  be  carried  off  were 

piled  on  the  wheat- 
stacks,  near  the  houses, 
and  the  whole  burned. 
Strangely  enough,  the 
Indians  neither  killed 
nor  wounded  any  of  the 
•  soldiers,  which  was  due 
to  their  being  unaccus- 
tomed to  firearms.  With 
their  bows  and  arrows 
they  would  certainly 
have  inflicted  more  in- 
jury. The  Indians  had 
just  purchased  their 
arms  for  war  with  the 
Americans,  and  had  not 
yet  learned  to  use  them. 
Where  did  they  get 
them?  The  cloven  foot 
of  Mormonism  is  again 
apparent ;  Utah  was  the 
only  possible  furnisher. 
The  Mormon  settle- 
ments joined  the  Na- 
vahos on  the  northwest,  and  the  Saints  extended  their  hands 
in  fellowship  to  them  as  to  other  Indians.  A  year  after  this 
fight  their  criminal  dealings  with  the  Navahos  were  sliowii 
beyond   question.     On  September  20,  1859,  Captain  J.  G. 


g'-ff_ 


NAVAJO    IN    WAK    COSTCMK. 


LOS  NABAJOS. 


267 


Walker  rep'""tGd  from  Fort  Defiance  that  he  had  met  a  party 
of  Pali-Utes,  eighty  miles  west  of  the  Canon  de  Chelly,  while 
exploring  the  San  Juan  llivcr,  who  said  that  they  had  been 
sent  out  to  invite  the  Xavahos  to  a  great  council  of  Indians, 
at  tlie  Sierra  I.'anoche,  for  the  purpose  of  a  union  against  the 
Americans.  Sierra  Panoche  is  a  mountain  southwest  of  the 
Calabasa  range,  and  eighty  miles  east  of  the  Colorado  River. 
The  Mormons  liad  agreed  to  furnish  all  needed  arms  and  am- 
munition for  a  general  war  against  the  United  States.  Cap- 
tain Walker  says:  "That  this  report  is  substantially  true  I 
have  every  reason  to  believe,  as  the  Pah-IItahs,  to  confirm 
their  story,  exhibited  various  presents  from  the  Mormons, 
such  as  new  shirts,  beads,  powder,  etc.  I  was  further  con- 
firmed in  this  opinion  by  meeting,  the  next  day,  a  deputation 
of  Xavajos  on  their  way  to  Sierra  Panoche,  to  learn  the  truth 
of  these  statements,  which  had  been  conveyed  to  them  by  a 
Pah-Utah  whom  I  saw  in  the  Caiion  de  Chelly  afterwards, 
who  had  been  sent  as  a  special  envoy  from  the  Mormons  to 
the  jVavajos.  lie  had  in  his  possession  a  letter  from  a  Mor- 
mon bishop  or  elder,  stating  that  the  bearer  was  an  exemplary 
;uid  regularly  baptized  member  of  the  church  of  the  Latter- 
Day  Saints."  This  report  was  confirmed  by  the  Indian 
agent  at  Fort  Defiance,  the  Indians  in  that  vicinity  having 
been  visited  for  the  same  purpose,  during  Walker's  absence, 
by  an  Indian  who  said  "the  Mormons  had  baptized  him  into 
their  chin-ch,  and  given  him  a  paper  certifying  that  he  was  a 
Latter-Day  Saint  and  a  good  man." 

On  the  29th  Colonel  Miles  went  out  on  another  scout, 
taking  three  hundred  men,  as  before.  On  the  first  day  they 
overtook  a  party  of  Indians  with  their  herds,  in  the  Chusca 
Valley,  twenty  miles  northeast  of  the  fort,  and  captured  nine 
horses  and  one  thousand  sheep.  On  the  night  of  the  30th,  a 
detachment  of  one  hundred  and  twenty-six  men,  under  Cap- 
tain Lindsay,  was  sent  to  attack  the  camp  of  Ka-ya-ta-na's 
hand,  which  was  at  a  laguna  fifteen  miles  distant.  The  de- 
tachment reached  the  pond  at  about  three  o'clock  in  the 
morning,  found  the  Indians  gone,  and  followed  on  their  trail. 
At  daybreal:  they  disco\'ered  them  encamped  in  a  deep  cafion. 
The  descent  was  very  difticult.     A.s  the  soldiers  were  making 


268 


MASSACRES  OV  THE   MOl.'NTAINS. 


their  way  down,  in  single  file,  the  foremost  having  just 
gained  the  bottom,  three  Indians  rode  up.  With  quick  ex- 
clamations of  astonishment  and  alarm,  they  wheeled  their 
horses  and  fled  to  warn  their  people.  There  were  but  a 
dozen  men  down,  but  seeing  that  no  great  advantage  could 
be  gained  without  a  sudden  rush.  Captain  Lindsay  boldly 
charged  down  the  canon  with  this  handful.  After  a  hard 
gallop  of  five  miles  they  succeeded  in  overtaking  the  Indiaiis 
and  heading  off  their  stock,  amounting  to  seventy  horses  and 
four  thousand  sheep.  Captain  Lindsay  took  station,  with  his 
little  band,  on  a  wooded  knoll  in  the  canon,  and  held  the  stock 
till  the  remainder  of  his  couimand  came  up.  The  property 
in  the  camp  which  had  been  so  hastily  deserted,  consisting  of 
blankets,  robes,  and  other  supplies,  was  all  destroyed.  The 
Indians  lost  eight  men  killed;  the  troops  four  killed  and  one 
wou:ided. 

Thus  a  series  of  expeditions  was  kept  up,  leaving  the  In- 
dians no  time  for  repose.  On  October  4,  Major  Brooks  con- 
voyed a  number  of  trains  towards  Albuquerque  and  then  cir- 
cled through  the  Navaho  country  from  Ojo  del  Gallo,  in  the 
western  edge  of  the  liio  Grande  Valley.  They  had  one  en- 
gagement,in  which,  it  was  reported,  twenty-five  Indians  were 
killed  or  badly  wounded.  On  the  morning  of  the  17th  the 
post  herd  was  attacked  by  three  hundred  mounted  Navahos, 
who  succeeded  in  killing  two  men  and  driving  away  sixty- 
four  horses  and  mules.  On  the  ISth  Colonel  Miles  started 
out  v'ith  two  hundred  and  fifty  soldiers  and  one  hundred  and 
sixty  volunteer  ZuFii  Indians,  who  were  to  be  recompensed 
by  a  small  ration  and  what  they  could  capture.  The  cupidity 
of  the  Zunians  prevented  an  engagement  with  the  Indians, 
but  one  hundred  horses  were  captured  a..d  the  houses  of 
Manuelita's  band  were  destroyed.  On  the  23d  Lieutenant 
Ilowland,  with  twenty  soldiers  and  forty  of  Bias  Lucero's 
Mexicans,  marched  south  from  the  fort  to  Colites  Mountain. 
At  daybreak  of  the  ne.xt  morning  he  surprised  the  ranch  uf 
the  chief  Ter-ri-bio,  capturing  sixteen  women  and  children, 
four  men,  including  Terribio,  ten  horses,  and  twenty  goats 
and  sheep.  An  extensive  expedition  in  two  columns  was 
then  planned  and  was  being  carried  out,  when  the  Navaho? 


LOS  NABAJOS. 


271 


sued  for  peace,  and,  on  Deceinber  4,  an  armistice  was  granted 
to  give  thcui  an  opportunity  to  treat. 

On  December  25, 1858,  a  treaty  was  made,  with  conditions 
satisfactory  to  all  parties.  Eastern  and  southern  limits  were 
fixed  which  were  not  to  be  passed  by  the  Navahos,  except  that 
Sandoval  and  his  band  retained  their  former  location.  They 
were  to  make  indemnification  for  depredations  on  citizens 
or  Pueblo  Indians,  since  August,  1858,  by  returning  the  prop- 
erty taken  or  its  equivalent  in  sheep,  horses,  or  cattle.  For 
the  future  the  whole  tribe  was  to  be  held  responsible  for  the 
wrongs  committed  by  any  member,  and  reprisals  were  to  be 
made  out  of  any  flocks,  if  satisfaction  were  not  promptly 
given.  All  Mexican,  Pueblo,  and  Navaho  captives,  who  de- 
sired to  return  to  their  people,  were  to  be  surrendered.  The 
assassin  of  the  negro  boy,  Jim,  being  represented  to  have  fled 
out  of  their  country  and  beyond  their  power,  his  surrender 
was  waived,  but  they  agreed  not  to  permit  hin>  to  return  un- 
der any  circumstances.  The  right  of  the  United  States  to 
send  out  military  expeditions  and  establish  posts  in  their 
country  was  formally  recognized.  Finally,  the  Navahos  were 
earnestly  urged  to  appoint  either  a  head  chief  or  some  central 
power  which  could  act  for  the  tribe.  This  treaty  lasted 
nearly  five  months,  being  broken  hopelessly  before  the  Senate 
had  an  opportunity  to  ratify  it.  It  marks  the  close  of  the 
hostilities  occasioned  by  the  murder  of  the  boy  Jim,  an  im- 
portant epoch  in  Navaho  history. 

Before  leaving  the  subject,  it  may  be  well  to  correct  an 
oft-repeated  error  connected  with  it.  It  has  been  said  that 
the  murder  of  Jim  was  in  revenge  for  the  killing  of  some 
cattle,  some  days  prior,  by  the  soldiers,  but  this  is  not  true. 
The  commander  of  the  post  had  selected  certain  convenient 
grazing-grounds  for  the  post-herds,  and  these  the  Indians  had 
been  ordered  to  keep  away  from,  for  the  reason  that  there 
was  no  more  grass  than  was  needed  for  the  post,  and  to  avoid 
annoyance  from  the  mixing  of  the  herds.  Manuelita  refused 
to  obey  this  order,  and  defiantly  stated  that  he  would  pasture 
his  cattle  on  these  grounds.  He  was  informed  that  if  he  did 
they  would  be  shot.  lie  drove  them  in  and  they  were  killed. 
This  matter  was  smoothed  over,  and  the  Indians  were  visiting 


272 


MASSACRES  OF  THE   MOUNTAINS 


tlie  post  as  usual,  for  some  time  before  Jim  was  imirdered. 
The  murderer  had  nothing  to  do  with  tlie  cattle,  and,  accord- 
ing to  the  Indians  themselves,  committed  the  crime  solely  on 
account  of  his  trouble  with  his  wife,  lie  gained  his  point,  for 
she  accompanied  him,  as  he  had  desired,  vhen  he  returned  to 
their  camp  with  information  of  what  he  had  done.  He  se- 
cured his  domestic  happiness  and  the  tribe  paid  for  it. 


CIIAPTER  X. 


MOUNTAIN   MEADOWS. 

During  tliesc  years  whose  happenings  we  liave  been  re- 
cording, there  has  been  a  comniutiity  existing  in  the  centre 
of  our  region  that  we  have  barely  noticed.  Their  history,  at 
any  period,  is  a  subject  which  a  conscientious  writer  ap- 
proaches unwillingly,  for  it  involves  a  certain  consideration 
of  the  merits  of  Mornionism  and  the  Mormons,  and  that  means 
wholesale  denunciation,  almost  always  of  the  Mormons,  and 
very  frequently  of  their  enemies.  Sweeping  accusations 
must  be  made,  and  these,  ho  knows,  weaken  alike  the  testi- 
mony of  a  witness,  the  plea  of  an  orator,  and  the  statement  of 
an  author.  It  is  repugnant  to  man  to  believe  that  the  ma- 
jority of  mankind  are  evil,  and  it  is  contrary  to  ordinary  ex- 
perience that  any  large  class  or  sect  of  men  should  be  radical- 
ly bad.  Besides  this,  all  candid  men  will  admit  that  the 
Mormons  have  at  times  been  treated  badly ;  that  the  killing 
of  Joseph  Smith,  their  prophet,  was  one  of  the  most  disgrace- 
ful murders  ever  known  in  this  country ;  and  that  they  were 
driven  from  their  homes  in  Missouri  and  Illinois  under  cir- 
cumstances of  cruel  severity.  But  candid  men  must  also  ad- 
mit that  past  suffering  is  no  excuse  for  continuing  crime,  and, 
leaving  out  of  consideration  all  of  their  offences  that  preceded 
or  followed  it,  it  has  not  fallen,  nor  shall  fall,  to  the  lot  of  any 
man  to  record  a  more  atrocious  crime  than  that  of  the  Moun- 
tain Meadows.  For  this  crime  all  Mormondon  has  voluntari- 
ly shown  itself  responsible,  offering  no  excuse  but  fanaticism 
and  revenge;  and,  worse  than  nothing  as  these  excuses  are,  the 
moral  obliquity  of  the  deed  is,  if  possible,  increased  by  the 
desire  of  plunder,  which  was  also  an  actuating  motive. 

To  themselves,  the  Mormons  are,  of  course,  justified  in  any 
act  that  is  approved  by  their  priesthood.     They  are  the  chosen 


274 


MASSACRES   OF  THE   MOUNTAINS. 


people  wlioye  irihoritarice  is  tlio  earth,  and  in  spoiling  the 
Gentiles  they  are  simply  takinij;  their  own.  They  are  the  ap- 
pointed agents  of  a  vengeful  (irod,  and  can  do  nothing  but 
their  duty  in  obeying  his  mandates,  as  pronounced  by  his 
holy  prophets.  They  are  under  a  "  higher  law  "  and  the  di- 
rect control  of  an  inspired  guide.  They  carry  the  higher- 
law  theory  farther  than  even  the  extrenie  Jesuits,  and  in  this 
dogma  centre  all  the  objectionable  features  of  their  religion. 
When  any  sect  receives  a  dispensation  which  permits  its  mem- 
bers to  transgress  the  laws  of  man,  and  the  commonly  recog- 
nized laws  of  God,  "for  righteousness'  sake"— whenever  it 
publicly  confesses  that  it  owns  no  obligation  of  truthfidness, 
or  honesty,  or  humanity,  to  outsiders — it  has  put  itself  out- 
side the  pale  of  our  civilization,  and  can  no  longer  justly  com- 
plain of  the  lawlessness  of  any  person.  More  than  that,  none 
of  its  members  can  consisteJitly  ask  to  be  believed  in  any  state- 
ment,except  its  truth  be  otherwise  established,  and  this  is  the 
only  safe  rule  of  ])rocedure  with  the  teatimony  of  Mormons 
or  persons  who  have  ever  been  Mormons.  It  will  be  made 
manifest,  in  the  course  of  this  chapter,  that  Mormon  declara- 
tions and  oaths  are  worth  less  than  the  breath  in  which  they 
are  uttered,  or  the  paper  on  which  they  are  written.  It  does 
not  follow  that  everything  said  against  them  is  to  be  believed, 
nor  that  they  cannot  tell  the  truth  when  it  is  to  their  interest 
to  do  so ;  but  it  is  evident  that  their  statements  must  be  re- 
ceived with  the  utmost  caution.  Put  it  in  what  Lt  guage  you 
may,  no  really  harsher  criticism  of  their  voracity  .an  be  made 
than  their  own  claims  of  obedience  to  a  "  higher  law." 

When  the  Mormons  left  Nauvoo  it  was  not  certain  where 
they  were  going.  They  profess  to  have  moved  under  divine 
guidance,  which  all  may  believe  who  choose.  The  common 
understanding  was  that  they  were  going  to  California,  and  a 
statement  to  that  effect  was  commonly  made  in  newspapers 
at  the  time.  It  is  known  also  that  Governor  Ford,  of  Illinois, 
gave  Brighara  Young  a  copy  of  Fremont's  report  of  his  second 
and  third  expeditions,  and  recommended  him  to  go  to  some  of 
the  larger  valleys  of  the  Wahsatch.  However  tliat  may  have 
been,  a  party  of  explorers  went  out  in  1847  and  selected  a  place 
and  a  path  for  the  mass  of  the  people,  who  did  not  seem  ready 


MOUNTAIN  MEADOWS. 


2<u 


to  trust  divine  cjuidanee  without  an  oxplorinn;  expedition  ahead. 
Tiic  Great  I'asin,  in  wliicli  they  settled,  was  not  wholly  a  desert, 
as  they  have  elainied  and  as  has  been  tno  cotniiionly  believed, 
("olonel  Fremont  had  examined  it  carefully  several  years  before 
the  ]\[ormons  came,  and  he  said  of  it:  "  Partly  arid  and  sparse- 
ly inhabited,  the  general  character  of  the  (rreat  I'asin  is  that 
of  !i  desert,  but  with  great  exceptions,  there  being  many  ))arts 
of  it  very  fit  for  the  residence  of  a  civilized  people ;  and,  of 
these  parts,  the  ^formons  have  lately  established  themselves 
in  one  of  the  largest  and  best.  Mountain  is  the  predominat- 
ing structure  of  the  interior  of  the  basin,  with  plains  between 
— the  mountains  wooded  and  watered,  the  plains  arid  and 
>tL'rilc.  .  .  .  These  niountains  had  very  uniforndy  this  belt  of 
alluvion,  the  wash  and  abrasion  of  their  sides,  rich  in  excel- 
lent grass,  fertile  and  ligui,  ;iad  loose  enough  to  absorb  small 
streams."  Much  <>f  the  land  then  con.-.idered  sterile  has  since 
l)een  made  fruitlul  by  irrigation,  but  it  is  erroneous  to  sup- 
jiose  that  cultivation  and  improvement  have  been  more  raj)id 
in  Utah  than  in  other  equally  sterile  parts  of  the  West.  The 
contrary  is  the  ease. 

The  Indians  who  inhabited  this  country  were  diverse  in 
character,  although  originally  of  the  same  stock  and  sj)eaking 
dialects  of  the  same  hmguage — the  Shoshonee  or  Snake. 
They  have  three  principal  divisions,  the  Snakes  proper,  the 
llannocks,  and  the  lUes,  but  these  relate  only  to  race.  In 
tribal  government  they  were  separated  into  more  than  a  hun- 
dred small  bands,  each  entirely  independent.  The  country 
was  divided  among  them  in  small  districts,  the  boundaries  be- 
ing fixed  by  natural  monuments.  Oidy  the  principal  divis- 
ions can  be  noticed  here.  The  p]astern  Snakes  ranged  from 
the  South  Pass  to  Bear  River  and  Wind  Tliver ;  they  numbered 
one  hundred  and  twenty-five  lodges,  and  subsisted  largely  on 
l)ulTalo  meat,  for  which  reason  they  are  called  Kool-sa-ti-ka-ra, 
iir  Buffalo  Eaters.  They  liave  been  very  reliable  in  their 
friendship  to  Americans,  their  chief,  Wash-i-kee  (Gambler's 
(iourd),  otherwise  known  as  Pina-qua-na  (Smell  of  Si. Tar), 
having  attained  a  wide  notoriety  on  this  account.  He  was  a 
half-breed,  tall,  well-formed,  superior  to  his  people,  and 
exercising  strong  control  over  them.     The   Took-a-ri-ka,  or 

18 


270 


MASSACRES   OK  THE   MOUNTAINS. 


WASHAKIE. 


Mouiitaln-Slieep  Eat- 
ers, ranged  liigh  up 
on  the  nioimtains, 
usually,  and  had  little 
to  do  with  the  whites. 
They  were  an  extraor- 
dinary people,  build- 
ing their  rude  houses 
above  timber  line  on 
the  mountain  heights, 
and  seeming  doomed 
to  so  cheerless  a  life 
that  the  Canadian 
trai)pers  gave  them 
the  name  "A's  digues 
de  7>/V/tV'  <^''>  the  ob- 
jects of  pity.  On  tlie 
Salmon  River  was  a 
mixed  band,  largely 
of  their  people,  which 
numbered  fifty  lodges.  Its  principal  chief  was  Qiii-tan-i-wa 
(Foul  Hand),  and  his  snb-chiefs  were  "Old  Snag,"  an  Eastern 
Snake,  and  "Grand  Coqnin,"  a  Bannock.  Their  friendship  w;is 
always  questionable.  The  Western  Snakes  were  in  two  main 
bands,  one  under  Am-a-ro-ko  (Buffalo  Meat  under  the  Shoulder), 
ranging  on  Canuis  Prairie,  and  the  other  under  Po-ca-ta-ra 
(White  Plume),  ranging  in  the  Goose  Creek  Mountains  and 
on  the  Humboldt.  Tliey  numbered  about  one  hundred  and 
fifty  lodges,  and  were  on  good  terms  with  the  Mormons,  but 
not  with  other  whites.  They  are  commonly  called  Sho-sho- 
kos,  or  "White  Knives,"  from  the  white  flint  knives  they 
formerly  used.  A  large  band  of  the  Bannocks  ranging  west 
of  the  Bine  Mountains  were  known  as  the  War-ra-ri-kas,  or 
"Snnflower-Seed  Eaters.  Tliey  numbered  one  hundred  and 
fifty  lodges,  were  commanded  by  l^i-chi-co  (Sweet  Root),  a 
mighty  medicine  man,  and  were  hostile  M-hen  favorable  oppor- 
tunities occurred.  In  the  neighborhood  of  Fort  Boisee  were 
one  hundred  lodges  of  Bannocks,  under  Po-e-ma-chee-ali 
(Hairy  Man),  who  were  the  most  friendly  of  their  race  tow- 


MOUNTAIN  MEADOWS. 


277 


ards  tlic  Americans.  Ranging  about  Salt  Lake,  especially  on 
Boar  River,  was  a  band  led  by  "Long  Beard"  and  Pag-e-ah 
(The  Man  who  Carries  the  Arrows),  nnmbering  about  fifty 
lodges,  and  known  variously  as  Ilo-kan-di-ka,  the  Salt  Lake 
Diggers,  Southern  Snakes,  Mormon  Snakes,  or  Cache  Valley 
Lidians.  They  were  the  worst  of  all  these  Lidians,  so  far  as 
Americans  generally  were  concerned,  but  were  hand-in-glove 
with  the  Mormons.  Commonly  associating  with  these  were 
the  ]\ro-pe-as,  so  called  after  their  chief  Mo-pe-ah  (Bunch-of- 
nair-iii-the-Forehead),  who  boasted  himself  a  friend  of  the 
Mormons.  They  numbered  sixty  lodges.  The  Utes  were 
much  the  largest  division,  and  held  the  country  to  the  south 
of  the  other  two,  occupying  practically  all  of  Xevada,  Utah, 
and  the  mountainous  part  of  Colorado,  with  a  considerable 
portion  of  Northern  New  Mexico.  The  eastern  bands,  the 
Taboquaches,  Mohuaches,  Grand  Rivers,  Capotes,  Uintas,  and 
others  occupying  the  country  east  of  the  Wahsatch  Moun- 
tains, were  the  best  warriors  among  them;  they  were  less  in- 
lluenced  by  the  Mormons,  and  most  friendly  to  Americans. 
The  Pah-Utes,  or  Watcr-Utes,  of  the  Sierra  Nevada,  and  the 
western  part  of  Nevada,  coinmonly  called  the  Monos  and  the 
AVashoes,  were  also  good  warriors.  Of  intermediate  grade 
were  the  (Josi-Utes  (Goships,  Goshoots)  of  Eastern  Nevada, 
the  Sanpitches  (Sinpichi,  or,  as  now  corrupted  in  Utah,  San 
I'etes),  Timpanagos,  and  others  of  Eastern  Utah.  The  lowest 
as  warriors  were  the  Pah-Utes,  or  Pi-Utes  of  Southern  Utah 
and  the  desert  portions  generally,  several  bands  of  miserable 
beings,  who  were  getting  into  a  more  wretched  state  each 
generation,  through  starvation  and  their  defenceless  condition. 
They  vi'ore  decreasing  in  numbers,  in  stature,  and  in  physical 
strength,  and  were  constantly  preyed  upon  by  their  neigh- 
bors. Their  food  consisted  of  snakes,  lizards,  roots,  ber- 
ries, grass-seed,  worms,  crickets,  grasshoppers,  and,  in  short, 
anything  that  could  be  chewed,  swallowed,  and  partly  di- 
gested. 

Tlie  ^lormons  had  but  little  trouble  with.  Indians,  for  they 
approached  them  as  brother.^  and  equals,  without  any  desire 
to  force  civilization  upon  them.  The  negroes,  the  descend- 
ants of  accursed  Ilam,  were  originally  barred  from  the  Mor- 


278 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


mon  heaven,  though  latterly  a  revelation  lias  been  made  which 
lets  them  in,  but  th*^  Indians  were  always  brothers.  They  are 
"Lamanites,"  the  "remnant"  of  the  lost  tribes  of  Israel,  lin- 
eal descendants  of  Abraham,  sprays  from  the  "  fruitful  bough 
by  a  well,  whose  branches  run  over  the  v/all,"  who  are  to  be  re- 
claimed by  ]\[ormon  righteousness,  and  in  due  time  to  become 
"  a  fair  and  delightsome  people."  The  Mormons  brought  to 
the  Indians  a  religion  and  customs  differing  in  but  one  essen- 
tial respect  from  what  they  already  had,  and  that  was  obedi- 


UIK    Syl'AWS    OK    I'TAII. 


ence  to  the  Mormon  prophet.  This  duty  was  largely  bought 
by  presents  (usually  purchased  with  United  States' funds)  and 
protection,  uid  was  further  induced  by  missionary  work  and 
intermarriage.  Their  protection  of  the  Indians  who  adhered 
to  th.em  was  sufficient  to  prevent  any  punishment  for  their 
crimcri.  The  case  of  the  murderers  of  Lieutenant  Gunnison 
will  illustrate  this.  Gunnison  had  wintered  at  Salt  Lake  in 
company  with  the  remainder  of  Captain  Stansbury's  partv. 


MOUNTAIN  MEADOWS. 


279 


and  all  had  been  treated  kijidly  by  the  Mormons.  Gunni- 
son repaid  their  kindness  by  serving  as  a  volunteer  in  their 
Indian  war  during  the  winter,  and  by  eulogizing  them  in  his 
reports.  But  in  1853  he  was  on  a  mission  which  the  Mor- 
mons did  not  wish  accomplislied,  that  of  selecting  a  route  for 
a  PaciHc  raih-oad  by  way  of  Salt  Lake,  and  he,  with  seven  of 
his  party,  were  killed  by  the  Indians  near  Sevier  Lake.  In 
ISSi  Colonel  Steptoe  readied  Salt  Lake  with  a  body  of  sol- 
diers, captured  the  murderers  of  Gunnison,  and  brought  them 
to  trial.  A  clear  case  was  made  against  them  ;  the  judge 
charged  the  jury  that  they  must  either  be  found  not  guilty  or 
guilty  of  murder;  and  tlie  Mormon  jury  reti'rned  a  verdict 
of  manslaughter.  The  highest  possible  sentence,  three  years' 
imprisonment,  was  pronouticed,  but  the  murderers  escaped  "  by 
oversight"  of  their  jailers,  and  regained  their  tribes,  where 
they  remained  undisturbed.  The  Mormons  announced  that 
they  had  treated  Gunnison's  party  well,  as  he  testified  himself, 
and  that  they  had  done  all  they  could  to  bring  his  murderers 
to  justice,  to  which  facts  they  still  point  with  pride. 

The  war  in  which  Lieutenant  Gunnison  assisted  was  the 
only  real  trouble  that  the  Mormons  ever  had  with  the  In- 
dians. At  that  time  there  were  but  two  settlements  in  the 
beautiful  borders  of  Utah  Lake,  one  on  the  American  Fork, 
aud  one  on  Provo  Iliver.  The  Indians  there,  a  band  of  Pah- 
Utes,  did  not  appreciate  good  treatment,  and  from  begging 
went  to  robbing.  Finding  they  were  not  punished,  they  at- 
tributed their  safety  to  the  cowardice  of  the  Mormons,  and 
became  so  bold  as  to  shoot  people  who  tried  to  hinder  them 
from  taking  what  they  wanted.  They  little  dreamed  of  the 
claws  of  the  velvet  paw  they  had  been  playing  with.  The 
])eople  on  the  Provo  sent  for  assistance,  and  one  hundred  and 
fifty  !nen  went  to  them  from  Salt  Lake.  They  found  the 
Indians  posted  in  the  brush  and  cottonwoods  along  the  Provo, 
and  fought  them  there  for  two  days.  Then  Sunday  came,  atid 
tiie  Saints  rested,  as  is  their  custom,  while  the  Indians  fled. 
On  Monday  secular  occupation  was  resumed.  The  Indians 
at  the  southern  end  of  the  lake  were  first  proceeded  against, 
and  al)out  thirty  of  their  warriors  killed.  They  then  returned 
to  their  first  opponents,  who  had  fled  up  a  caiion,  and  killed 


280 


MASSACRES   OF  THE   MOUNTAINS. 


all  bnt  seven  or  eight  of  tlieir  men.  Some  fifty  women  and 
children  were  taken  prisoners  and  distributed  among  the  set- 
tlements, but  afterwards  allowed  to  join  other  bands  if  they 
so  desired.  After  this  there  was  no  trouble  that  could  bo 
dignified  by  the  name  of  war.  Ih-igham  Young  was  govern- 
or and  cx-irfficio  Superintendent  of  Indian  Affairs.  The  agents, 
farmers,  and  interpreters  were  all  Mormons.  It  was  repeat- 
edly charged  that  all  the  government  annuities  were  repre- 
sented to  the  Indians  to  be  Mormon  gifts,  and  numerous  offi- 


SXAKK    INDlA.Nti    OK    ITAII. 


ciul  reports  of  this,  based  on  the  statements  of  the  Indians 
and  other  evidence,  show  their  truth.  Pocatara  told  Super- 
intendent Lander  that  "whenever  he  should  feel  certain  that 
the  White  Father  would  treat  him  as  well  as  Big-um  (Brighatn 
Young)  did,  then  he  would  be  the  kindest  friend  to  the  Amer- 
icans that  they  had  ever  known."  The  hostile  Indians  in  Utiili 
were  often  accompanied  and  led  by  painted  whites,  and  enii^- 
sarics  were  kept  constantly  at  work  among  the  more  remoto 


MOUNTAIN  MEADOWS. 


281 


tribes.  Wliile  tlie  troops  were  fighting  Indians,  who  wcro 
furnished  witli  Mormon  guns  and  iuiimunition,  in  the  Yaki- 
ma country,  the  people  of  Southern  California  were  holding 
iss-meetiiigs  and  denouncing  the  Mormon  bishop,  Tinney, 
who  had  been  among  the  San  Luis  Iley  and  Carvilla  Indians, 
telling  them  that  the  ]\rormons  and  Indians  must  act  together 
against  their  common  enemies,  the  Americans.  AViiiJe  the 
Pelouses  were  receiving  aid  and  bad  counsel  from  Salt  Lake, 
an  Indian  emissary  to  the  Navahos,  bearing  letters  which  cer- 
tified his  conversion  and  membership  of  the  Alorinon  Church, 
was  taken  in  New  Mexico,  and  confessed  that  he  was  sent  bv 
the  Mormons  to  urge  the  Navaiios  to  war.  And  so,  in  almost 
every  war  in  the  liocky  Mountains,  the  same  complaint  has 
been  made,  down  to  the  last  outl)roak  of  the  Utes  in  Colorado, 
when  Ouray  certified  to  its  truth.  To  these  charges  no  de- 
fence is  made,  except  the  denunciation  of  their  authors  as  liars. 
As  might  naturally  be  supposed,  the  IVrormons  did  not  feel 
kindly  towards  the  i)eople  wiio  had  expelled  them  from  their 
homes  in  tlie  East  and  murdered  their  "  prophet,"'  and  their 
friendship  was  not  increased  by  the  treatment  which  their  mis- 
sionaries occasionally  received.  J>ut  there  was  a  more  potent 
cause  for  their  disloyalty  than  persecution,  or  mere  allegiance  to 
aCliurch  which  asserted  and  maintained  temporal  jiower.  The 
Mormons  are  chiliasts,  and  for  thirty  years  have  been  look- 
ing for  uie  millennium  to  be  ushered  in  very  soon,  their  niil- 
lenarian  doctrines  being  perhaps  the  strongest  feature  of  their 
religion  as  presented  in  missionary  work.  The  millennium, 
by  prophecy,  is  to  follow  at  once  on  the  disruption  of  the 
riiiou,  which  is  to  be  caused  by  civil  war,  and  "Zion"  is  to  be 
set  up  on  the  ruins  o^  this  nation,  wi*';  headijuarters  in  Jack- 
son County,  }t\  i'i.  The  ])ri\i('ipal  basis  of  tliis  belief  is 
the  following  propliecy  of  Joseph  Smith,  said  to  have  been 
delivered  in  lS;j2,  and  ei;rtainly  ])ublished  as  early  jis  lS5i: 

"AVAR. 

"Verily  thus  siiilh  the  T,nnl  rniu'crnins  tlio  wars  that  will  shortly  come 
to  pMss,  li(',i!;itiiiin.!j:  iit  the  rcl,cliioii  of  South  Carolina,  which  will  cvoiituiiUy 
tcrminalc  in  llif  tlcalli  mid  misery  of  many  souls.  The  (lays  will  come  that 
wars  will  he  poured  out  upon  all  nations,  heffinninu;  at  that  ]ilace:  for,  he- 
liold,  the  Southern  Statos  shall  be  divided  a;i;ainst  the  Northern  States;  and 
the  Southern  States  will  call  upon  other  nations,  even  the  nation  of  Great 


282 


MASSACRES   OF   THE   MOUNTAINS. 


Britain,  us  it  is  called,  and  they  shall  also  call  upon  other  nations,  in  order 
to  defend  themselves  against  other  nations:  and  thus  war  shall  be  poured 
out  upon  all  nations.  And  it  shall  come  to  jiass.  after  many  days,  slaves 
shall  rise  up  against  their  masters,  who  shall  be  marshalled  and  disciplined 
for  war.  And  it  will  come  to  pass,  also,  tliat  the  renuiant  whidi  are  left  of 
the  lantl  [/.  c,  the  Intlians]  sliall  marshal  tliemselves  and  shall  become  ex- 
ceedingly angrj',  and  shall  vex  the  Gentiles  with  u  sore  vexation.  And 
thus,  with  the  sword  and  by  bloodshed,  the  inhabitants  of  the  earth  shall 
mourn,  and  willi  famine  and  plagues  and  eartluiuakes,  and  the  thunder  of 
heaven,  and  the  fierce  and  vivid  lightning,  also,  shall  the  inhabitants  of  the 
earth  l)e  made  to  feel  the  wratii  ami  indignation  and  chastening  hand  of  an 
Almiglit^-  God,  until  the  consumption  decreed  hath  made  an  end  of  all  na- 
tions; that  tlie  cry  of  the  saints  and  of  the  blood  of  the  saints  shall  cease  to 
come  up  into  tijc  ears  of  tlie  Lord  of  Sabaoth,  from  the  earth,  to  be  avenged 
of  their  enemies.  Wherefore  stand  ye  in  holy  places,  and  be  not  moved 
until  the  day  of  the  Lord  come;  for,  behold,  it  cometh  ijuickly,  saith  tlie 
Lord !    Amen. " 

It  would  be  difficult  to  find,  in  the  entire  ratige  of  pi-oph- 
ecy,  a  pi'edictioii  mofe  remarkably  fulfilled  in  many  respects, 
and  more  possible  of  explanation  and  delay  as  to  the  unful- 
filled portions.  The  best  proof  of  its  earthly  origin  will  be 
found  in  unfulfilled  prophecies  from  the  same  source,  by  those 
who  are  curious  enough  to  examine  them.  Its  effect  on  the 
loyalty  of  the  Mormons  was  necessarily  disastrous.  Tiiey 
could  not  feel  an  attachment  for  a  country  whose  destruction 
must  precede  their  entry  into  millennial  bliss.  When  the 
civil  war  began, "  We  told  you  so  "  was  heard  wherever  a  Mor- 
mon was  found ;  and  when  that  war  was  coticluded  without 
embroiling  "all  nations,"  the  ready  interpreter  showed  that 
the  time  was  not  yet  full.  It  has  been  expected  to  break  out 
again  at  every  national  election,  especially  those  of  187C  and 
ISSJr,  each  failure  of  fulfilment  being  only  the  result  of  mis- 
interpretation. They  cling  to  it  still  with  more  than  '*  Mil- 
lerite"  patience,  and  its  fulfilment  is  only  a  question  of  "a 
few  more  years."  Then  will  come  the  time  metitioned  by 
Isaiah,  when  "Seven  women  shall  take  hold  of  one  man,  say- 
ing, AV^e  will  eat  our  own  bread,  and  wear  our  own  apparel: 
oidy  let  us  be  called  by  thy  name,  to  take  away  our  reproach  ' 
— the  reproach  referred  to  being  childlessness,  by  IVLormon  in- 
terpretation ;  the  men  !^^()rmons,  and  the  women  Gentiles. 

Decided  changes  took  place  in  the  Mormon  community 
after  the  exodus  from  Nauvoo,     There  was  a  weeding  out  of 


MOUNTAIN   MEADOWS. 


2S3 


a  tnujority  of  the  weaker  brethren,  to  begin  with,  leaving  the 
assemblage  in  Utah  fairly  united  in  credulity  and  fanaticism. 
Relieved  of  any  prohibitory  power,  polygamy  was  openly  an- 
nounced as  a  doctrine  in  1852  at  Salt  Lake  City,  and  in  the 
following  year  abroad.  This  caused  a  split  in  the  Church,  and 
an  extensive  desertion  at  all  points  outside  of  Utah.  The 
dissenters  maintained  that  the  doctrine  was  an  introduction 
of  13righam  Young's,  and  in  proof  cited  the  express  prohibi- 
tions of  it  in  the  "  L>ook  of  Mormon,"  and  also  in  the  "Doc- 
trines and  Covenants,"  the  latter  adopted  in  opeii  conference 
after  Smith's  death.  The  Brighamites  showed  that  in  fact  it 
had  been  practised  and  taught  by  Smith  and  other  leaders. 
Moreover,  both  sides  proved  their  claims  by  the  solemn  state- 
ments of  the  principal  men  of  the  Church,  made  at  different 
times,  and  thus  it  was  demonstrated  that  the  principal  men, 
including  Smith  and  President  Taylor,  were  unblushing  liars, 
no  matter  whether  the  doctrine  were  new  or  old.  It  is  fairly 
assured,  however,  that  the  doctrine  was  privately  pronuil- 
gated  from  about  1844.  Under  this  doctrine  a  woman  may 
possibly  attain  salvation,  but  never  an  "  exaltation,''  when  not 
the  wife  of  a  saint,  and,  as  a  corollary  to  this  proposition,  it 
is  both  lawful  and  commendable  to  induce  any  woman,  mar- 
ried or  single,  to  leave  her  sinful  relatives  and  seek  the 
higher  heaven  in  company  with  a  Mormon.  The  doctrine 
was  at  first  treated  ratiier  as  a  matter  of  privilege;  but  as 
months  ])assed  away,  and  its  peculiar  fitness  to  their  theory  of 
|)i'e-existent  spirits,  anxiously  waiting  for  earthly  bodies,  was 
seen,  it  became  more  and  more  a  thing  of  duty.  It  reached 
its  grossest  form  during  the  I'eform  period  of  1855-G. 

The  "Reformation"  was  the  result  of  distress.  The  re- 
moval across  the  plains  involved  large  losses;  the  work  of 
tlie  last  two  years  had  been  rendered  unpiufitable  by  drought 
and  grasshoppers;  the  Saints  were  reduced  to  a  condition  of 
general  poverty.  The  loaders  accounted  for  it  as  a  punishment 
sent  on  them  for  sin  and  want  of  faith.  Under  the  preach- 
ing of  men  who,  in  charity,  may  be  called  demented,  the  peo- 
])le  wore  wrought  up  to  an  extravagant  pitch  of  religious 
frenzy.  Men  were  exhorted  everywhere  to  repent,  confess 
their  sins,  aJid  be  rebaptized,  for  the  day  of  the  Lord  was  at 


284 


MASSACRES  OF  THE   MOUNTAINS. 


hand ;  and  from  all 
that  land  there  rose 
a  wail  of,  "  Unclean  ! 
unclean !''  It  floated 
out  over  the  desert, 
and  over  tlie  moun- 
tains, and  from  the  ex- 
treme southern  settle- 
ments it  was  echoed 
back,  "  Unclean  !  un- 
clean!" Men  and 
women  bared  their 
hearts'  darkest  cor- 
ners to  the  public  con- 
gre<^ations,  and  many, 
whom  suspicion  itself 
had  marked  pure, 
confessed  the  perpe- 
tration of  liorril)le 
crimes.  Uoljguniy 
took  on  its  most  re- 
volting shape;  children  of  twelve  and  thirteen  years  were 
married  to  gray-haired  elders ;  whole  families  of  girls  were 
wedded  to  one  man;  uncles  united  witli  nieces;  in  at  least 
one  instance  half-l»rother  and  sister  were  married  ;  men  met 
in  the  streets  and  exchanged  daughters;  divorce  and  remar- 
riage became  so  common  that  some  women  had  eight  or  ten 
husliaiuls  in  almost  tiie  same  number  of  months.  All  of  tlie 
people  were  rel)a])tized,  and  started  anew  on  their  peculiar 
path,  determined  to  gain  heaven  at  any  cost. 

Out  of  this  groaning  for  sin  there  arose  the  most  villain- 
ous of  all  the  doctrines  of  the  Mormon  Church — that  of  the 
"  blood-Jitonement."  Tt  is,  in  brief,  that  there  are  certain  sins 
which  are  unpardonable,  except  the  blood  of  the  sinner  be 
shed  ;  and  the  ]ieoplo  were  exhorted :  "  Let  your  blood  be 
shed,  and  let  the  smoke  ascend,  that  the  incense  thereof  may 
come  up  before  (rod  as  atonement  for  yonr  sins."  The  cliiel 
of  these  unpardonable  sins  is  the  "shedding  of  innocent 
blood,"'  which  means  the  blood  of  Mormons,  and  possibly  of 


i'iii->ii)i;.NT  jdiiN  r.vvi.oii. 


MOUNTAIN   MEADOWS. 


285 


Gentiles  wlio  have  not  reached  years  of  acconntability,  and 
whose  parents  liave  not  been  guilty  of  injuring  Mormons  or 
associating  with  people  who  have.  Adultery,  under  certain 
circumstances,  procurement  of  abortion,  and  the  "  violation 
of  a  sanctified  oath  "  are  also  unpardonable,  and  for  these  of- 
fences many  of  these  enthusiasts  gladly  submitted  to  death. 
Ihit  it  did  not  stop  thcro.  They  were  not  satisHed  with 
throwing  themselves  under  the  wheels  of  Juggernaut,  but 
must  also  have  the  privilege  of  sacrificing  others  to  save 
them  from  their  sins.  "It  is  to  save  them,"  said  Brighairj 
Young,  in  a  sermon  reported  in  their  Church  or gau,  the  Desi'nt 
jVew.'<,  on  October  1,  lSr)G,  "  not  to  destroy  them.  It  is  true 
that  the  blood  of  the  Son  of  God  was  shed  for  our  sins,  but 
men  can  commit  sins  which  it  can  never  remit."  Again,  on 
February  8,  1857,  he  said  :  "  I  could  refer  you  to  plenty  of 
instances  where  men  have  been  righteously  slain  i;i  order  to 
atone  for  their  sins.  I  have  seen  scores  and  hundreds  of  peo- 
ple for  whom  there  would  have  been  a  chance  (in  the  last 
resurrection  there  will  be)  if  their  lives  had  been  taken,  and 
their  l)l(jo(l  spilled  on  the  ground  as  a  smoking  incense  to  the 
Ali.iighty,  but  who  are  now  angels  to  the  devil,  until  our  el- 
der brother,  Jesus  Christ,  raises  them  up,  concpiers  death,  hell, 
and  the  grave."  These  are  but  brief  selections  from  the 
many  blood-seeking  sermons  of  those  days,  and  the  zealous 
churchmen  took  eager  hold  of  this  doctrine  which  the  world 
had  been  growing  out  of  for  a  score  of  centuries. 

Just  after  the  Church  was  fairly  encompassed  in  this  blaze 
of  zeal,  it  was  announeed,  on  July  2-t,  1S5T.  to  the  great  gath- 
ering of  IMormons  at  Cottonwood  I'ark,  where  they  had  met 
to  celebrate  the  anniversary  of  the  arrival  of  their  exploring 
party  in  the  I'asin,  that  there  was  an  army  under  way  for 
I'tah,  escorting  the  new  territorial  officers.  It  was  true. 
Crime  in  the  guise  of  religion  had  become  so  rampant  in 
I'tali,  and  its  repression  by  the  i)eople  there  so  hopeless,  that 
an  external  executive  agency  had  to  be  sought.  The  courts 
had  been  overawed  by  armed  mobs  and  the  judges  had  fled. 
A  lawy(!r  who  ]>rote8ted  against  such  ])roceedings  had  l)een 
niurdercfl.  Indian  agent  Hurt  had  reported  something  of 
their  connection  with  the  Indians,  and,  believing  his  life  in 


i; 


286 


MASSACRES   OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


daiiiijer,  had  slipped  away  through  the  mountain  passes, 
guided  by  Indian  friends.  He  resigned,  declining  reai)point- 
ment.  Such  troubles  had  been  growing  since  1851,  and  al- 
niopf.  every  Gentile  otKcial  that  went  there  had  died  suddenly, 
or  been  driven  away  on  account  of  "innnoi-ality."  In  his 
niessajre  of  1857,  President  Buchanan  said:  "Without  enter- 
ing  upon  a  minute  history  of  occurrences,  it  is  sutticient  to 
say  that  all  the  officers  of  the  United  States,  judicial  and  ex- 
ecutive, with  the  single  exception  of  two  Indian  agents,  have 
found  it  necessary  for  their  own  personal  safety  to  withdraw 
from  the  territory,  and  there  no  longer  ruinains  any  govern- 
ment in  Utah  but  the  despotism  of  J^.righam  Yt)ung." 
Whether  the  officials  had  been  blameworthy  or  not  is  imma- 
terial ;  the  fact  remains  that  Utah  was  in  a  state  of  confusion 
and  lawlessness,  and  it  was  necessary  to  send  troops  with  the 
new  officials,  who  should  act  as  a  posse  com  Hat  us  on  their  call. 
From  the  official  instructions  given  at  the  time  it  is  easily 
seen  that,  in  the  eyes  of  the  administration,  the  state  of  af- 
fairs in  Utah  was  very  similar  to  what  had  recently  existed 
in  Kansas,  with  the  difference  that  the  trouble  was  over  an- 
other question.  But  in  •  ality  the  situation  was  very  differ- 
ent. In  Utah  the  people  were  united,  but  they  wanted  no 
government  except  that  of  their  own  leaders,  no  matter  what 
the  United  States  desired.  The  majority  of  them  were  ready 
for  war.  They  had  been  apa't  from  the  Gentiles  long 
enough  to  let  the  delusion  of  divine  aid  grow  up  again,  and 
the  belief  was  general,  as  it  was  in  Missouri,  that  one  should 
"  chase  a  thousand,  and  two  put  ten  thousand  to  fligiit."  Tlie 
leaders  were  not  so  pugnacious.  The  plan  they  adopted  was 
to  hold  the  army  back  until  they  were  ready  to  move,  and 
then  desert  the  northern  part  of  the  territory,  destroying 
everything  behind  them — to  make  a  second  Moscow  of  Salt 
Lake  City.  For  this  active  preparations  were  made;  grain 
was  hoarded  up  and  cached  in  the  mountains;  hiding-places 
were  sought  out ;  and  all  the  people  prepared  for  a  journey. 
The  Mormons  in  California  were  recalled,  and  all  returned  to 
Utah.  Fort  Bridger  and  Fort  Supply,  under  control  of  Mor- 
mon Indian  agents,  were  vacated  and  burned  down,  in  order 
that  they  might  not  furnish  shelter  to  the  troops  when  they 


MOUNTAIN   MEADOWC. 


287 


came.  TIic  Nanvoo  Legion  was  brought  into  active  disci- 
pline, and  a  general  martial  spirit  pervaded  the  eiitire  com- 
munity, such  as  is  shadowed  in  this  verse  from  one  of  their 
favorite  songs : 

"  Old  sqimw-killcr  Ilarncy  is  on  the  way 
Tlu!  Mormon  pcopli'  for  to  slay; 
Now,  if  lie  comos,  the  tnith  111  tell, 
Our  boys  will  drive  him  down  to  hell." 

General  Harney  did  not  come  until  after  the  difHculty 
was  adjusted,  lie  was  succeeded  by  Colonel  Albert  Sidney 
Johnston,  who  reached  the  army  in  the  early  winter.  No  re- 
sistance being  anticipated,  Captain  Van  Vliet,  a  discreet  offi- 
cer, was  sent  ahead  to  purchase  supplies  for  the  army  and  ex- 
plain its  purpose  to  the  ^lormons.  lie  arrived  at  Salt  Lake 
early  in  September  and  found  them  preparing  for  war.  He 
was  treated  with  consideration,  but  could  purchase  no  sup- 
plies. They  told  him  that  they  had  been  persecuted,  robbed, 
and  murdered  in  the  East,  and  now  would  resist  all  persecu- 
tion at  the  outset ;  "  that  the  troops  now  on  the  march  for 
Utah  should  not  enter  Salt  Lake  Yi.  cy.''  Van  Yliet  called 
their  attention  to  the  fact  that  resistance  could  oidy  be  tem- 
porary ;  that  if  the  army  were  kept  out  over  winter  the  gov- 
ernment would  send  an  overwhelming  force  which  would 
crush  them.  Young  replied :  "  We  are  aware  that  such  will 
be  the  case,  but  when  those  troops  arrive  they  will  find  Utah 
a  desert;  every  house  will  be  burned  to  the  ground,  every 
tree  cut  down,  and  every  field  laid  waste.  AVe  have  three 
years'  provisions  on  hand,  which  we  will  cache,  and  then 
take  to  the  mountains,  and  bid  defiance  to  all  the  powers  of 
the  government."  On  Sunday  Yan  Yliet  attended  their  serv- 
ices, and  when  Elder  Taylor,  now  President,  after  presenting 
the  probabilities  to  them,  "desired  all  present  who  would  ap- 
ply the  torch  to  their  own  buildings,  cut  down  their  trees 
and  lay  waste  their  fields,  to  hold  up  their  hands,  every  hand 
in  an  audience  numbering  over  four  thousand  persons  was 
raised  at  the  same  moment."  He  also  stated  that,  "The  Al- 
mighty had  appointed  a  man  to  rule  over  and  govern  his 
Saints,  and  that  man  was  Brigham  Young,  and  that  they 
would  have  no  one  else  to  rule  over  them." 


288 


MASSACRES    OF  TIIK    MOUNTAINS. 


On  Septetiihor  1-i  Van  Vliet  loft  Salt  Lake  City,  anj  on 
the  ir)th  Youiif?  issned  a  proclamation,  in  which  he  recited 
the  wrongs  and  misfortunes  of  the  Mormons,  and  "forbid — • 
First,  All  armed  forces  of  every  descrij)tion  from  coming  into 
this  territory  under  any  pretence  whatever.  Second,  That  all 
the  forces  in  said  territory  hold  themselves  in  readiness  to 
march  at  a  moment's  notice  to  repel  any  and  all  such  invasion. 
Third,  Martial  law  is  hereby  declared  to  exist  in  this  territory 


BRIGIIAM    YOVN  ' 


from  and  after  the  publication  of  th  proclamation  ;  and  no 
person  shall  be  allowed  to  pass  or  re  ss  into,  or  through,  or 
from  this  territory  without  a  permit  ^  om  the  proper  ofKcer."' 
A  copy  of  this  was  sent  to  Colonel  .  Jexander,  commanding 
the  advance  of  the  army.  On  September  21  Van  Vliet  met. 
the  advance,  on  his  return,  and  reported  his  failure.  On  Sep- 
tember 29  Young  again  addressed  the  commanding  officer, 
calling  his  attention  to  his  disregard  of  the  former  proclaniii- 


MOl  :NT  A  IN    M  i:  A  DOWS. 


289 


tion,  and  adding:  "I  now  further  direct  that  you  retire  forth- 
with from  tiie  territory  by  the  same  route  you  entered.  Siiould 
you  deem  this  impracticiihle,  and  prefer  to  remain  until  spring 
in  the  vicinity  of  your  present  encampment,  IMack  Fork,  or 
(Jreen  Uiver,  you  can  do  so  in  peace,  and  unmoU'sted,  on  con- 
dition that  you  deposit  your  arms  and  ammunition  with 
Lewis  Ilohinson,  Quartermaster-general  of  the  Terri  ory,  and 
leave  in  the  spring  as  soon  as  the  condition  of  the  roads  will 
permit  you  to  march."  This  was  accompanied  by  a  note  from 
"Daniel  JI.  Wells,  Lieutenant-general  commanding  Nanvoo 
lA'gion,"  stating,  "  I  am  here  to  aid  in  carrying  out  the  instruc- 
tions of  (rovernor  Young.'  The  army  was  then  in  what  is 
now  the  southwestern  corner  of  Wyoming,  straggling  over  a 
hundred  miles  or  more  of  country,  and  not  yet  apprehensive 
of  actual  resistance ;  Colonel  Johnston  was  at  Fort  Laramie ; 
the  supply  trains  were  not  guarded.  On  October  5  the  Mor- 
mons, under  Lot  Smith,  one  of  their  great  "  war-captains,"  at- 
tacked and  destroved  a  train  on  Green  River,  another  on  the 
llig  Sandy,  and  a  number  of  wagons  belonging  to  the  sutler 
of  the  10th  infantry,  also  on  the  Sandy,  making  a  total  loss 
of  seventy-iive  wagons,  wi^h  their  contents,  and  several  hun- 
dred animals.  About  the  same  time  it  was  learned  that  the 
mountain  passes  were  barricaded  and  held  by  JMormon  troops. 
It  was  considered  impracticable  to  force  them  in  the  winter, 
so  the  army  went  into  winter  camp. 

During  the  long  summer  days  that  tlie  ]V[ormons  passed 
in  prejiaration  for  war,  an  emigrant  train,  known  on  the  road 
as  Captain  F'ancher's  train,  was  passing  through  Utah.  It 
reached  Salt  Lake  City  in  August,  and  took  the  "southern 
route  ''  which  led  through  Provo,  Nephi,  Fillmore,  Beaver,  and 
Cedar  City,  and  at  the  last-named  place  joined  the  Spanish 
trail  from  Los  Angeles  to  New  ^lexico,  which  ran  thence 
southwest  to  the  coast  of  California.  These  emigrants  num- 
bered originally  fifty-six  men  and  sixty-two  women  and  chil- 
dren, most  of  them  being  from  Carroll,  Jolmson,  Marion,  and 
other  northern  counties  of  Arkansas.  At  Salt  Lake  City  they 
M-ere  joined  by  several  disaffected  Mormons.  They  had  thirty 
good  wagons,  about  thirty  mules  and  horses,  and  six  hundred 
cuttle.    Dr.  Brewer,  of  the  armv,  who  met  them  on  the  Platte, 


290 


MASSACRES  OF  THE   MOUNTAINS. 


in  June,  said  it  was  "  probably  the  finest  train  that  had  ever 
crossed  the  plains.  There  seemed  to  be  abont  forty  heads  of 
families,  many  women,  some  unmarried,  and  many  children. 
They  had  three  carriages,  one  very  fine,  in  which  ladies  rode." 
Slowly  this  long  line  wound  its  way  up  the  Jordan,  around  the 
sedgy  border  of  Utah  Lake,  through  Juab  Valley,  and  down 
the  long,  dreary  stretch  of  road  from  the  Sevier  to  Little  Salt 
Lake.  At  I>eaver  they  were  joined  by  ii  Missourian,  who  had 
been  held  in  custody  there  for  some  alleged  offense,  aiid  he 
urged  them  to  hurry  on  beyond  the  power  of  the  Mormons. 
They  passed  through  settlements  from  day  to  day,  but  tlioy 
were  friendless  as  in  the  voiceless  desert.  They  wished  to 
buy  grain  and  hay  to  recruit  their  failing  stock,  but  the  edict 
had  gone  forth  for  all  supplies  to  be  "hid  up"  in  the  moun 
tains,  and  there  was  no  grain  to  be  bought  by  their  money. 
One  man  did  trade  them  a  small  cheese,  but  ho  was  seen  by 
the  special  policeman  who  was  detailed  to  watch  the  train,  and 
was  "cut  oflf "  from  the  church  for  it.  Sell  su])plies  to  these 
Gentiles?  Oh,  no!  They  were  but  a  portion  of  the  mob  tliat 
would  soon  be  battering  at  the  gates  of  Zion.  Rumor  wearied 
her  countless  wings  in  incessant  flight,  carrying  before  tiicni 
the  reports  of  their  evil  deeds,  which  grew  and  spread  until 
their  original  inventors  mi<;ht  have  blushed  for  them.  It  was 
said  that  they  were  taking  property  by  force;  that  they  broke 
down  and  burned  fences;  that  they  insulted  men;  that  they 
ravished  Mormon  women  ;  that  they  were  a  part  of  the  mol) 
that  drove  the  Saints  from  Missouri ;  that  they  boasted  of  hav- 
ing the  pistol  with  which  the  Prophet  Joseph  was  killed  ;  that 
they  were  connected  with  the  recent  murder  of  the  ai)ostle, 
Parley  Pratt;  that  they  threatened  to  return  from  California 
with  enough  men  to  destroy  all  the  Mormon  settlements ;  that 
they  poisoned  an  ox  with  strychnine,  causing  the  death  of 
some  Indians  and  one  white  man  ;  that  they  poisoned  the  sj)ring 
at  Corn  Creek  with  arsenic,  causing  the  death  of  twenty  Piili- 
Vant  Indians;  that  they  were,  in  short,  a  crowd  of  hardenctl. 
godless  wretches,  whose  sins  could  never  be  washed  away  ex- 
cept in  their  own  blood.    Tlie  chief  hierarch  of  Southern  Utah 

announced  that  he  believed  there  was  not  "a  d d  drop 

of  innocent  blood  among  them."     The  charges  made  against 


MOUNTAIN  MEADOWS. 


291 


them  were  to  the  people  of  Southern  Utah  as  words  of  certain 
truth,  for  the  fanaticism  and  bigotry  of  Nortliern  Utah  was 
only  lukewarmness  in  the  southern  settlements.  Men  scon'led 
and  women  glared  their  righteous  hatred  at  the  doomed  party, 
and  little  children  peered  through  half-opened  doors,  in  curi- 
ous fear,  at  the  wicked  people  who  had  raised  their  hands 
against  God's  anointed.  True,  they  saw  none  of  this  evil- 
doing  as  the  emigrants  passed  them,  but  their  belief  in  it  was 
not  shaken  by  that.  They  had  Mormon  testimony  to  its  truth, 
and  that  was  sufHcient. 

The  emigrants  kept  on  as  fast  as  they  could  conveniently. 
They  crossed  the  Great  Basin;  they  climbed  up  the  southern 
rim  ;  and  on  this  border  of  Mormondom  they  stopped  for  a 
few  davs  to  let  their  cattle  revel  in  the  rank,  coarse  mountain 
grass,  before  they  went  on  into  "  the  Ninety-Mile  Desert." 
The  location  of  the  Mountain  Meadows,  their  stopping-place, 
is  in  the  southwestern  corner  of  Utah,  in  the  present  county 
of  Washington,  about  eiglit  miles  south  of  the  village  of 
I'into.  The  place  is  a  pass — sometimes  called  a  valley — about 
five  miles  in  length  and  one  in  width,  but  running  to  a  rather 
narrow  point  at  the  southwest  end.  At  about  its  centre, 
lengthways,  is  the  "divide"  between  the  Basin  and  the  Pa- 
cific slope,  the  ascents  being  verj'  gradual,  and  at  each  end  is 
a  large  spring,  the  waters  of  the  eastern  one  flowing  into  the 
Basin,  and  those  of  the  western  one  to  the  Santa  Clara,  and 
thence  to  the  llio  Virgen.  At  the  eastern  spring  was  the 
house  and  corral  of  Jacob  Hamlin,  Mormon  sub-agent  for  the 
Pah-Utes,  who,  with  some  assistants,  all  Mormons,  was  pastur- 
ing cattle  on  the  meadows.  The  train  passed  his  place  on  the 
;^d  of  September,  and  camped  at  the  western  spring  on  tiie 
4tii.  The  spring,  which  is  a  large  one,  is  in  the  southern  end 
of  the  narrow  part.  The  bank  rises  from  it  to  a  height  of 
about  eight  feet,  and  from  iis  top  there  reaches  a  level  stretch 
of  some  two  hundred  yards.  Beyond  this  there  comes  an  ir- 
regular ridge  or  row  of  iiills,  fifty  or  sixty  feet  in  height,  back 
of  which  is  a  valley  of  considerable  extent,  which  opens  into 
the  main  Meadows  three  or  four  hundred  yards  below  the 
spring.  The  emigrants  were  camped  on  the  level  ground  just 
north  of  the  spring.     Tiiey  were  now  on  the  edge  of  the  Pa- 

19 


292 


MASSACRES  OF  THE   MOUNTAINS. 


CACTUS    IN    DESKllT. 


cific  slope,  and  must  have  felt  the  gladness  of  the  wayworn 
traveller  who  knows  that  another  stage  of  his  journey  is  fin- 
ished. Just  across  there,  to  the  southwest,  was  golden  Cali- 
fornia— they  could  almost  see  it — a  few  more  miles  of  desert, 
a  few  more  days  of  dust  and  alkali  water,  and  they  would  bo 


through. 


In  the  chilly  dawn  of  Monday,  September  7,  as  they  were 
grouped  about  their  camp-fires,  preparing  and  eating  their 
breakfasts,  tliey  were  stunned  by  a  volley  of  guns  from  the 
little  gully  through  which  the  waters  of  the  spring  ran  away. 


MOUNTAIN  MEADOWS. 


293 


Seven  of  their  nnmber  were  killed,  sixteen  were  wonnded, 
and  the  remainder  thrown  into  confusion  ;  but  it  was  only  for 
a  moment.  They  were  brave  men,  and  they  had  lived  too  long 
on  the  frontier  not  to  be  ready  for  an  Indian  attack  on  short 
notice.  The  women  and  children  were  hastily  placed  in  the 
shelter  of  the  corralled  wagons,  and  the  rifles  of  the  men  were 
soon  replying  effectually  to  those  of  their  foes.  This  was  dis- 
couraging to  their  assailants,  for  they  had  counted  on  a  massa- 
cre, not  a  tight.  They  were  not  warriors  of  much  eminence. 
On  the  contrary,  Captain  Campbell  afterwards  classed  them  as 
"  a  miserable  set  of  root-diggers,"  and  said,  "  nothing  is  to  be 
apprehended  from  them  but  by  the  smallest  and  most  careless 
jiarty."  They  were  Pah-Utes  from  the  neighborhood  of  Cedar 
City,  under  Moquetas,  Big  Bill,  end  other  chiefs ;  and  others 
from  the  Santa  Clara  settlements,  extending  thirty-five  miles 
below,  under  Jackson  and  his  brother ;  Upper  Pi-Edes,  under 
Ka-nar-rah,  and  Lower  Pi-Edes  under  Tal-si-Gob-beth  ;  but  at 
this  time  they  were  all  directed  and  controlled  by  John  D.  Lee, 
sub-agent,  Nephi  Johnson,  interpreter,  and  two  or  three  others, 
all  disguised  as  Indians.  It  required  all  their  efforts  to  keep 
the  Indians  at  their  work.  Several  were  killed  early  in  the 
engagement,  and  two  of  their  war-chiefs  had  their  knee-joints 
shattered  by  rifle-balls,  from  the  effects  of  which  both  died. 
The  Indians  moved  back  to  safer  quarters,  and,  after  driving 
away  all  the  cattle  that  were  out  of  range  of  the  spring,  vented 
their  rage  by  shooting  the  remainder  that  they  dared  not 
attempt  to  drive  away.  An  occasional  shot  was  fired  at  the 
emigrants,  as  a  reminder  that  they  were  still  in  the  neigh- 
borhood. White  reinforcements  were  sent  for  at  once,  after 
the  first  repulse,  and  began  to  arrive  on  the  following  day. 
They  stopped  out  of  sight  of  the"  emigrants  to  camp.  Occa- 
sionally they  would  put  on  a  little  paint  and  go  take  a  shot 
at  the  wagons;  then  they  would  return  and  amuse  themselves 
by  pitching  quoits.  The  little  party  of  the  besieged  mean- 
while were  improving  their  time.  They  drew  their  wagons 
close  together,  chained  them  wheel  to  wheel,  and  banked  up 
earth  to  the  beds,  making  a  fortress  which  they  could  easily 
hold  against  all  the  Indians  within  a  hundred  juiles  of  them. 
On  Wednesday  night  a  young  man  named  Aden,  a  son  of 


294 


MASSACRES   OF   THE  MOUNTAINS. 


Dr.  Aden  of  Kentucky,  with  one  companion,  stole  out  of  the 
valley  and  started  to  Cedar  City  for  aid.  At  Ricliards' 
Springs  they  met  three  Cedar  City  men,AVilliam  C.  Stewart, 
Joel  White,  and  Benjamin  Arthnr.  As  their  horses  drank 
from  the  spring,  Stewart  shot  and  killed  Aden,  and  White 
wounded  liis  companion,  but  the  latter  escaped  and  made  his 
way  back  to  the  ca;np.  The  emigrants  now  begaii  to  realize 
the  desperation  of  tlieir  situation.  Aden  might  surely  have 
hoped  fur  assistance  if  any  one  could,  for  his  father  was  known 
to  have  saved  the  life  of  a  Mormon  bisiiop  of  tiie  neighbor- 
hood ;  yet  he  was  assassinated  by  a  Mormon.  There  could  be 
little  doubt  that  the  white  men,  of  whom  occasional  glimpses 
had  been  caught  by  them,  were  Mormons,  and  that  they  were 
aiding  the  Indians.  They  prepared  a  statement  of  their  situ- 
ation, giving  their  reasons  for  believing  that  the  Mormons 
were  their  real  besiegers,  and  directed  it  to  Masons,  Odd 
Fellows,  the  leading  religious  denominations,  and  to  "good 
people  generally."  This  they  intrusted  to  three  of  their  best 
scouts,  who,  on  Thursday  night,  slipped  down  through  the 
arroyo  of  the  spring-branch,  across  the  strip  of  valley,  and  off 
towards  California.  The  paper  implored  assistance,  if  assist- 
ance coiild  reach  them,  and,  if  not,  that  justice  might  be  meted 
to  tlieir  murderers. 

While  these  men  were  endeavoring  to  slip  through  the 
meshes  of  the  net  that  was  drawn  about  them,  a  strange  scene 
was  to  be  witnessed  just  over  the  little  divide  of  the  Meadows. 
There  were  now  fifty-four  white  men  in  the  attacking  party 
and  al)out  two  hundred  Indians,  all  of  whom  were  satistied  that 
no  direct  assault  on  the  camp  could  be  successful.  The  reso- 
lute defence  of  the  emigrants  had  made  a  change  of  proced- 
ure necessary,  and  they  were  now  obliged  to  obtain  "  coun- 
sel "  from  those  in  authority',  and  the  approval  of  the  Lord. 
Up  to  this  time  every  step  had  been  taken  in  that  way.  George 
A.  Smith,  one  of  the  Twelve  Apostles,  had  gone  through  tlie 
settlements  and  arranged  the  jirelitninaries;  the  day  after  tlie 
train  passed  through  Cedar  City  a  Church  council  was  held, 
at  which  women  were  present,  and,  after  duo  consideration,  it 
was  decided,  by  a  unanimous  vote,  to  be  the  will  of  tlie  Lord 
that  the  Fancher  outfit  should  be  exterminated.    The  manner 


MOUNTAIN   MEADOWS. 


295 


selected  was  an  Indian  massacre,  but  tliis  liad  failed.  A  coun- 
cil of  the  Monnoris  in  the  Meadows  was  held  on  Thursdcay 
evening,  and  the  orders  from  President  Ilaight  of  Cedar  City 
were  read.  They  directed  that  the  emigrants  should  be  de- 
coyed from  their  stronghold  and  exterminated.  Ilaight  was 
lieutenant-colonel  of  the  militia,  and  had  received  his  direc- 
tions to  this  effect  from  Colonel  Dame,  commander  of  the 
militia  of  the  district,  which  was  known  as  "the  Iron  militia.'' 
The  men  in  the  Meauows  were  all  members  of  it,  and  were 
commanded  by  Major  John  Iligbee.  There  was  some  feeble 
remonstrance  to  the  orders,  so,  after  a  little  talk,  they  all 
knelt,  with  elbows  touching,  in  "a  prayer  circle,'"  and  asked 
for  divine  guidance.  On  the  still  night  air  of  that  mountain 
pass,  one  voice  after  another  rose  in  fervent  prayer,  asking 
God  to  say  to  them  whether  or  not  they  should  betray  and 
murder  one  hundred  and  twenty  of  their  fellow-men.  The 
last  voice  ceased ;  a  moment  of  silence  ensued ;  then  Major 
Iligbee  announced,  in  confident  tone,  "I  have  the  evidence 
of  (rod's  approval  of  our  mission.  It  is  God's  will  that  we 
carry  out  our  instructions  to  the  letter."  In  that  declaration 
the  "  higher  law  "  stands  out  in  all  its  naked  enormity.  Mere 
j)oIygamy  is  a  virtue  compared  with  such  a  devils'  faith.  The 
council  remained  in  session  until  daybreak,  and  all  the  minu- 
tiiTB  of  the  following  day's  work  were  arranged  for.  A  hasty 
breakfast  was  despatched,  and  the  preparation  for  the  Lord's 
work  was  begun  at  once. 

The  Indians  were  concealed  in  a  thicket  a  mile  and  three 
quarters  from  the  camp,  oji  the  road  back  to  the  Basin.  The 
Mormons  procured  two  wagons,  with  which  they  moved  on 
towards  the  western  spring.  They  stopped  out  of  gun-shot, 
and  John  D.  Lee  and  William  Bateman  advanced  under  a 
white  flag.  An  emigrant  came  out  to  meet  them.  They 
talked  over  the  situation.  Lee  said  that  the  Indians  were 
much  excited,  on  account  of  injuries  done  them  by  former 
parties,  and  could  scarcely  be  controlled,  but  he  had  got  them 
to  promise  that  no  harm  should  be  done  to  the  emigrants  if 
they  surrendered  to  the  Mormons.  Part  of  them  had  left  al- 
ready. It  would  bo  necessary  to  make  a  form  of  surrender- 
ing; the  guns  could  be  placed  in  the  wagons  brought  by  the 


296 


MASSACilES  OF  THE   MOUNTAI?  3. 


Mormons,  together  with  the  sick,  wounded,  and  small  chil- 
dren ;  the  men  nnist  n)arch  unarmed,  eacli  accompanied  by  a 
Mormon,  to  make  the  Indians  believe  they  were  captives.  To 
this  the  emigrants  consented.  They  were  putting  themselves 
wholly  in  the  jiower  of  the  Mormons,  but  it  was  all  they  could 
do.     There  was  no  escape  without  Mormon  aid.    Even  if  the 


JOHN    D.   LKE. 


Indians  left  them,  their  stock  was  all  gone,  and  they  were  un- 
able to  move.  Perhaps  they  thought  the  Mormons  would  ho 
(•atlified  with  getting  their  property  and  would  save  their 
lives,  blaming  what  had  happened  to  the  Indians.  Perhaps 
they  did  not  suspect  the  Mormons  any  longer.  'No  one 
knows.     The  book  is  sealed  till  the  last  day.     The  wagons  are 


MOUNTAIN  MEADOWS. 


29( 


save 


driven  up ;  the  corral  is  opened  ;  tlie  guns  are  loaded  in,  also 
the  sick,  the  wounded,  and  the  smaller  children  ;  the  wagons 
drive  on.  The  women  and  older  children  follow,  on  foot. 
The  men,  part  of  whom  have  just  finished  burying  two  of 
their  numl)er,  who  had  died  of  their  wounds,  making  ten 
deatiis  at  the  spring,  come  last. 

It  is  just  after  noon,  and  the  day  is  bright  and  clear. 
Tramp,' tramp,  tramp;  they  march  down  from  the  camping- 
place.  The  men  have  reached  the  militia,  and  give  theuj 
three  hearty  cheers  as  they  take  their  places,  murderer  and 
victim,  side  by  side.  Tramp,  tramp,  tramp.  They  arc  round- 
ing the  point  of  the  ridge  which  has  served  as  a  screen  for 
the  ISIormons  and  Indians  for  the  past  week.  A  raven  flies 
over  them,  croaking.  What  called  him  there?  Docs  he 
foresee  that  he  shall  peck  at  the  eyes  of  brave  men  and  gentle 
women  who  are  looking  at  him  ?  Tramp,  tramp,  tramp. 
The  wagons  witli  the  wounded  and  the  childrc!)  are  passing 
the  hiding-place  of  the  Indians.  How  (piietly  they  lie  among 
the  gnarly  oak  bushes!  but  their  eyes  glisten,  and  their  necks 
stretch  out  to  see  how  soon  their  j)rey  will  reach  them.  The 
women  are  nearly  a  quarter  of  a  mile  behind  the  wagons,  and 
the  men  as  much  fii'ther  behind  the  women.  A  half-do^eu 
IMormon  horsemen  bring  up  the  rear.  Tramp,  tramp,  tramp. 
The  wagons  have  just  passed  out  of  sight  over  the  divide. 
The  men  are  entering  a  little  ravine.  The  women  are  oppo- 
site the  Indians.  They  have  regained  contidence,  and  several 
are  expressing  their  joy  at  escaping  from  their  savage  foes. 
See  that  man  on  the  divide!  It  is  Iligbee.  He  makes  a  mo- 
tion with  his  arms  aiul  shouts  something  which  those  nearest 
him  understand  to  be :  "  Do  your  duty."  In  an  instant  the 
militiamen  wheel,  and  each  shoots  the  man  nearest  him  ;  the 
Indians  spring  from  their  ambush  and  rush  upon  the  women  ; 
from  between  the  wagons  the  rifle  of  John  D.  Lee  cracks,  and 
a  wounded  woman  in  the  forward  wagon  falls  oflf  the  seat. 

Swiftly  .the  work  of  death  goes  on.  Lee  is  assisted  in 
shootint'  and  braining  the  wounded  bv  the  teamsters  Knicjht 
and  McMurdy,  and  as  the  latter  raises  his  rifle  to  his  shoulder 
lie  cries:  "  0  Loi'd,  my  God,  receive  their  spirits,  it  is  for  thy 
kingdom  that  I  do  this."     The  men  all  fell  at  the  first  fire 


298 


MASSACRES  OF  THE   MOUNTAINS. 


but  two  or  three,  and  these  the  liorsemen  ride  down,  knock 
over  witli  their  clubbed  guns,  and  finish  with  their  knives. 
Their  throats  are  cut,  tliat  the  atoning  blood  may  flow  freely. 
The  women  and  older  children  are  not  hurried  out  of  tlie 
world  quite  so  quickly  as  tiie  others.  Some  are  on  their 
knees  begging  for  life.  Others  run  shrieking  over  the  Mead- 
ows. They  receive  but  two  answers — the  tomahawk  crashing 
through  the  skull,  and  the  knife  plun-ging  through  the  heart. 
These  are  all  left  to  the  Indians,  for  fear  there  may  be  "  in- 
nocent blood  "  among  them,  which  no  Mormon  may  shed. 
There  is  alarm  on  this  account  alread}',  for  one  of  the  emi- 
grants had  carried  his  infant  child  in  his  arms,  and  the  bullet 
that  pierced  the  fiither's  heart  went  through  the  babe's  brain. 
It  is  decided,  however,  that  it  was  accidental  and  that  no 
criminal  w-rong  is  done.  Several  of  the  Mormons  run  to  the 
Indians,  to  see  that  they  do  their  work  properlj'.  Among 
them  is  Lee.  It  is  discovered  that  two  of  the  girls  are  miss- 
ing. Some  one  saw  them  run  to  a  ravine  fifty  yards  away. 
Lee  and  one  of  the  Cedar  City  chiefs  run  to  the  place  and 
find  there  the  Indian  boy,  Albe.t,  who  lives  with  Hamlin. 
lie  says  the  girls  came  there,  and  shows  where  they  hid  in 
the  brush.  The\'  drag  them  forth  and  brutally  ravish  them. 
This  was  the  only  act  on  that  field  that  was  not  inspired. 
Was  it  wrong,  under  the  Mormon  code  of  morality  ?  The 
question  is  too  subtle  for  me  to  answer;  certainly  it  was  not 
punished.  I-ee  next  tells  the  chief  the  girls  must  be  killed. 
The  chief  answers  :  "  No,  they  are  too  pretty  to  kill ;  let  us 
save  them  ;"  but  he  meets  a  grim  refusal.  The  unhappy  child 
that  Lee  holds,  with  the  terror  of  death  upon  her,  flings  her 
arms  round  his  neck  and  promises  to  love  him  as  long  as  he 
lives,  if  he  will  spare  her  life.  The  wolf  has  keener  fangs 
but  no  more  merciless  heart.  lie  throws  her  head  back  with 
his  arm,  and  with  one  stroke  of  his  keen  bowie-knife  severs 
her  neck  to  the  spine.  The  chief  brains  the  other  with  his 
tomahawk. 

This  finished  the  slaughter  at  the  Meadows,  but  there  re- 
mained a  little  more  to  do.  The  trail  of  the  three  scouts, 
who  went  out  on  the  night  before,  had  been  discovered,  and 
Ira  Hatch,  with  a  party  of  Indians,  was  sent  after  them.     The 


MOUNTAIN  MEADOWS. 


299 


fugitives  were  found  sleeping,  in  the  Santa  Clara  Mountains, 
and,  from  tlie  volley  fired  at  them,  two  slept  on  in  death.  The 
third  fled  with  a  bullet-hole  through  his  wrist.  He  met  two 
Mormons,  who  were  much  afflicted  over  his  sad  plight,  and 
])ersnaded  him  that  he  could  not  get  across  the  desert.  They 
induced  him  to  turn  back  with  them,  promising  to  smuggle 
him  through  Utah.  They  soon  met  Hatch's  party  and  the 
man  was  killed;  but  they  did  permit  him  to  pray  first.  The 
paper  calling  for  assistance,  which  he  carried,  was  in  Mormon 
custody  for  some  time,  and  is  said  to  have  been  destroyed  by 
John  D.  Lee.  The  man  killed  by  Hatch's  party  brings  the 
number  killed  to  one  hundred  and  twenty-one — ten  at  the 
camp,  young  Aden  at  Richards'  Springs,  one  hundred  and 
seven  on  the  Meadows,  and  the  three  messenger  scouts.  The 
main  massacre  was  oti  Friday,  September  11,  1857.  There 
has  been  some  confusion  as  to  this,  arising  from  a  failure  to 
consult  calendars.  Judge  Cradlebaugh  fixed  the  date  as  Sep- 
tember 10;  Dr.  Forney  as  "  Friday,  September  9  or  10;"  all 
the  Mormon  witnesses,  and  Lee,  in  his  confessions,  fixed  the 
day  of  the  week  as  Friday,  and  the  second  Friday  in  Septem- 
ber was  the  11th,  in  the  year  1857.  On  the  evening  of  the 
same  day  the  surviving  children,  seventeen  in  number,  rang- 
ing in  age  from  three  to  eight  years,  were  taken  to  Hamlin's, 
and  afterwards  divided  out  among  Mormon  families. 

The  property  still  remained  to  be  disposed  of.  A  part  of 
it  was  given  to  the  Indians,  and  for  this,  Lee  as  Indian  agent, 
in  his  report  of  November  20, 1857,  charged  the  government 
over  fifteen  hundred  dollars.  The  bodies  of  the  dead  were 
searched  by  Iligbee  and  Klingensmith,  the  Bishop  of  Cedar 
City,  and  the  money  found  is  supposed  to  have  been  kept  by 
them.  The  remaining  property  was  put  in  Klingensmith's 
custody  temporarily,  and  afterwards,  on  instructions  from 
Brigham  Young,  was  turned  over  to  Lee  and  sold  by  him  for 
the  benefit  of  the  Church.  The  bodies  were  stripped  entirely 
naked,  and  fingers  and  ears  were  mutilated  in  tearing  from 
them  the  jewelry,  to  them  no  longer  valuable.  The  bloody 
clothing  and  the  bedding  on  which  the  wounded  had  lain  were 
piled  in  the  back  room  of  the  ti thing-office  at  Cedar  City  for 
some  weeks,  and   when   Judge   Cradlebaugh   examined    the 


300 


MASSACRES  OF   TlIK  MOUNTAINS. 


room,  eighteen  niontlis  later,  it  still  stank  of  them.  These 
goods  were  oommonly  known  as  "  property  taken  at  the  siege 
of  Sevastopol."  Carriages  and  wagons  of  the  emigrants  were 
in  nse  long  afterwards,  and  some  of  the  jewelry  is  said  to  be 
worn  yet  in  Utah,  The  value  of  all  the  property  taken,  as 
nearly  as  it  can  be  ascertained,  was  over  $70,0(iO,  People 
in  Arkansas  who  saw  the  organization  of  the  train  estimated 
its  value  at  !?  100,000. 

It  was  for  many  years  a  hotly  debated  qnestif)n  whether 
Bri<irham  Youn<;  was  connected  with  this  crime  or  not.  To 
those  who  were  familiar  with  the  subordination  of  the  Mor- 
mon Ciiurch,  its  system  of  espionage,  its  compulsory  confes- 
sional, its  obedience  to  "  counsel,"  and  its  prompt  punishment 
of  everything  contrary  to  the  will  of  those  in  authority,  his 
guilt  was  a  matter  of  course.  But  many  did  not  believe  it. 
In  1875  he  published  a  deposition  in  which  he  acknowledged 
himself  accessory  after  the  fact,  saying  that,  within  two  or 
three  months  after  the  affair,  Lee  began  giving  him  an  ac- 
count of  it.  and, says  the  deposition,  "I  told  him  to  stop, as, 
from  what  I  had  already  heard  by  rumor,  I  did  not  wisii  my 
feelinsjs  harrowed  up  bv  a  recital  of  detail."  Lee  and  Kliti- 
gensnuth  say  they  reported  it  fully  to  him,  and  Hamlin  says 
he  did  also.  To  Lee,  by  his  account.  Young  professed  to  be 
much  shocked  by  the  killing  ot  the  women  and  childrei;,  but, 
after  considering  it  over-night,  ho  said :  "  1  hav'c  made  that 
matter  a  subject  of  prayer.  I  went  right  to  God  with  it,  and 
asked  him  to  take  the  horrid  .ision  from  my  sight,  if  it  were 
a  righteous  thing  that  my  people  had  done  in  killing  those 
people  at  the  Mountain  Meadows.  God  answered  me,  and  at 
once  the  vision  was  removed.  I  have  evidence  from  God 
that  he  has  overruled  it  all  for  good,  and  the  action  was  a 
righteous  one  and  well  intended.  The  brethren  acted  from 
pure  motives.  The  only  trouble  is  that  they  acted  a  little 
prematurely  ;  they  were  a  little  ahead  of  time.  I  sustain  you 
and  all  of  the  brethren  for  what  they  did.  All  that  I  fear  is 
treachery  on  the  part  of  some  one  who  took  a  part  with  you, 
but  we  will  look  to  that."  There  is  testimony  also  that  he 
was  accessory  before  the  fact,  and  his  proclamation,  that  "No 
person  shall  be  allowed  to  pass  or  repass,  into  or  through  or 


MOUNTAIN  MEADOWS. 


301 


from  this  territory  without  a  permit  from  the  proper  officer," 
surely  indicates  that  lie  was  in  an  a<»gressivo  mood  at  the  time. 
But  this  is  now  immaterial.  lie  has  passed  beyond  human 
punishment,  and  his  moral  j^uilt  is  sufficiently  established  out 
of  his  own  mouth.  On  occasions  of  self-gratulation  he  some- 
times exposed  his  methods.  On  August  12, 1800,  he  said,  in 
the  Tabernacle :  "  All  the  army,  with  its  teamsters,  hangers-on, 
and  followers,  with  the  judges  and  nearly  all  the  rest  of  the 
civil  officers,  amounting  to  some  seventeen  thousand  men, 
have  been  searching  diligently  for  three  years  to  bring  one 
act  to  light  that  would  criminate  me ;  but  they  have  not  been 
able  to  trace  out  one  thread  or  one  particle  of  evidence  that 
would  criminate  me;  do  you  know  why?  Because  I  walk 
humbly  with  my  God,  and  do  right  so  far  as  I  know  how.  I 
do  no  evil  to  any  one;  and  as  long  as  I  can  have  faith  in  the 
name  of  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  to  hinderthe  wolves  from  tear- 
ing the  sheep  and  devouring  them,  without  putting  forth  my 
hand,  I  shall  do  so.  I  can  say  honestly  and  truly,  before  God 
and  the  holy  angels  and  all  men,  that  not  one  act  of  murder  or 
disorder  has  occurred  in  this  city  or  territory  that  I  had  any 
knowledge  of,  any  more  than  a  babe  a  week  old,  until  after  the 
event  had  transpired ;  that  is  the  reason  they  cannot  trace  any 
crime  to  me.  If  I  have  faith  enough  to  cause  the  devils  to  eat 
up  the  devils,  like  the  Kilkenny  cats,  I  shall  certainly  exercise  it. 
Joseph  Smith  said  that  they  would  eat  each  other  up  as  did 
those  cats.  They  will  do  so  here  and  throughout  the  world. 
The  nations  will  consume  each  other  and  the  Lord  will  suffer 
them  to  bring  it  about.  It  does  not  require  much  talent  or 
tact  to  get  up  opposition  in  these  days;  you  see  it  rife  in 
communities,  in  meetings,  in  neighborhoods,  and  in  cities; 
that  is  the  knife  that  will  cut  down  this  government.  The 
axe  is  laid  at  the  root  of  the  tree,  and  every  tree  that  bring- 
eth  not  forth  good  fruit  will  be  hewn  down." 

Ilis  guilt  is  most  fully  sho'.vn  in  the  subsequent  course  of 
himself  and  the  Mormon  Church.  It  was  unquestionably  the 
intention  of  the  Mormon  Church  to  keep  the  participation  of 
white  men  in  the  massacre  a  secret,  and  lay  the  blame  on  the 
Indians.  On  January  6, 1858,  after  he  was  acquainted  with 
the  general  facts,  according  to  his  deposition,  Brigham  Young 


302 


MASSACRES  OF  THE   MOUNTAINS. 


reported  to  Coinniissloiicr  Denver:  "On  or  about  the  mid- 
dle of  last  September  a  couipany  of  emigrants,  travelling  the 
pontliern  route  to  Californi;i,  poisoned  the  moat  of  an  ox  that 
died,  and  gave  it  to  the  Indians  to  eat,  causing  the  immediate 
death  of  four  of  their  tribe,  and  poisoning  several  others. 
This  company  also  poisoned  the  water  where  they  were  en- 
camped.    This  occurred  at  Corn  Creek,  fifteen  miles  south  of 
Fillmore  ('ity.      This  conduct  so  enr.iged  the  Indians   that 
they  immediately  took  measures  for  revenge.     I  quote  from 
a  letter  written  to  me  by  John  I).  Lee,  farmer  to  the  Indians 
in  Iron  and  Washington  counties.     '  About  the  2'2d  of  Sep- 
tember, Captain  Fancher  and  company  foil  victims  to  the  In- 
dians' wrath  near  Mountain  Meadows.    Their  cattle  and  horses 
were  shot  down  in  evory  direction  ;  their  wagons  and  ]irop- 
erty  mostly  committed  to  the  tlaines.'     Lamentable  as  this 
case  truly  is,  it  is  oidy  the  natural  consequence  of  that  fatal 
policy  which  treats  the  Indians  like  the  wolves,  or  other  fe- 
rocious beasts."     This  plan  was,  perhaps,  as  ingenious  as  any 
that  could  have  been  adopted,  but  there  is  no  possibility  of 
keeping  such  a  crime  secret.     A  murder  by  a  single  hand, 
under  carefully  planned  circumstances,  seldom  fails  to  come 
to  light,  b»it  with  a  crime  of  this  magnitude  the  exposure  of 
the  truth  is  only  a  question  of  time,  and  a  short  time  at  that. 
On  October  2, 1857,  eleven  men,  partly  Mormons,who  were 
secretly  escaping  from  Utah,  passed  through  Mountaiii  Mead- 
ows and  saw  the  fruits  of  divine  guidance.     One  of  them  af- 
wards  described  it,  on  the  witness-stand,  thnn:    "Saw  two 
piles  of  bodies,  one  composed  of  women  atul  ■•hildren,  the 
other  of  men;  the  bodies  were  entirely  nude,  ;Mid  seemed  to 
have  been  thrown  promiscuously  togethei  ;  t/.ey  appeared  to 
have  been  massacred.     Should  judge  there  were  sixty  or  sev- 
enty bodies  of  women  and  children  ;  saw  one  man  in  that 
pile ;  the  children  were  aged  from  one  and  two  months  up  to 
twelve  years;    the  small  children   were  most  destroyed  by 
wolves   and   crows ;    the   throats  of  some  were  cut,  others 
stabbed  with  knives;  some  had  balls  through  them.     AH  the 
bodies  were  more  or  loss  torn  to  pieces,  except  one,  the  body 
of  a  woman,  which  lay  apart,  a  little  southwest  of  the  pile. 
This  showed  no  signs  of  decay,  and  had  not  been  touched  by 


MOUNTAIN   MEADOWS. 


305 


the  wild  animals.  The  countenance  was  placid  and  seemed 
to  be  in  sleep.  The  work  was  not  freshly  done — supposed 
the  bodies  had  been  here  fifteen  or  sixteen  days."  These 
men  went  on  to  California  and  told  their  story.  A  mect- 
injj  of  citizens  at  Los  Angeles  examined  the  testimony,  de- 
cided that  the  Mormons  had  committed  «^^he  crime,  and  called 
on  the  i'resident  for  })roteetion.  The  report  flew  on  wings 
of  the  wind  to  every  part  of  the  country,  which  was  already 
excited  over  the  resistance  offered  to  the  army.  How  secret 
the  brethren  in  Utah  kept  it!  On  December  31,  fifteen  brief 
weeks  after  it  occurred,  William  C.  Mitchell,  of  Dubiique, 
Arkansas,  wrote  to  Senator  Sebastian  of  that  state:  "'Two 
of  my  sons  were  in  the  train  that  was  massacred,  on  their 
way  to  California,  three  hundred  miles  beyond  Salt  Lake 
City,  by  the  Lidians  and  Mormons.  There  were  one  hun- 
dred and  eighteen  unmercifully  butchered ;  the  women  and 
children  were  all  killed  with  the  exception  of  fifteen  infants. 
One  of  my  sons,  Charles,  was  married  and  had  one  son, 
whicli  I  expect  was  saved,  and  at  il.'«  time  is  at  San  l»ernar- 
dino,  I  believe  in  the  limits  of  California,  I  could  designate 
my  grandson  if  I  could  see  him.  .  .  .  Four  regiments,  together 
with  what  regulars  can  be  spared,  is  too  small  a  force  to  whip 
the  Mormons  and  Indians,  for  rest  assured  that  all  the  wild 
tribes  will  fight  for  Brigham  Young.  I  am  anxious  to  be  in 
the  crowd — I  feel  that  1  must  have  satisfaction  for  the  inhu- 
man manner  in  which  they  have  slain  my  children,  together 
with  two  brothers-in-law  and  sevenleen  of  their  c'lildren." 

The  people  of  the  neighborhoods  whence  the  emigrants 
went  were  satisfied  with  the  evid(jK;e  they  had.  The  press 
announced  the  organization  of  volunteer  companies  in  a 
dozen  counties  of  Missouri  and  Arkansas.  The  government, 
however,  did  not  decide  so  quickly.  Many  wild  reports  con- 
corning  the  situation  in  Utah.  I;ii<i  been  eunent — reports  of 
battles  in  which  seven  or  eight  hundred  o'l  a  side  had  been 
killed — of  the  army  being  captured  and  the  officers  hung — 
and  possil  ;  .lis  was  only  a  canard  too.  It  was  de(;ided  to 
investigate  first,  and  Dr.  Fornoj ,  SuiKiriiitend  'ut  of  Utah,  was 
instructed  to  look  into  the  Piatter.  The  Western  men  dil  not 
let  the  case  drop,  however.     On  March  IS,  1858,  ]\Ir.  Gwin, 


300 


MASSACRES   OF  THE   MOUNTAINS. 


of  California,  introduced  a  resolution  of  inqnir}'  in  the  Senate, 
asking  what  steps  had  been  taken  to  punish  the  murderers  of 
the  one  hundred  and  eighteen  emigrants.     He  said  he  knew 
tlie  Indians  were  gwilty,  and  it  had  been  charged,  and  was  be- 
lieved, that  the  Mormons  were,  but  at  any  rate  the  guilty 
should  be  punished.     On  June  22, 185S,  Dr.  Forney  reported  : 
"It  aifords  me  great  pleasure  to  inform  you,  and  the  friends 
of  the  cliildren  in  question  through  you,  tiiat  I  learned  to-day 
\yhere  the  cliildren  are.     In  my  inquiries  about  the  chihlreii 
I  met  a  gentleman  who  lives  at  or  near  where  the  massacre  took 
place.     This   gentleman,  Mr.  Haiulin,  has  one  of  the  chil- 
dren, and  informs  me  that  all  the  children  (fifteen)  in  question 
are  in   his  immediate  neighborhood   in  the  care  of  whites. 
These  unfortunate  children  were  for  some  days  among  In- 
dians; with  cotisiderable  effort  they  were  all  recovered,  bought 
and  otherwise,  from  the  Indians."     Forr\ey  was  as  impartial 
a  man  as  the  Mormons  could  have  asked  for — in  fact,  he  was 
prejudiced  in  their  favor.      lie  evidently  believed  Hamlin, 
of  whom  more  anon,  but,  as  he  went  south  and  gathered  facts, 
here  and  there,  the  truth  gradually  forced  itself  upon  him, 
and  on  May  1,  1859,  when  he  had  recovered  sixteen  of  the 
children,  he   wrote:    "Four   of    the  oldest  of  the  children 
know,  wrriiorr  nonir  know,  enough  of  the  material  facts  of 
the  ^[ountain  Meadow  affair,  to  relieve  the  world  of  the  white 
hell-hounds  wlio  have  disgraced  humanity  by  being  mainly 
instrumental  in  the  murdering  oi"  at  least  one  hundred  and 
fifteen  men,  women,  and  children,  under  circumstances  and 
manner  without  a  parallel  in  human  history  for  atrocity,'' 

Dr.  T'orney  had  cause  to  change  his  mind,  outside  of  the 
evidence  of  the  children.  lie  went  first  among  the  Pah-Vant 
Indians  under  chief  Kaiiosh,  at  Corn  Creek — the  Indians  who 
had  been  poisoned  by  the  emigrants  and  taken  vengeance  <»ii 
them.  He  foutul  that  none  of  them  had  been  poisoned  by  the 
waters  of  the  spring;  that  the  spring  ran  so  strong  that  a  bar- 
rel of  arsenic  would  not  have  poisoned  it;  that  an  ox  belong- 
ing to  Dr.  Hay,  a  ]\[ormon  living  at  Fillmore  City,  had  died 
about  the  time  the  emigrants  were  camped  at  Corn  Creek,  from 
o:uing  a  poisonous  weed — a  not  unusual  occurrence — and  some 
Indians  who  ate  of  the  o.\  were  poisoned,  but  they  luid  matlo 


MOUNTAIN   MEADOWS. 


3U7 


KANOSII. 


no  compliiiiits  of 
tlie  emigrants,  and 
had  no  trouble  of 
any  kind  with  them; 
that  none  of  tlie 
Pah-Vants  were 
at  the  Mountain 
Mor^dow  masf.acre ; 
that  tlie  conduct  of 
the  emigrants  all 
flivough  Utah  had 
'j"ji:-  most  exem- 
]•'.._)' ;  that  none  of 
he  children  had 
been  with  the  In- 
dians for  an  hour. 
And  yet,  as  if  de- 
sirous of  adding  a 
little  more  to  the 
awf n  1  infamy  of 
this  affair,  all  the  Mormons  who  had  had  custody  of  these 
children  put  in  claims  for  the  purchase-money  expended  in 
l)uying  them  from  the  Indians,  as  well  as  for  their  mainte- 
nance, the  total  claimed  amounting  to  over  S7000.  Of  this 
amount  Forni'y  paid  ^2901.77  for  what  he  considered  proper 
charges,  lud  n  oorted  as  to  the  rest  that  he  "cannot  conde- 
i^cend  fo  !c».oniothe  medium  of  even  transmitting  such  claims 
to  the  Jop  ir';ni.jnt,." 

Til  (I;"  s;  •ill,"'  of  1S59  a  company  of  dragoons  and  two 
companies  ol  I'lhmtry,  under  Captain  K.  P.  Campbell,  passed 
tl'.rongh  the  Meadows  and  buried  the  remains.  Theirs  was 
the  last  view  of  the  Lord's  work.  Dr.  Charles  Prewcr,  in 
charge  of  the  burying-party,  reported  :  "  At  the  scene  of  the 
tlrst  attack,  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  our  present  camp, 
niarke<l  by  a  small  defensive  trench  made  l)y  the  emigrants, 
a  n\!''  er  of  human  skulls,  and  bones  and  hair,  were  found 
sca!i  •:  i  ;^bout,  bearing  the  appearance  of  never  having  been 
buric'i;  .;  remnants  of  bedding  and  wearing  apparel.  On  ex- 
amining the  trenches,  which  appear  to  have  been  within  the 

20 


308 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


corral,  and  within  which  it  was  supposed  some  written  account 
of  the  massacre  might  have  been  concealed,  some  few  human 
bones,  human  hair,  and  what  seemed  to  be  the  feathers 
of  bedding,  only  were  discerned.  Proceeding  2500  yards 
in  a  direction  Is.  15°  W.,  I  reached  a  ravine  fifty  yards 
distant  from  the  road,  bordered  by  a  few  bushes  of  scrub 
oak,  in  which  1  found  portions  of  the  skeletons  of  many 
bodies — skulls,  bones,  and  matted  hair — most  of  which,  on 
examination,  I  conclm;  a  t^'  be  those  of  men.  350  yards 
farther  on,  and  in  the  .,£  irection,  another  assembly  of 

Iniman   remains  were  fouii         hich,  by  all  appearance,  had 
been  left  to  decay  iipon  the  surface — skulls  and  bones,  most 
of  which  1  believed  to  be  those  of  women,  some  also  of  chil- 
dren, probably  ranging  from  six  to  twelve  years  of  age.   Here, 
too,  were  found  masses  of  women's  hair,  children's  bonnets, 
such  as  are  generally  used  upon  the  plains,  and  pieces  of  lace, 
muslin,  calicoes,  and  other  material,  part  of  women's  and  chil- 
dren's apparel.    I  have  buried  thirteen  skulls,  and  many  more 
scattered  fragments.     Some  of  the  remains  above  referred  to 
were  found  upon  the  surface  of  the  ground,  with  a  little  earth 
partially  covering  them,  and,  at  the  place  where  the  men  were 
massacred,  some  lightly  buried,  but  the  majority  were  scattered 
about  upon  the  plain.     Many  of  the  skulls  bore  marks  of  vio- 
lence, being  ])ierced  with  bullet-holes,  or  shattered  by  heavy 
blows,  or  cleft  with  some  sharp-edged  instrument.     Tiie  bones 
were  bleached  and  worn  by  long  exposure  to  the  elements,  and 
bore  the  impress  of  the  teeth  of  wolves  or  other  wild  animals. 
The  skulls  found  upon  the  ground  near  the  spring,  or  position 
of  tliefir.'^t  attack,  and  adjoining  our  camp,  wore  eight  in  num- 
ber.    These,  with  the  other  remains  there  found,  were  buried, 
under  my  supervision,  at  the  base  of  tiie  hill,  upon  the  hill- 
side of  the  valley.    At  the  rate  of  2500  yards  distant  from  the 
spring,  the  relative  position  and  general  appearance  of  the  re- 
mains seemed  to  indicate  that  the  men  were  thevo  taken  by 
surprise  and  massacred.     Some  of  the  skulls  showed  that  fire- 
arms had  been  discharged  close  to  the  head.     I  have  buried 
eighteen  skulls  and  parts  of  many  more  skeletons,  found  scat- 
tered over  the  space  of  a  mile  towards  the  lines,  in  which  di- 
rection they  were,  no  doubt,  dragged  by  the  wolves.    No 


MOUNTAIN  MEADOWS. 


309 


names  were  found  upon  any  article  of  apparel,  or  any  peculi- 
arity in  the  remains,  with  the  exception  of  one  bono,  the  up- 
per jaw,  in  which  the  teeth  were  very  closely  crowded,  and 
which  contained  one  front  tooth  more  than  is  generally  found. 
Under  my  direction,  the  above-mentioned  remains  were  all 
properly  buried,  the  respective  localities  being  marked  with 
mounds  of  stone."  Major  (since  General)  Carleton  afterwards 
erected  a  monument  in  the  Meadows,  of  a  large  pile  of  rocks 
surmounted  by  a  rude  wooden  cross,  between  twelve  and  fif- 
teen feet  in  height,  bearing  the  inscription:  "Vengeance  is 
mine ;  I  will  repay,  saith  the  Lord."  On  one  of  the  stones  he 
caused  to  be  engraved  :  "  Here  lie  the  bodies  of  one  hundred 
and  twenty  men,  women,  and  children,  from  Arkansas,  mur- 
dered on  the  11th  day  of  September,  1857."  It  is  said  that 
the  cross  and  the  inscribed  stone  mysteriously  Gisappeared 
the  first  time  Brigham  Young  came  into  the  southern  settle- 
ments. 

On  June  29,  seventeen  of  the  children  having  been  recov- 
ered, fifteen  of  them  were  sent  East, overland,  in  spriiig-wagcne, 
escorted  by  soldiers.  Every  possible  provision  was  made  for 
their  comfort,  and  four  women  were  sent  with  them  to  attend 
to  their  wants.  Two  boys  about  seven  years  of  age,  John  C. 
Miller,  known  to  the  Mormons  as  John  Calvin  Sorel,  and 
Milum  Tackett,  who  was  known  to  the  Mormons  as  Ambrose 
Miram  Taggit,  were  retained  as  witnesses.  Those  returned 
were  Mary  Miller,  called  by  the  Mormons  Mary  Sorol;  William 
Tackett,  known  to  the  Mormons  as  William  Taggit ;  Prudence 
Angeline  Dunlap  and  Georgiana  Dunlap,  known  to  the  Mor- 
mons as  Angeline  Huff  and  Annie  Huff;  Sophronia  Jones, 
called  by  the  Mormons  Sophronia  Huff;  T.  M.  Jones,  called 
by  the  Mormons  Ephraim  W.  Huff;  Kit  Carson  Fancher,  called 
(!liarley  I'\mcher  by  the  Mormons;  his  cousin  Tryphena  Fan- 
cher, called  Annie  Fancher  by  the  Mormons,  and  supposed  by 
them  to  be  (Charley's  sister ;  Eetsy  Haker,  Sarah  Jane  Baker, 
William  Baker,  Rebecca  Dunlap,  Louisa  Dunlap,  Sarah  Dun- 
lap, and  Joseph  Miller,  called  by  the  Mormons  San)uel  Dun- 
lap. They  were  met  at  Fort  Leavenworth  by  Mr.  Mitchell, 
whose  great  bereavement  by  this  horrible  affair  has  been  mcn- 
tiuned.     His  little  grandchild  was  not  among  the  saved,  as  he 


310 


MASSACRES    OF  THE   MOUNTAINS. 


had  hoped.     Witli  heart  bowed  down  by  tlie  completeness  of 
his  loss,  he  bore  the  little  ones  tenderly  on  to  Carrollton  and 
gave  thein  into  the  arms  of  their  friends.     It  was  a  sad  day 
in  the  little  county-seat.    Nearly  every  one  had  lost  some  rela- 
tive in  the  massacre,  and   bitter  tears  were  accompanied  by 
bitter  curses  on  the  murderers.     The  two  boys  kept  as  wit- 
nesses were  afterwards  taken    to  Washini^ton,  and  then  re- 
turned to  their  homes.     In  addition  to  these  children,  two 
others  were  made  or])hans  at  the  Mountain  Meadows,  although 
they  were  not  there ;  they  were  Alfred  Rush  aTid  his  sister 
Martha — now  Mrs.  Campbell — who  live  at  present  in  Texas, 
The  misfortunes  of  th^'se  children  did  not  end  witli  their  re- 
turn.    In  attempting  to  justify  themselves  the  Mormons  have 
forged  inost  shamefr^  lies  about  tliom,  and  have  so  often  re- 
peated them  that  they  have  obtained  credence  with  outsiders. 
It  was  told,  and  currently  believed  in  Utah,  that  Idaho  Bill,  a 
noted  desperado  who  served  a  long  term  in  the  Utah  peni- 
tentiary for  horse-stealing,  was  Charley  Fancher,  and  yet  it  can 
be  proven  by  a  large  number  of  witnesses,  whose  characters 
are  above  reproach,  that  this  boy  was  raised  by  his  uncle,  H. 
B.  Fancher,  in  Carroll  County,  Arkansas,  and  died  at  his  house 
some  years  ago.    It  was  told  that  the  children  were  sent  to  the 
poor-house  in  St.  Louis.     There  w-as  just  one  of  them  that 
went  to  St.  Louis,  but  not  to  the  poor-house.     Sarah  Dunlap, 
blind  from  her  birth,  and  with  one  arm  shattered  and  crippled 
for  life  by  a  Mormon  rifle-ball,  went  to  the  Institute  for  the 
Blind  in  that  city.     They  were  all  raised  by  their  relatives 
and  friends,  and  most  of  them  still  live  in  the  neighborhood 
of  their  former  homes.     William  Baker,  Betsy  Baker,  now 
Mrs.  Terry,  and  Sarah  Baker,  now  Mrs.  Gladden,  live  at  Har- 
rison, Arkansas ;   Kebecca   Dunlap,  now  Mrs.  Evans,  is  at 
Hampton,  Arkansas;  Louisa  Dunlap,  now  Mrs.  Lynton,  is  at 
Scottsville,  Arkansas;  her  sister  Sarah  lives  with  lier.    Samuel 
Dunlap  is  at  Lead  Hill,  Arkansas.     Tryphena  Fancher  is  the 
wife  of  J.  C.  Wilson,  of  Rule,  Arkansas.     The  Huff  children 
live  in  Eastern  Tennessee.     William   Tackett  is  at  Proteni, 
Missouri ;  Milum  Tackett  lived  for  some  years  in  Texas,  but 
is  now  in  Arizona. 

There  is  nothing  in  the  character  of  any  of  them  that  any 


MOUNTAIN  MEADOWS. 


^1 


one  need  apologize  for,  and  if  tliere  were,  the  Mormons  should 
be  the  last  ones  to  upbraid  them  for  it.  Wiiatever  any  of 
them  may  lack  of  tiie  comforts  or  the  accomplishments  of  life 
is  due  to  the  Saints.  They  have  the  money,  the  cattle,  the 
jewelry,  and  the  other  property  that  should  have  gone  for  the 
education  and  maintenance  of  these  orphans.  Is  it  not  enough 
that  they  should  have  been  made  to  eat  the  bread  of  charity, 
and  to  make  their  own  ways  over  the  rugged  paths  of  strug- 
gling poverty,  without  being  weighted  down  with  slander? 
There  is  something,  too,  most  strangely  inconsistent  in  the 
fact  that  while  the  whole  country  has  raved  about  the  murder 
done  at  the  Mountain  Meadows,  and  clamored  for  the  punish- 
ment of  the  criminals,  nothing  lias  been  done  for  the  relief  of 
the  unhajipy  survivors,  whose  property,  as  well  as  protectors, 
was  swept  away  on  that  bloody  day.  It  is  true  that  Congress 
passed  a  law  donating  320  acres  of  land  to  each  of  them,  but 
any  citizen  can  have  tiiat  for  little  more  than  the  taking,  and 
besides,  as  one  of  them  writes  to  me,  "Public  lands  in  this 
country  (Arkansas)  are  almost  worthless,  and  but  few  of  them 
are  able  to  emigrate."  Congress  ought  to  make  the  Mormon 
Church  disgorge  the  $70,000,  or  more,  that  it  took  from  these 
people,  with  usury,  and  if  it  be  not  able  to  do  so,  it  ought  to 
make  good  the  loss  from  the  public  treasury.  It  is  notorious 
that  the  Church  received  the  greater  part  of  the  proceeds  of 
that  butchery.  It  has  been  proven  by  the  testimony  of  Mor- 
mon witnesses.  It  was  done  at  a  time  when  the  Mormon 
Church  was  in  armed  resistance  to  the  government.  It  was 
done  when  the  government  was  not  enforcing  its  laws  in  that 
])ortion  of  its  territory.  Tiie  wronged  people  are  unable  to 
obtain  redress  I)y  any  authorized  means.  They  are  poor;  and 
it  would  take  fortunes  to  prosecute  their  claim.  AVliy  should 
the  Mormon  Church  be  allowed  to  retain  the  plunder,  while  its 
victiuis  still  live  in  poverty  ?  If  it  is  permitted  so  to  do,  the 
government  should  make  them  whole.  If  the  "Gentiles"  of 
Utah  wish  to  make  an  issue  on  which  they  will  have  the  sym- 
pathy of  tiie  whole  American  people,  let  them  demand  tiie 
righting  of  this  wrong.  It  is  a  far  more  urgent  cause  than 
preventing  the  Mormons  from  hatiging  a  flag  at  half-mast  on 
the  Fourth  of  July.    Ay!  it  is  far  more  worthy  of  attention 


812 


MASSACRES   OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


thaii  prohibiting  a  half-dozen  female  cranks  from  living  with 
a  male  fanatic,  that  the  Mormon  Church  should  give  back  to 
the  rightful  heirs  the  property  that  it  took  with  bloody  hands, 
on  September  11,  1857. 

At  the  same  time  that  Forney  was  pursuing  his  inquiries, 
Judge  John  Cradlebaugh,  one  of  the  associate  justices  of  the 
Supreme  Court  of  Utah,  came  south  to  hold  court  there,  and 
to  aid  in  investigating  the  massacre.  lie  was  accompanied 
by  Brigham  Young,  who  was  "extending  every  assistance  in 
ferreting  out  the  perpetrators  of  the  crime."  John  D.  Lee 
says  that  while  on  this  trip  Young  said  to  a  congregation  of 
the  faithful,  at  Cedar  City :  "  I  am  told  that  there  are  many 
of  the  brethren  who  are  willing  to  swear  against  the  brethren 
who  were  engaged  in  that  aflfair.  I  hope  there  is  no  truth  in 
this  report.  I  hope  there  is  no  such  person  here  under  the 
sound  of  my  voice.  But  if  there  is  I  will  tell  you  my  opin- 
ion of  you,  and  the  fact  so  far  as  your  fate  is  concerned. 
Unless  you  repent  at  otice  of  that  unholy  intention,  and  keep 
the  secret  of  all  that  you  know,  you  will  die  a  dog's  death, 
and  be  damned,  and  go  to  hell.  I  do  not  want  to  hear  of  any 
more  treachery  among  my  people."  Inasmuch  as  Young  ad- 
mits in  his  deposition  that  he  was  fatniliar  with  the  facts  of 
the  affair  long  before  this ;  inasmuch  as  apostates  from  that 
section  corroborate  Lee's  statement ;  inasmuch  as  no  one  was 
brought  to  justice  at  the  time,  we  may  fairly  believe  this 
statement  to  be  true.  There  was  evidence  obtained,  neverthe- 
less, and  apostates  in  the  South  promised  that,  if  Judge  Cra- 
dlebaugh would  hold  court  with  enough  troops  at  hand  to 
protect  the  witnesses  and  the  court,  they  would  insure  the 
conviction  of  nearly  all  the  guilty  parties.  Warrants  were  is- 
sued for  thirty-eight  of  the  assassins,  but  just  then  another 
complication  occurred.  A  great  outcry  had  been  raised  be- 
cause troops  had  been  stationed  near  the  court  in  Prove,  dur- 
ing some  recent  Danite  trials,  and  General  Johnston  received 
instructions  that  the  troops  must  be  used  only  as  Vipossa  comi- 
tatus,  on  due  call  of  the  executive  department.  He  notified 
Judge  Cradlebaugh  of  this  fact,  and  the  judge,  having  had 
experience  in  holding  a  court  of  justice  in  a  Mormon  commu- 
nity, without  protection,  very  sensibly  dropped  the  Mountain 


MOUNTAIN  MEADOWS. 


313 


Meadows  investigation  for  the  time.  Indeed,  it  was  a  matter 
of  necessit}',  for  no  witness  would  liave  dared  to  testify  with- 
out protection. 

Investigation  was  smothered  temporarily,  but  the  affair 
was  too  horrible  for  any  ban  of  Church  or  State  to  keep  it 
down,  especially  among  such  a  people  as  the  Mormons;  for 
from  their  intense  superstitions  it  is  but  a  step  to  others,  aTid 
they  are  believers,  with  scarcely  an  exception,  in  spirits,  gob- 
lins, ghosts,  visions,  trances,  and  other  supernatural  phenom- 
ena. It  is  admitted,  by  the  most  bitter  anti-Mormons,  that  a 
thrill  of  horror  was  felt  by  many  Mormons,  especially  in  the 
northern  settlements,  as  the  truth  concerning  the  Fancher 
train  was  gradually  revealed  in  m^'sterious  whispers ;  but  that 
was  little  to  the  feelings  of  those  in  Southern  Utah  from 
whose  consciences  the  impressions  of  the  teachings  of  earlier 
and  better  days  had  not  been  wholly  effaced.  The  war  feel- 
ing quieted  down,  and  they  realized  that  the  day  of  the  Lord 
had  not  yet  come.  They  saw  their  leader  openly  pretending 
friendship  with  the  officers  of  justir-e,  who  were  searching, 
not  for  [xi'iests  of  the  atoning  blood,  for  murderers.  They 
saw  men  of  their  neighborhoods  riding  away  on  midnight  ex- 
peditions, and  heard  reports  of  other  murders  that  appeared 
more  like  the  deeds  of  pirates  than  of  priests.  They  heard 
of  the  attack  on  Shepherd's  train,  in  Iledspeth's  cut-off,  where 
a  child  of  eisjliteen  months  was  wantonly  tossed  on  the  rocks 
and  its  limbs  broken,  three  of  the  attacking  party  being  recog- 
nized as  painted  whites.  They  heard  of  Lieutenant  Gay's 
pa.'ty,  intentionally  led  into  an  ambuscade  by  a  Mormon  guide. 
They  heard  of  a  white  woman  of  one  train,  ravished  by  five 
men,  and  then  shot,  who  lived  long  enough  to  tell  the  next 
party  that  her  assailants  were  all  painted  whites.  They  heard 
of  the  attack  on  Miltimore's  train,  in  Lander's  cut-off,  where 
five  were  killed,  three  carried  or  driven  off  so  that  they  were 
never  found,  and  one  child  of  five  years  was  left  with  its  legs 
and  ears  cut  off,  scalped,  and  its  eyes  gouged  out,  and  that 
these  Indians,  by  the  affidavits  of  those  who  escaped,  all  spoke 
good  English — that  some  had  light  hair  and  several  had  beards. 
Was  the  .atoning  blood  always  to  flow  ?  Was  there  to  be  no 
end  of  sacrifices  ?     It  was  not  strange  that  the  Mormons  came 


su 


MASSACUES   OF   THE   MOUNTALNS. 


to  believe  the  Meadows  were  haunted.  It  was  not  strange 
tliat  men  told  in  low  tones  how  the  spirits  of  the  dead  met 
nightly  at  the  old  camp  and  re-enacted  the  bloody  tragedy.  It 
was  not  strange  that  the  lives  of  those  who  neither  dared  to 
speak  while  living,  nor  to  die  without  speaking,  became  hide- 
ous nightmares.  It  was  not  strange  tliat  a  lad  of  Beaver 
drank  deej)ly  of  rum,  without  staggering,  and  horrified  his 
acquaintances  with  recitals  of  the  visions  that  he  saw.  It 
was  not  strange  that  young  Spencer,  the  school-teacher  at  St. 
George,  wasted  to  a  skeleton,  and,  after  writing  piteously  to 
his  bishop  and  to  Drigham  Voung  for  some  assurance  that 
could  drive  away  the  terrors  that  haunted  him,  died  in  grew- 
some  tortures  of  remorse.  It  was  not  strange  that,  from  time 
to  time,  as  opportunity  offered,  Mormons  escaped  from  the 
territory,  apostatized,  and  relieved  their  guilt-laden  souls  by 
confession.  Dut  it  was  stranije  that  the  Mountain  Meadows, 
whose  verdant  hea^i  had  induced  its  name,  became  barren 
and  sterile,  and  to  this  day  remains  the  abode  of  desohition. 

And  what  did  the  Mormons  all  tliis  time?  They  bent 
every  power  to  show  that  the  massacre  was  the  deed  of  In- 
dians who  had  been  incensed  by  outrageous  conduct  of  the 
emigrants.  They  slandered  the  victims  iii  the  most  vindic- 
tive manner.  They  said  the  relatives  of  the  surviving  chil- 
dren-refused to  receive  them,  saying  that  "they  were  the 
children  of  thieves,  outlaws,  and  murderers,  and  they  would 
not  take  them,  they  did  not  want  anything  to  do  with  them, 
and  would  not  have  them  around  their  houses,"  and  that  in 
conse([uence  the  children  were  sent  to  "  the  poor-house  in 
St.  Louis."  There  was  not  a  Mormon  of  any  prominence  who 
did  not  know  the  truth  about  the  massacre,  and  not  one  who 
did  not  take  part  in  this  deception.  George  Q.  Cannon,  late 
Kepresentative  in  Congress,  wrote  articles  to  prove  the  In- 
dians guilty.  Brigham  Young  maintained  it  for  years,  and 
then  swore  that  he  knew  the  truth  within  three  months  after 
the  crime  occurred.  AVilliam  II.  Hooper,  for  some  time  Repre- 
sentative in  Congress,  asserted  it  again  and  again  in  the  most 
solemn  manner;  he  denounced  the  enemies  of  his  people  as 
the  basest  of  liars,  and  extolled  the  Mormons  as  "  the  most 
peaceful  and  persistently  industrious  people  on  the  conti- 


MOUNTAIN   MKADOWS. 


315 


(lEOIWK    11.   CANNON. 


nent ;"  and  yet  it  was 
proven  that  he  traded 
boots  and  shoes  for 
forty  of  the  cattle 
taken  at  the  Mead- 
ows, soon  after  the 
MUirder  was  done. 
The  Mormons,  from 
tlie  lirst,  assumed  an 
.'ir  of  injured  inno- 
cence. While  the 
army  was  in  winter 
(jnarters,  Colonel 
Kane,  an  old  friend 
of  the  Saints,  went 
into  Utah,  by  way  of 
California,  to  no<i;oti- 
ate  with  them.  Under 
his  care  Governor 
Cummings  started  to 
Salt  Lake  City,  accompanied  by  two  servants,  on  April  5.  He 
received  military  salutes  as  lie  passed  the  Mormon  troops; 
the  walls  of  Echo  Caiion  were  made  light  with  bonfires  in  his 
honor,  and  on  April  15  he  was  duly  installed  in  his  office  and 
received  ceremonial  calls  fron)  leading  ^[orinons.  The  people, 
who  were  all  moving  from  the  northern  settlements,  were 
begged  to  come  back.  L,  W.  Powell  and  Ben  McCuUocli 
were  sent  as  commissioners  to  treat  with  them,  and  it  was 
agreed  that  the  army  should  not  be  further  resisted,  it  being 
understood  that  it  would  not  camp  close  to  any  town  or  city. 
The  army  entered  the  Basin  and  went  into  camp  in  Cedar 
Valley,  three  miles  west  of  Utah  Lake,  and  thirty-six  miles 
south  of  Salt  Lake  City.  The  government  resumed  operations. 
Haight  and  Lee  came  to  Salt  Lalie  City  as  Senator  and  Kepre- 
sentatlve,  and  each  received  a  young  wife  from  the  hands  of 
Brigham.  All  the  murderers  retained  respectable  standing  in 
the  community  and  in  the  Church — Lee,  Haight,  and  Dame 
all  being  bishops  for  years. 

But  conscience  did  not  die,  and  people  did  not  forget.     In- 


816 


MASSACRES  OK   THK  MOUNTAINS. 


stead  of  growing  faint  with  age,  the  color  of  the  crime  seemed 
to  heighten.  The  civil  war  did  not  result  in  the  destruction  of 
the  Gentile  men,  and  seven  women  did  not  take  hold  of  one 
man.  (Jentiles  kept  settling  in  Salt  Lake  City,  and  apos- 
tates no  longer  Hed.  The  younger  generation  of  Saints  did 
not  hold  to  the  faith  of  their  fathers  with  much  steadfastness. 
Something  more  of  conformity  to  the  ideas  of  the  world  at 
large  was  necessary,  and  the  more  extreme  doctrines  of  the 
Church  were  put  in  the  background.  Lee  was  "  cut  off"  from 
fellowship;  so  were  Bill  Hickman  and  other  Danites,  Lee 
went  on  a  "mission"  outside  the  limits  of  Utah.  Jle  kept 
a  ferry  on  the  Colorado,  down  in  the  deserts  of  Arizona,  where 
for  convenience  he  was  known  as  Major  iJoyle.  In  January, 
1874,  the  Gentiles  held  a  public  meeting  in  Salt  Lake  City, 
and  a  committee  of  forty-tive  drafted  a  memorial  to  Congress, 
showing  the  utter  perversion  of  justice  in  the  territory.  Con- 
gress passed  a  law  which  took  the  selection  of  jurors  out  of 
the  control  of  the  Mormon  Church,  and  it  was  left  with  no 
refuge  but  the  perjury  of  witnesses,  and  such  Mormon  jurors 
as  came  on  in  regular  order.  Li  the  same  year  Lee  came  up 
to  Fanguiteli,  on  the  Sevier,  to  visit  some  of  his  youn^^er 
wives  (he  had  eighteen,  besides  one  whom  he  married  "  for  her 
soul's  sake,"  and  did  not  count).  While  there,  Deputy-Mar- 
shal William  Stokes  received  warrants  for  the  arrest  of  Lee, 
Haight,  and  others.  He  located  Lee,  and  went  after  him  with 
a  posse  of  four  men.  The  object  of  their  search  was  found 
concealed  in  a  log  chicken-coop,  and  taken  away  peaceably, 
after  much  talk  and  threatening.  He  was  brought  to  trial  in 
the  following  summer. 

The  trial  was  a  farce.  Three  of  the  jurors  were  Gentiles, 
and  nine  were  Mormons  who  took  their  seats  by  dint  of  sturdy 
swearing.  Men  who  had  lived  in  Utah  for  years  and  never 
heard  of  the  massacre — men  who  resided  in  the  southern  set- 
tlements before  and  ever  since  the  crime,  and  formed  no  opin- 
ion about  it — men  who  long  lived  in  the  same  town  with  Lee 
and  never  heard  much  about  him — men  who  had  seen  the 
monument  in  the  Meadows  and  never  asked  what  it  was  for, 
were  accepted  as  jurors.  They  were  "counselled  "  beforehand 
that  Lee  was  not  guilty.     The  prosecution   made  a  much 


MOUNTAIN   MEADOWS. 


317 


stronger  case  tlian  had  been  anticipated.  Tlicy  had  witnesses 
who,  it  had  been  supposed,  would  not  dare  to  return  to  Utah. 
Tlie  Mormons  tried  to  j^et  hold  uf  them  by  arresting  them  on 
various  charges,  but  tiie  United  States  Marshal  ordered  his 
deputies  to  prevent  their  removal  for  any  cause,  and  they  did 
so.  Philip  Klingeiismith,  ex-l»isiiop  of  Cedar  City,  who  had 
fled  into  Nevada  and  thence  to  California,  went  on  the  wit- 
ness-stand and  told  tlie  whole  story.  He  was  corroborated  by 
other  witnesses.  The  defence  tried  to  prove  the  old  stories 
of  poisoning  the  spring  and  the  ox,  but  under  cross-e.xami na- 
tion the  perjured  witnesses  broke  down.  The  Church  authori- 
ties became  alarmed  and  decided  to  sacrifice  Lee,  but  no  op- 
portunity for  communicating  with  the  jury  was  allowed  them. 
The  jury  went  out,  and  these  nine  Mormons,  who  knew  noth- 
ing about  tho  case,  and  had  formed  no  opinions,  proceedei'  to 
demonstrate  from  facts  within  their  own  knowledge  that  Lee 
could  not  have  been  guilty.  The  Gentiles  held  out  for  two 
days,  and  consented  to  a  disagreement.  Then  came  an  era  of 
excitement.  The  Mormons  and  their  friends  through  the  coun- 
try claimed  that  they  were  vindicated,  but  the  c-.ldeiice  that 
had  been  sent  out  over  the  wires  every  day,  and  printed  in 
every  corner  of  the  country,  was  too  strong  to  be  cried  down  in 
that  way.  Public  sentiment  grew  bitter.  There  were  still 
many  who  believed  that  Brigham  Young  was  innocent,  but  Lee 
had  been  proved  guilty  and  should  have  been  punished;  he 
had  been  saved  from  punishment  by  Mormon  jurors. 

The  second  trial  was  a  worse  farce  than  the  first.  In  fatal 
folly  the  Mormon  authorities  permitted  themselves  to  be  per- 
suaded that  they  could  sacrifice  Lee  and  better  their  own 
standing.  They  forgot  that  in  so  doing  they  must  give  the 
lie  to  their  professions  of  nineteen  years.  They  forgot  that 
they  must  give  testimony  which  would  implicate  themselves. 
They  forgot  that  though  a  prosecuting  attorney  may  promise 
immunity,  lie  cannot  prevent  cross-examination  or  restrain 
public  opinion.  They  forgot  everything  except  th.at  the 
country  demanded  the  punishment  of  John  D.  Lee,  and  they 
dared  no  longer  refuse  it.  Of  course,  Lee  was  not  informed 
of  this.  He  passed  the  fourteen  months  that  intervened  be- 
tween his  two  trials  relying  on  the  protestations  of  friendship 


318 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


of  the  leading  men.  The  first  thing  was  to  fix  the  jury.  A 
list  of  the  venire  was  obtained,  and  submitted,  by  the  defend- 
ant's attorneys,  to  a  Mormon  committee  of  professed  friends 
of  Lee,  who  were  to  mark  with  a  dash  ( — )  those  who  would 
convict,  with  an  asterisk  (*)  those  wlio  would  rather  not  con- 
vict, and  with  two  asterisks  (*  *)  those  who  would  not  con- 
vict under  any  circumstances.  There  was  no  trouble  in  get- 
ting that  jury.  The  defence  thought  they  knew  who  tliey 
wajited,  and  the  prosecution  seemed  willing  to  humor  them. 
Every  juror  was  a  *  *  man.  The  jury  was  impanelled  and 
the  testiuiony  began.  Then  the  defence  realized  tliat  they 
were  entrapped.  The  depositions  of  Brigham  Young  and 
George  A.  Smith,  -^vhich  had  been  objected  to  by  the  prosecu- 
tion in  the  former  trial,  were  now  offered  by  the  prosecution. 
Mormons  who  previously  had  known  nothing  of  the  massacre, 
and  had  aided  Lee  in  the  former  trial,  now  became  possessed 
of  remarkable  momories — as  to  Lee.  Samuel  Knight,  who 
lived  at  Hamlin's,  and  drove  one  of  the  wagons  at  the  mas- 
sacre, but  who  formerly  knew  nothing  about  the  matter,  now 
recollected  that  he  saw  Lee  shoot  a  woman  in  his  wagon.  lie 
saw  a  number  of  white  n.en  at  the  place,  but  no  one  that  he 
knew  except  Lee.  Nephi  Johnson,  another  shining  example 
of  previous  ignorance,  now  remembered  enough  as  to  Lee  and 
Ilaight  and  two  or  three  who  were  dead,  but  as  to  others  his 
memory  was  fatally  defective.  Finally,  under  cross-examina- 
tion, he  said  :  "I  don't  want  to  bring  in  new  names."  He  vas 
further  tortured  sufficiently  to  cause  him  to  drop  the  facts 
that  the  few  Mormons  who  objected,  at  the  councils,  did  not 
dare  to  say  aiiything;  that  persons  had  been  injured  for  not 
obeying  counsel ;  that  the  whole  matter  was  talked  over  after- 
wards, and  it  was  decided  to  keep  it  secret.  Jacob  Hamlin 
recollected  that  Lee  told  him  all  about  the  massacre,  within  a 
few  days  after  it  occurred ;  he  recounted  Lee's  story  to  the 
jury.  On  cross-examination  ho  remembered  that  he  reported 
the  matter  fully  to  Brigham  Young  and  George  A.  Smith, 
"pretty  soon  after  it  happened,"  and  that  Brigham  Young 
said:  "As  soon  as  we  can  get  a  courf  of  jutLtice,  we  will  ferret 
this  thing  out,  but  till  then  don't  say  anything  about  it."  In 
accordance  with  tli.a  injunction  ho  kept  quiet  until  the  6e> 


MOUNTAIN   MEADOWS, 


319 


end  trial.  He  said  :  "  It  is  the  first  time  1  ever  felt  any  good 
would  come  of  it.  I  kept  it  to  myself  until  it  was  called  for 
iu  the  proper  place.  ...  I  had  an  idea  that  if  I  came  here 
that  it  would  be  a  pretty  good  place  to  tell  it."  This  man's 
story  to  Dr.  Forney  has  been  given.  To  Judge  Cradlebaugh 
and  various  military  otticers  who  investigated  the  affair  he  pro- 
fessed to  know  nothijig  that  would  implicate  any  wh'te  man. 
He  did  not  feel  called  upon  to  speak  at  Lee's  lirst  trial.  lie 
gave  to  the  jury  the  statement  of  the  Indian  boy  Albert,  who 
saw  the  massacre  and  the  killing  of  the  two  girls,  yet  this  boy 
told  Dr.  Forney  that  it  was  all  done  by  Indians.  The  infer- 
ence is  irresistible  that  Hamlin  induced  him  to  lie  about  it, 
and  this  although  anti-Mormons  concede  Hamlin  to  be  an  un- 
usually honorable  Mormon.  Tiiis  boy  Albert,  by  the  way, 
first  revealed  the  fact  that  the  children  were  brought  directh 
to  Hamlin's  house  on  the  evening  of  the  massacre.  The  good 
people,  who  had  bills  for  purchasing  them  from  the  Indians, 
had  probably  forgotten  to  instruct  him  on  that  point. 

When  Lee  heard  the  testimony  of  these  men  he  knew 
that  the  Chu/ch  had  abandoned  him  and  he  was  lost.  He 
br«'.  0  down  completely  and  was  taken  to  his  cell,  where  he 
paced  the  floor,  cursing  the  Mormon  leaders.  The  defence 
offered  no  testimony;  their  witnesses  of  the  previous  trial 
had  forgotten  everything.  The  jury  was  out  three  hours,  and 
br(»Hght  in  a  verdict  of  guilty  of  murder  in  the  first  degree. 
The  prisoner  was  brought  to  the  bar,  and,  after  a  few  impress- 
ive words.  Judge  l>oreman  informed  him  that,  under  the  stat- 
ute, he  had  his  choice  of  being  hung,  shot,  or  beheaded.  Lee 
said:  "I  prefer  to  be  shot."  He  was  accordingly  sentenced, 
and  on  March  213,  1877,  the  sentence  was  executed  in  the 
Mountain  Meadows,  at  the  scene  of  the  massacre.  At  tlie 
last  moment  Lee  confessed  to  his  attendant  minister,  Mr. 
8tokes,  that  he  killed  five  of  the  emigrants  with  his  owi; 
hands.  This  was  his  fourth  confession,  eacii  one  differing 
from  all  the  others,  and  yet  each  one  lifting  the  veil  from 
abound  the  affair  enough  to  give  a  glimpse  of  its  actual  hor- 
rors. He  made  a  short  speech,  dechvring  his  faith  in  Mor- 
mor.isni,  as  originally  taught  by  Joseph  Smith,  and  his  as- 
surance of  a  place  in  the  Mormon  heaven,  but  stated  thut 


320 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


Brighatn  Young  was  leading  the  people  astray.  He  closed, 
and  sat  down  on  his  coffin.  A  prayer  was  offered,  the  word 
was  given,  five  rifies  were  discharged,  and  he  fell  back  witii- 
out  a  struggle. 

So  justice  was  done — not  rigljtly  justice  either,  for  this 
man  was  not  convicted  as  men  are  required  to  be  convicted 
under  our  laws.  Tlie  jury  that  pronounced  him  guilty  had 
morally  no  more  right  to  do  so  than  the  Sultan  of  Turkey 
had  legally.  They  were  murderers  as  truly  as  Lee  was. 
John  1).  Lee  was  not  a  victim  to  justice,  lie  was  murdered 
by  his  accomplices  for  tiieir  own  safety — as  much  so  as  if 
they  ]»ad  shot  him  themselves.  Personally  they  attained 
safety,  though  not  as  they  expected.  The  greater  criminals 
of  the  active  participants  hid  for  a  time  in  t!ie  mountains, 
and  are  now  probably  in  foreign  countries.  Brigham  Young 
died  peacefully  in  his  home,  five  months  after  Lee's  execu- 
tion. The  remainder  were  not  molested.  But  in  the  public 
eye  the  Mormon  Church  stands  as  tlic  guilty  criminal,  and  it 
seems  destined  to  expiate  the  crime.  In  that  respect  the 
Mountain  Meadows  massacre  has  had  a  mission.  It  is  the 
one  complete  and  unanswerable  exposure  of  Mormon  deceit, 
hypocris}',  and  crime,  under  the  "  higher  law  "  dogma.  Every 
other  crime  charged  against  them  they  can  defend,  not  hav- 
ing admitted  their  guilt,  but  in  this  one  they  have  been 
forced,  step  by  step,  from  an  indignant  denial  to  a  defiant 
confessiMii.  Tiiey  cannot  evade  it;  their  apologists  can  make 
no  explanation  of  it;  and  in  its  lustration  their  denials  of 
other  crimes  become  faint  and  sickly.  It  is  admitted  that 
they  are  industrious  and  thrifty,  but  the  American  people 
realize  that  thrift  has  its  crimes  as  dark  as  any  of  those  of 
dissipation.  Jonas  Cluizzlewit  was  thrifty;  so  was  Judas 
Iscariot.  It  is  true  that,  according  to  their  standard  of  virtue, 
they  are  fairly  virtuous,  but  the  people  understand  that,  un- 
der the  ''higher  law,"  their  virtue  is,  to  the  civilized  world, 
crime.  They  understand  it  so  well  that  the  American  he!'  t, 
which  warms  most  quickly  to  any  jierseeuted  for  religion's 
sake,  is  icy  towards  the  Saints.  Only  a  few  weeks  since,  a 
Tuurderous  attack  was  made  on  one  of  their  meetings  in 
Tennessee,  and  a  bitter  local  persecution  followed.     Had  the 


IC 


V- 


It 


it 


IP 


111 

10 


MOUNTAIN  MEADOWS. 


323 


people  assailed  been  Buddhists,  or  Brahmins,  or  Voudooists 
the  country  would  have  been  in  an  uproar  of  indignation. 
What  comment  did  it  receive?  Generally,  none;  and  occa- 
sionally a  growl  that  it  would  be  well  to  follow  the  example 
elsewhere.  The  Mormons  are  right  in  their  superstition  that 
a  Nemesis  stands,  ever  threatening  them,  on  the  mountains 
of  Southern  Utah,  She  does  stand  there,  and  in  her  out- 
stretched hands,  for  the  ash -branch  and  the  scourge,  she 
holds  a  blight  and  a  curse  over  the  doomed  theocracy,  while 
from  her  ghastly  lips  there  comes  the  murmur  of  those  words, 
which  no  prophet  can  still :  "  Vengeance  is  mine,  I  will  repay, 
saith  the  Lord." 

21 


CHAPTER  XI. 
THE  WAR  WITH  THE  SPOKAXES,  C(EUR  D'ALEKES,  AND  PELOUSES. 

While  the  commissioners  were  negotiating  with  the  Mor- 
mons, an  extniordinary  outbreak  occurred  in  tlie  eastern  part 
of  Washington  Territory,  wliicii  Iiitliorto  had  been  a  scene  of 
peace  between  the  red  man  and  the:  white.  It  liad  been  tlie 
boast  of  tlie  Spokancs  and  the  Cveur  d' xylenes  that  they  had 
never  shed  the  blood  of  a  white  man.  In  the  winter  and 
early  spring  of  1858,  however,  it  was  represented  that  there 
was  much  restlessness  among  the  northern  tribes,  especially 
in  the  neighborhood  of  the  Colville  mines,  and  Brevet  Lien- 
tenant-colonel  Steptoe,  who  commanded  at  new  Fort  AV'alla- 
Walla,  determined  to  make  an  excursion  in  that  direction. 
The  new  fort,  which  had  been  established  as  a  military  post 
after  the  last  war,  was  on  Wallu -Walla  Creek,  thirty  miles 
east  of  the  old  fort,  the  latter  being  now  used  as  an  agency 
by  the  cpiartcrmaster's  department.  In  addition  to  looking 
after  the  northern  inquietude,  Colonel  Steptoe  also  desired  to 
investigate  the  recent  murder  of  two  American  miners  by  a 
party  of  Pelouse  (Paluce,  (lalouHse)  Indians,  and,  if  possible, 
to  bring  the  murderers  to  justice.  These  Iiulians  lived  just 
to  the  north  of  the  Snake  Iliver,  and  were  directly  in  his  line 
of  travel.  Steptoe  left  Fort  Walla -Walla  on  May  Cth  with 
one  hundred  and  fifty -seven  men,  dragoons  and  infantry,  the 
latter  acting  as  gunners  for  two  howitzers  which  were  taken. 
They  marched  across  the  rolling  prairies  between  the  Walla- 
Walla  and  the  Snake  to  the  mouth  of  the  Pelouse,  where  the 
crossing  of  the  C\)lville  road  was  located.  From  this  point 
they  proceeded  northward  and  eastward  to  the  divide  be- 
tween the  k';iud\e  and  the  Spokane,  and  over  the  Grand  Pla- 
teau of  the  Spokane,  the  Pelouses  keeping  out  of  their  sight. 

While  winding  through  the  prairie   hills  that  skirt  In- 


WAR  WITH  THE   SrOKANES,  C(EUR  D'ALftNES,  ETC.     325 

gossomen  Creek,  on  Sunday,  May  16th,  the  command  was 
suddenly  confronted  by  about  twelve  hundred  warriors,  Pe- 
louses,  Spokanes,  CVuur  d'Alenes,  Yakitnas,  and  others,  hideous 
in  their  war-paint,  armed  and  defiant.  This  was  a  complete 
surprise,  for  no  hostilities  had  been  expected,  except  there 
should  be  some  little  altercation  with  the  Pelouses.  The  lit- 
tle command  moved  on  slowly,  menaced  by  the  hootino:  and 
yelling  savages,  who  seemed  desirous  of  provoking  an  attack. 
It  approached  a  small  ravine  that  led  around  the  base  of 
some  hills,  which  were  covered  with  Indians,  when,  seeing 
their  intention  to  attack  at  that  point.  Colonel  Steptoe  turned 
his  troops  aside  and  encamped  on  one  of  the  little  water- 
courses common  to  this  section,  which  are  flowing  in  the 
spring  and  in  pools  during  the  drier  season.  The  dragoons 
remained  in  the  saddle  until  dark,  an  attack  being  expected 
at  any  moment  from  the  howling  mob,  which  continued  to 
heap  insults  upon  them.  Towards  evening  several  of  the 
chiefs  came  to  the  camp  to  talk,  and  asked  the  reason  of  this 
invasion  of  their  country.  Colonel  Steptoe  assured  them 
that  he  had  no  hostile  feeling  towards  the  Spokanes  or  any 
other  of  the  friendly  tribes;  that  they  had  always  been  our 
fritends,  and  he  desired  them  to  so  continue;  that  he  was  on 
his  way  to  Colville  to  have  a  friendly  talk  and  preserve 
peace  there.  The  chiefs  said  they  were  satisfied  with  this, 
l)ut  they  would  not  consent  to  let  him  have  canoes  .at  the 
Spokane,  without  which  the  crossing  could  not  be  made. 
The  colonel  therefore  decided  to  fall  back  to  the  fort,  and, 
having  passed  the  night  without  molestation,  began  his  re- 
turn march  in  the  morning. 

On  the  evening  of  the  10th,  Father  Joset,  one  of  the 
Jesuit  missionaries,  had  arrived  at  the  camp  of  the  ^  -'  mis 
from  the  Canir  d'Aleiie  j\[ission.  In  the  morning  he  ca>ne 
up  with  the  troops  atid  talked  over  the  situation  with  Colo- 
nel Steptoe,  the  Indians  having  assembled  again  ard  being 
massed  on  the  flanks  and  rear  of  the  column  in  a  threaten- 
ing manner.  lie  proposed  a  talk  with  the  chiefs,  to  which 
the  colonel  replied  that  his  pack-animals  were  too  wild  for 
him  to  stop  long.  Father  Joset  said  they  could  talk  while 
marching,  and  the  colonel  responded  that  he  would  see  them 


826 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


in  tliat  way  willingly.  Joset  then  went  for  the  chiefs,  but 
couUl  find  only  Vincent,  the  head  chief  of  the  Ccenr  d'Alenes. 
They  came  back  together,  and  Vincent  received  an  assurance 
that  the  troops  were  desirous  only  of  returning  to  the  fort  in 
peace.  Jle  returned  to  the  Indians,  who,  according  to  Fatlier 
Joset,  agreed  to  go  to  their  liotncs,  and  the  priest  with  sever- 
al chiefs  did  so,  but  a  few  minutes  later  the  Indians  opened 


TllK   JKSUIT    MISSIONAIIY. 


fire  on  the  rear  guard,  just  as  they  filed  into  the  valley  of  a 
small  tributary  of  Ingossonien  Creek.  The  tiring  was  caused 
by  Mil-kap-si,  a  C<i'ur  d'Alene  chief,  who  became  infuriated, 
probably  because  he  was  not  consulted,  and  struck  Victor 
and  Jean  (xiene,  two  other  chiefs,  M'ho  were  in  favor  of  going 
liome.  One  of  his  relatives  said  to  him,  "What  are  you 
doing?  You  strike  your  own  people!  There  are  your  ene- 
mies," pointing  to  the  soldiers,  whereupon  the  Indians  com- 


WAR  WITH  THE   SP0KANE8,  C(EUR  D'ALftNES,  ETC.     327 

meiiced  firing.  The  troops  fell  back  for  three  miles  more, 
under  a  constant  tire.  They  were  hampered  by  their  pack- 
train.  The  country  gave  every  advantage  to  the  Indians, 
The  stock  of  ammunition  was  low,  and  the  raw  recruits,  of 
whom  there  were  a  number  in  the  comnumd,  were  tiring 
wildly.  It  was  decided  to  fall  back  to  Ingossomen  Creek, 
where  a  good  position,  with  wood  and  water,  could  be  had, 
and  there  make  a  stand.  Two  companies  under  Captain  Tay- 
lor and  Lieutenant  Gaston  were  thrown  out  as  flankers,  be- 
tween whom  and  the  Indians  a  succession  of  charges  and 
countercharges  was  kept  up,  with  loss  to  both  sides.  About 
noon  Gaston  fell,  and  his  company  was  driven  back  in  confu- 
sion. Half  an  hour  later  Captain  Taylor  was  brought  in, 
shot  through  the  neck  and  mortally  wounded.  The  troops 
were  now  close  to  the  crossing  of  the  creek,  and  Colonel 
Steptoe  at  once  took  position  on  a  small  hill,  to  hold  the  In- 
dians at  bay  until  night. 

The  provisions  were  placed  in  the  centre  of  the  top  of 
the  hill,  which  was  flat,  and  around  them  the  horses  and  pack- 
animals  were  picketed  in  a  circle.  In  a  much  larger  circle, 
along  the  crest  of  the  hill,  in  skirmish  line,  were  the  dis- 
mounted men  and  the  howitzers,  one  at  the  front  and  one  at 
the  rear.  The  situation  M'as  growing  more  desperate  every 
minute.  The  Spokanes  were  massed  on  the  north,  the  Cceur 
d'Alenes  on  the  east,  and  the  Pelouses  on  the  west,  covering 
all  the  neighboring  heights.  They  took  advantage  of  every 
hillock,  depression,  and  tuft  of  grass  to  work  along  closer  to 
.  the  hill.  The  soldiers  lay  flat  on  the  ground,  having  no  oth- 
er protection,  while  the  Indians  crept  closer  and  closer,  and 
two  or  three  times  made  ineffectual  attempts  to  charge  the 
hill.  The  ofticers  crawled  from  one  point  to  another  on 
their  hands  and  knees,  giving  orders  and  encouraging  the 
men.  Two  of  the  companies  were  armed  with  musketoons, 
which  were  of  no  use  for  this  sort  of  work,  and  the  car- 
tridges of  the  remainder  were  nearly  all  gone.  The  wound- 
ed were  constantly  increasing  in  number.  The  soldiers  were 
becoming  dispirited.  At  length  darkness  came,  and  brought 
them  some  relief;  but  tney  could  not  relax  their  vigilance,  . 
and  they  had  before  them  the  certainty  that  another  day's 

21* 


828 


MASSACKES  OF  THK  MOUNTAINS. 


fightinjif  would  result  in  the  destruction  of  the  entire  force. 
A  hurried  consultation  concluded  with  a  decision  to  retreat 
with  all  expedition  to  the  Snake  River,  and  make  sure  of  a 
crossinfj  before  the  Indians  could  reach  the  same  point. 
Everything  that  could  impede  flight  was  abandoned.  The 
howitzers  were  buried;  the  supplies,  except  such  as  each  man 
carried,  were  left  on  the  ground;  the  disabled  animals  were 
left  picketed  ;  and  between  nine  and  ten  o'clock,  stealthily,  but 
in  good  order,  the  force  moved  down  the  hill  at  the  rear, 
across  the  creek,  and  away.  Most  of  the  night  they  rode  at  a 
gallop,  nor  did  they  stop  till  the}'  reached  the  Snake,  ninety 
miles  below.  There  they  were  met  by  Timothy's  band  of 
friendly  Nez  Perccs,  who  assisted  them  in  crossing  the  river. 
They  could  not  have  crossed  without  their  aid.  In  this  af- 
fair they  lost  two  otiicers,  live  men  and  three  Nez  Percys 
Indians  killed,  thirteen  wounded,  and  one  missing.  The  In- 
dians admitted  a  loss  of  nine  killed  and  forty  wounded,  but 
there  must  have  been  more ;  there  were  twelve  dead  ones 
counted  at  one  point  where  the  two  flanking  companies  met 
in  a  cross-charge. 

The  attack  on  the  troops  caused  much  excitement  in  the 
West,  for  war  by  these  tribes,  hitherto  so  peaceable,  seemed 
certain  proof  of  a  general  outbreak.  The  expectation  of  a 
great  war  wag  the  more  reasonable  because  no  cause  could  be 
given  for  the  attack  on  Steptoe.  To  this  day,  with  all  inves- 
tigation made  and  reasons  suggested,  it  is  impossible  to  say 
certainly  why  the  Spokane  and  Cojurd'Alene  Indians  joined 
in  this  assault.  It  was  known  that  there  was  discontent  and 
dissatisfaction  among  them,  for  some  cause,  but  no  one  antic- 
ipated open  hostilities,  except,  it  may  be,  Father  Joset.  He 
stated  that  he  iiad  anticipated  trouble,  and  had  started  sev- 
eral days  before  to  warn  Colonel  Steptoe  of  it,  but  returned 
because  Chief  Vincent  feared  that  the  Pelouses  would  kill  the 
young  men  who  went  with  him,  and  charge  the  Americans 
with  the  deed,  after  which  it  would  be  impossible  to  restrain 
the  CcEur  d'Alones.  This  priest  was  accused  of  furnishing 
powder  to  the  Indians — a  quite  improbable  story,  but  believed 
by  many  who  had  not  forgotten  the  Whitinan  massacre,  and 
explained  all  Indian  disturbances  by  the  influence  of  the  Jesu- 


WAR  WITH  TIIK  SPOKANES,  CQiUR  D'ALftXES,  ETC.    329 


PEND   O  UltKlLLK    MISSION. 


its  and  tlic  ITudsoJi's  Bay  Cojnpany.  lie  did  give  some  color 
to  this  report  by  attempting  to  put  tlie  blame  of  the  outI)reak 
on  the  Protestant  Nc-z  I'crces,  who  were  the  best  friends  the 
whites  ever  had  in  the  North-west.  lie  circnluted  every  tale 
the  guilty  Indians  invented  concerning  them,  and  related 
some  e.xpericnces  of  his  own  which,  to  say  the  least,  are  im- 
probable. In  a  letter  to  Father  Congiato,  of  Jnne  27,  1858, 
he  says,  "Towards  the  beginning  of  April  it  was  learned  that 
an  American  had  been  assassinated  by  a  Nez  Perce.  Imme- 
diately rumor  commences  to  circulate  that  the  troops  were 
preparing  to  cross  the  Nez  Perce  to  obtain  vengeance  for 
this  crime."  In  a  letter  to  Father  lloecken,  of  June  17th, 
ten  days  earlier,  he  says  Vincent  told  him  the  Pelouses  and 
Kez  Perces  killed  the  two  miners,  wlio  were  the  only  Ameri- 
cans killed  by  the  Indians  in  that  locality.  As  a  matter  of 
fact,  it  was  well  known  all  through  the  Indian  country  that 


330 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


the  Pelousea  killed  them.  Again  ho  says,  in  his  account  of 
his  attempted  joiii'Moy  of  warning  to  Steptoe,  "In  the  mean 
time  I  saw  several  Kez  Perces.  Their  conversation  was  gen- 
erally against  the  Americans.  One  of  them  said  in  my  pres- 
ence, 'Wo  will  not  be  able  to  bring  the  Co.'ur  d'Alcnes  to 
take  part  with  us  against  the  Americans;  the  priest  is  tho 
cause;  it  is  for  this  we  wish  to  kill  the  priest.'"  Does  a 
would-be  assassin  usually  notify  a  desired  victim  thus?  Was 
an  Indian  ever  known  to  do  such  a  thing?  Aside  from  its 
unreasonableness,  the  Nez  Perces  were  not  at  war  with  the 
Americans,  but  were  acting  as  auxiliaries  to  them.  Again 
he  says,  concerning  his  visit  to  Colonel  Steptoe  with  Vincent 
just  before  the  firing  began,  "  One  of  the  Indians  [Nez  Per- 
ces] who  accompanied  tho  troops  gave  Vincent  a  blow  over 
the  shoulders  with  his  whip,  saying  to  him,  'Proud  man,  why 
do  you  not  fire?'  then  accused  one  of  the  Ccenr  d'Alenes 
who  had  followed  Vincent  of  having  wished  to  fii  upon  a 
soldier."  Such  a  thing  would  be  very  unnatural  for  a  mem- 
ber of  a  small  command,  surrounded  by  an  enemy  that  out- 
numbered them  ten  to  one.  Pesides,  nothing  of  the  kind 
occurred.  Every  effort  was  made  by  tho  entire  commai!-'  to 
avoid  a  fight,  and  the  soldiers  did  not  return  the  lire  of  the 
Indians  for  several  minutes.  Finally,  ho  taxes  credulity  by 
this :  "  The  Canir  d'Alenes  say,  also,  that  it  was  cried  to  them 
from  tho  midst  of  tho  troops,  '  Courage !  yon  liave  already 
killed  two  chiefs ;'  that  one  of  the  Nez  Perces  who  had  fol- 
lowed the  troops  came  back  to  say  to  his  people,  '  It  is  not 
tho  Cfeur  d'Alenes,  but,  indeed,  tho  soldiers  who  killed  the 
two  Nez  Perces.' "  The  intended  presumption  is,  of  course, 
that  one  of  the  Xez  Perces  uiade  the  encouraging  call  from 
the  hill,  but  tho  fact  that  one-third  of  the  killed,  on  the  side 
of  the  troops,  were  Nez  Perces,  is  sufficient  evidence  of  the 
feeling  between  them  and  the  attacking  party.  The  offence 
of  Father  Josot  may  be  summed  uj)  in  this,  that  in  trying  to 
get  his  wards  out  of  a  bad  scrape,  in  which  they  were  placed 
by  their  own  fault,  he  strained  facts  a  littlo  in  their  favor 
and  became  a  trifle  mixed.  The  hostile  Indians  took  the  same 
line  of  defence.  Milkapsi  sent  word  to  General  Clarke  con- 
cerning a  proposed  talk:  "Toll  your  friends,  the  Lawyer's 


WAR  WITH  THE  SPOKANES,  LHEUR  D'Alf.N'ES,  ETC.     331 

band,  to  bo  «juiet;  if  yon  come  with  a  good  mind,  let  none 
of  tlieni  be  along.  I  want  to  have  a  good  talk  with  the  sol- 
diers, but  I  can't  when  they  are  along;  I  don't  want  to  hear 
any  more  of  their  lies."  The  Lawyer  was  celebrated  for 
his  constant  friendship  to  the  Americans,  and  was  known 
all  over  the  North-west  as  an  unusually  reliable  Indian.  This 
talk  deceived  no  one,  thougii  it  made  ])eople  distrustful  of 
both  Indians  and  Jesuits,  but  there  is  no  ground  for  suppos- 
ing !liat  the  .lesuits,  or  any  of  them,  used  a:iy  influence  to 
\>v'u\if  on  hostilities.  There  is  no  doubtinj;  that  Joset  tried 
to  ])revent  the  attack,  or  that  he  and  the  other  priests  were 
of  much  service  in  finally  adjusting  the  difliculty. 

The  ^lormons  were  a  disturbing  element,  and  in  all 
prol)aI)ility  gave  active  assistance  to  the  Indians,  as  well  as 
incciuliary  instrnctions.  On  November  27,  1857,  George 
(iibbs,  Ks(|.,  whose  name  is  sufHcient  guaranty  of  the  truth  of 
hisstiite  lents,  wrote:  "A  very  curious  statement  was  recent- 
ly 'niid(>  me  by  some  of  the  Indians  near  Steilacoom.  They 
said  tliat  the  Klickitats  had  told  them  that  Choohuklee  (Jesus 
Christ)  had  recently  appeared  on  the  other  side  of  tlie  mount- 
ains; that  he  was  after  awhile  coming  here,  when  the 
whites  would  be  sent  out  of  the  country,  and  all  would  be 
well  for  themselves.  It  needed  oidy  a  little  reflection  to  con- 
nect this  second  advent  with  the  visit  of  I^righam  Young  to 
tlie  Flathead  and  Nez  Perce  country."  Between  the  Ore- 
gon Indians  and  Utah  were  the  Snakes,  who  were  in  so 
close  connection  with  the  Mormons  that  the  first  knowledge 
of  rtali  affairs  at  Fort  Walla -Walla  was  usually  through  the 
Indians.  On  December  1,  1857,  Captain  Kirkham  wrote 
froiii  that  point:  "The  Snakes  tell  our  Indians  thnt  they 
are  well  supplied  witli  ammunition,  and  that  they  can  get 
'mm  the  Mormons  any  quantity  they  wish ;  and  they  fur- 
ther tell  our  Indians  tiiat  the  ]\Iormons  are  anxious  to  sup- 
ply them — to  wit :  the  Nez  I'erces,  the  Cayuses,  aiul  Walla- 
Wallas,  with  everything  that  they  wish.  I  would  not  be 
suri)rised  i  the  ^Mormon  influence  should  extend  to  all  the 
tribes  in  <  ur  neighborhood,  and  if  they  are  determined  to 
fight  we  may  have  trouble  among  the  Indians  on  the  coast 
again."     These,  with  nunifious  similar  complaints  from  oth- 


332 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


er  points,  caused  Ge  icral  Clarke,  cotiiinanding  the  Depart- 
moi>t  cf  the  Pacific  on  January  1, 1858,  to  recommend  tliat 
all  Indians  be  detached  from  Mormon  influence  and  control. 
A  .singular  conflrination  of  Captain  Kirkham's  report  was 
made  in  the  following  summer,  when  a  band  of  Bannocks 


CENF.IUL   ISAAC   I,  SIEVtN'S. 


committed  some  depredations  on  tlio  Mormons  of  Nortlicrn 
rtaii.and  gave  as  a  reason  for  this  cxtraordi  lary  ])rocecding 
that  tiie  INIornions  had  sold  arms  and  .niiinunition  to  their 
enemies,  the  Ts'ez  IYtccs;  that  the  Noz  Perces  had  stolon 
their  property ;  and  that  now  they  were  getting  reparation 
from  the  origin-d   source  of  the  evil.     It  was  learned  posi- 


WAR  WITH  THE  SPOKANES,  CfEITR  D'ALfcNES,  ETC.     333 

tivcly  that  the  hostile  Indians  liad  lar^e  supplies  of  ani- 
immition,  wliich  they  could  have  obtained  only  from  the 
JMorinons  or  Liie  Hudson's  IJay  Company's  post  at  Fort 
Colville.  The  company's  ajrent  exchanged  ammunition  with 
the  Indians  for  some  of  the  property  abandoned  by  Colo- 
nel Steptoe,  but  on  complaint  at  their  head -quarters  both 
the  purchase  of  plunder  and  the  sale  of  ammunition  were 
stopped. 

The  chief  basis  of  discontent  was  in  the  treaties  agreed 
on  by  (iovernor  Stevens  with  the  various  tribes,  b\it  which 
had  not  yet  been  ratified.  The  exact  nature  of  the  discon- 
tent was  in  controversv.  One  set  of  officials  keiit  insisting 
tliat  the  Indiaiis  were  angry  because  the  treaties  were  net 
ratified  and  carried  out,  while  another  set,  equally  numerous, 
insisted  with  equal  vehemence  that  the  Indians  were  angry 
because  they  feared  that  the  treaties  would  be  ratified.  On 
October  19.  1857,  Colonel  Steptoe  reported  from  Fort  Walla- 
Walla,  '*  It  is  my  duty  to  inform  the  general  that  Mr.  J.  lloss 
J'rowne,  acting,  I  believe,  as  agent  of  the  Indian  Bureau, 
did,  in  a  recent  conversation  with  '  Lawyer,'  the  aSqz  Perce 
chief,  assert  that  (ioveriu)r  Stevens's  treaty  of  AV^alla -Walla- 
would  ctrtaiidy  be  ratified  and  enforced.  ...  I  will  simply 
add  that  in  niy  opinion  any  attempt  to  enforce  that  treaty 
will  be  followed  by  immediate  hostilities  with  most  of  the 
tribes  in  this  part  of  the  country.''  This  information  was 
received  with  some  irulignation  by  (leneral  Clarke.  lie  had 
taken  command  of  the  department  in  June,  and  soon  after 
liad  a  consultation  with.  Indian  Superintendent  Xesmith  in 
regard  to  this  ver}'  matter.  Nesmith  told  him  there  were 
two  causes  for  the  hostile  feelings  then  existing.  One  was 
that  while  the  In'.ians  understood  ♦iliat  amnesty  had  been 
granted  to  the  nnirderers  of  agent  Holen  by  Colotiel  Vvriglit, 
there  was  still  an  endeavor  on  the  part  of  some  civil  officers 
to  ap]irehend  them.  The  other  was  a  fear  that  the  treaties 
with  (iTdvernor  Stevens  would  be  enforced,  although  they  held 
them  void,  on  the  ground  that  the  chiefs  who  made  them 
had  no  authority  to  do  so.  On  this  information  the  general 
used  his  influence  to  have  the  treaties  left  inoperative,  and 
permitted  the  liulen  murderers  to  remain  at  large,     "It  is 


334 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


under  these  circntnstanccs,"  lie  wrote,  in  complaint  to  army 
head-quarters,  "that  Mr.  J.  lloss  Ih-owne  makes  (with  what 
authority  I  know  not)  the  declaration  to  the  Indian  that  the 
treaties  will  certainly  be  ratified  and  enforced." 

Mr.  Jjrowne  was  a  special  a^ent  of  the  Interior  Depart- 
ment, who  was  sent  into  Oregon  and  Washington  to  inspect 
the  condition  of  the  reservations,  and  who  incidentally  re- 
ported on  the  causes  of  the  wars  of  1850.  He  believed  that 
the  Mar  resulted  from  the  irrepressible  conflict  between  sav- 
agery and  civilization.  lie  said.  "  The  treaties  were  not  the 
cause  of  the  war.  I  have  already  shown  that  the  war  had 
been  determined  upon  long  before.  If  (iovernor  Stevens  is 
to  blame  because  he  did  not  so  frame  the  treaties  as  to  stop 
the  war,  or  stop  it  by  not  making  treaties  at  all,  then  that 
charge  should  be  specifically  brought  against  him.  My  own 
opinion  is,  that  he  had  no  more  control  over  the  course  of 
events  than  the  Secret.iry  of  War  in  Washington."  Mr. 
Browne  was  a  pleasing  writer  and  a  man  of  discernment,  but 
like  !iu)st  men  who  have  a  fixed  idea,  to  begin  with,  he  was 
inclined  to  bend  everything  to  it.  Still  there  was  much  of 
•trutli  in  his  views,  as,  indeed,  there  is  in  everything  lie  has 
written  on  the  Indian  question,  but  he  is  at  times  carried 
away  by  enthusiasm.  It  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  he  was 
alone  in  his  views  of  the  treaties.  A  large  party  in  the  North- 
west had  the  same  opinions,  and  so  had  several  persons  who 
reiwrted  specially  on  the  subject.  For  example.  Lieutenant 
Mullan,  Avho  accompanied  Colonel  Wright  in  tiie  campaign 
of  which  an  account  follows,  after  personal  investigation, 
wrote  the  Commissioner  of  Indian  Affairs  on  September  5, 
18r)8;  "To  this  day  tiie  laiiors  of  (iovernor  Stevens  are  dis- 
regarded and  uncared  for,  and  the  treaties  containing  the  sol- 
emn promises  of  the  Indian  on  the  one  side,  and  binding 
obligation  of  the  gnvemnietit  on  the  other,  lie  among  the 
dusty  archives  of  Congress,  while  a  war  rages  in  every  (piar- 
ter  of  the  North-west  coast.  The  Indians  feel  that  their  rights 
liave  been  trilled  with  by  pnuiiises  made  by  agents  armed  and 
vested  with  authority  to  act,  which  the  government  has  not 
ratified.  And  will  it,  I  ask,  longer  remain  in  this  passive 
raood?     AVill  it  longer  act  inertly  [!J  while  lives  arc  sacriticed 


WAR  WITH  THE   SPOKANES,  C(EUR  D'ALftNES,  ETC.     .^SS 

and  millions  squandered,  and  still  longer  hesitate  to  act?    For 
one,  I  trust  not.     Let  these  bo  rati  lied." 

The  cause  of  this  contlict  of  opinion  is  found  in  the  fact 
that  the  Indians  were  not  ajjrced  as   to  the   treaties.     The 
more  <^.!;Midly  Indians,  chiefly  Nez  l*erc'ei<,  wanted  the  treaties 
ratified,  partly  because  they  thought  the  whites  desired  it,  and 
partly  because  they  were  ready  to  adopt  a  (piasi-civilized  life. 
These  Indians  were  more  often  seen  by  "  visiting  statesmen," 
and  were  more  comirainicative  ;  in  consequence  of  which  their 
ideas  were  more  apt  to  be  taken  as  an  e.xpression  of  Indian 
sentiment  by  casual  visitors.    Tlie  military,  on  the  other  hand, 
were  largely  in  contact  with  the  Indians  who  desired  to  re- 
tain their  wild  life,  and  were  acquainted  with  their  views. 
The  objections  of  those  who  opposed  the  treaties  were  not 
to  a  continuance  of  friendship,  or  a  surrender  of  part  of  their 
lands,  but  to  the  surrender  of  the  entire  country  of  certain 
tribes  and  a  removal  to  otlier  locations.    Uncpiestionably  those 
who  opposed  the  treaties  were  much  more  numerous  than  the 
others.     Their  view  was  thus  set  forth  by  Garry,  the  Spokane 
chief,  in  a  message  carried  to  General  Clarke  by  Father  Con- 
giato:  "When  you  [Clarke]  meet  me,  we  walk  friendly,  we 
shake  hands.     Two  years  after  you  met  !nc,  you,  American, 
1  heard  words  from  white  people,  whence  I  concluded  3'ou 
Avanted  to  kill  me  for  my  land.     I  did  not  believe  it.     Every 
Year  I   heard  the  same.     Now   you  arrived,  you   my  frietid, 
you,  Stevens,  in  Whitman  Valley;  you  called  the  Indians  to 
that  place.     I  went  there  to  listen  to  what  should  be  said. 
You  had  a  speech — you,  my  friend  Stevens,  to  the  Indians. 
You  spoke  for  the  land  of  the  Indians.     You  told  them  all 
what  vou  should  pav  them  for  their  land.    I  was  much  pleased 
when  I  heard  how  much  you  offered;  annual  money,  houses, 
schools,  blacksmiths,  farms,  and  so  forth.     And  then  you  saiil, 
all  th(!  Cayuses,  Walla-Wallas,  and  Spokaties  should  emigrate 
to  Layer's  (  Lawyer,  ftr  llal-al-hosote,  the  Xez   I'erce  chief] 
country  ;  and  from  Colville  and  below  all  Indians  slumld  go 
and  stay  to  (yanuiyaketi's  [Kani-i-a-ken,  the  Yakima  chief] 
country;  and  by  saying  so  you  broke  the  hearts  of  all  the 
Indians;  and   hearing   that,  I   thought    that  you   missed  it. 
Should  you  have  given  the  Indians  time  to  think  on  it,  and 


336 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


to  tell  you  what  portion  of  tlie  land  they  wanted  to  give,  it 
would  have  been  right.  Then  the  Indians  got  mad  aiul  be- 
gan to  kill  the  whites.  I  was  very  sorry  all  the  time.  Then 
you  began  to  war  against  the  Indians.  When  you  began  this 
war  all  tlie  upper  country  was  quiet.  Then  every  year  wo 
heard  something  from  the  lower  Indians.  1  tc^ld  tlie  people 
hereabout  not  to  listen  to  such  talk.  The  governor  will  eomo 
up;  you  will  hear  from  his  own  mouth;  then  believe  it. 
Now  this  spring  I  heard  of  the  coming  of  Colonel  Steptoe. 
I  did  my  best  to  persuade  my  people  not  to  shoot  him.  lie 
goes  to  Colville,  1  said,  to  speak  to  the  whites  and  to  the  In- 
dians. We  will  go  there  and  listen  to  what  he  sliall  say. 
They  would  not  listen  to  me,  but  the  boys  shot  at  him;  I 
was  very  soi-ry." 

Tills  dillerence  of  opinion  among  the  Indians  naturally 
resulted  in  perpetual  mi.>understanding.  One  Indian  would 
tell  a  special  agent  that  he  wanted  the  treaties  ratilied,  and 
would  be  assured  that  thev  should  be  ratilied.  Another  would 
e.\i)lain  his  oi)jection8  to  the  treaties  to  some  oilicer,  and  be 
assured  that  they  should  not  be  ratified.  These  Indians  would 
then  c :)nie  together  and  find  themselves  in  a  conliict  of  fact, 
which  showed  that  some  one  was  deceiving  them.  Suspicion 
and  discontent  grew  apace.  The  treaty  Indians  wanted  the 
goods  and  money  that  had  been  promised  them,  but  not  paid  ; 
the  opponents  of  the  treaties  watched  with  jealous  eye  every 
appearance  of  an  encfoachment  on  their  lands.  One  thing 
that  they  desired,  ami  they  insisted  on  it  at  their  council  with 
Stevens,  was  that  "tlie  soldiers  should  not  come  north  of  the 
Ne.'<  Perces  lliver."  They  did  not  object  much  to  small  par- 
ties, but  thcjy  wanted  no  large  ones,  and  no  cannon.  The 
stream  tliey  referred  to  is  the  Snake,  or  Lewis  Fork  of  the 
Columbia.  The  Indians  called  it  the  Xez  Perec's,  the  Pelouse, 
ami  the  Snake,  in  the  parts  wliich  flowed  through  the  coun- 
tries of  tliofc  tribes  respectively.  'I'lie  whites  applied  the 
name  "Snake"  to  it  thnuighout  its  length,  and  gave  the 
name  Pelouse  to  its  lirst  large  atHuen\  above  its  mouth,  on 
the  nortii  side,  otherwise  known  as  Flag  lliver. 

With  all  these  causes  for  discontent,  there  was  still  no 
satisfactory  reason   for  the  attack  on  Steptoe,  and  thiy  the 


WAR  WITH   TlIK   SrOKANKS,  CfEl'It   D'ALKXES,  ETC.     337 


VIEW   OF  TIIK  COI.fMlllA   ABOVE  THE  DALLES. 


Indians  tlienisolvos  admittotl.  Says  Father  Josct  to  Father 
lloockoii  :  '•  A'ineent  arrived.  T  asked  liinj  what  provoca- 
ticiii  they  had  received.  'Xone;  all  the  fault  is  on  our  side,' 
'  You  are  the  murderers  of  your  own  jieople,  not  the  Aniori- 
caiis.'  '  It  is  true.  I  would  rather  die  as  the  Americans,  as 
our  i)eo]ile  are  dead.  1  had  no  intenti(»n  to  flight,  hut  at  seeing 
the  corpse  of  my  hrother-in-law  I  lost  my  head.  What  will  ho 
the  conse(iuences  ?  If  we  are  pardoned  we  will  faithfully  re- 
store all  that  has  hecn  taken;  if  not,  we  will  remain  liome, 
and  if  we  are  attacked  we  will  defend  ourselvi's  to  the  last,  and 
when  we  are  all  killed  the  Americans  will  have  our  lands. 
Fools  that  we  are,  we  have  always  douhted  the  truth  of  what 
the  Father  told  us;  now  wo  have  seen  it.  The  Americans  do 
not  want  to  tight  us.'"  .Xgain  he  says  to  Father  Congiato, 
"The   next  day   L  asked  those  that  1  saw, 'What  provoca- 


338 


MASSACRKS  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


tion  have  you  received  from  the  troops?'  'None,' said  tliey. 
'  Tlien  you  are  only  murderers,  the  authors  of  the  death  of 
your  own  people.'  '  Tliis  is  true ;  the  fault  can  in  no  way 
be  attributed  to  the  soldiers ;  Malkapsi  is  the  cause  of  all 
the  evil.'  "  There  were  some,  however,  who  claimed  that  the 
soldiers  were  tlie  a<jgres8ors,  because  they  had  come  into  their 
country  and  brou<fht  cannon  with  them. 

•I  c? 

One  thiu^cj,  of  course,  is  to  be  remembered — there  were  all 
degrees  of  otfending,  from  the  active  hostile  to  the  almost 
neutral,  just  as  there  are  in  every  Indian  war.  The  worst  of 
them  all  were  Kamiaken,  his  brothers  Skloom  and  Shawawai, 
Ovvhi  and  his  son  Qualchian,  the  Yakima  malcontents  of  1856, 
who  had  been  roaming  among  the  tribes,  exciting  discontent 
and  committing  depredations  where  they  could.  Kaminken 
was  the  most  influential  of  them  all.  lie  was  a  man  of  un- 
usual stature  and  remarkable  strength.  No  man  in  the  tribe 
could  bend  his  bow.  lie  was  rated  the  best  orator  ^rom  the 
Cascades  to  the  llockies,  and  appears  to  have  beeii  inspired 
by  a  patriotic  hope  of  throwing  off  the  supremacy  of  the 
whilos.  In  later  years,  when  his  plans  were  miscarried  and 
his  hopes  of  a  great  combimition  of  the  In  Jians  against  the 
common  foe  dashed  to  the  ground,  he  refused  to  return  to 
his  own  country,  and,  apparently  broken-hearted,  passed  the 
rest  of  his  days  east  of  the  Columbia.  The  Pelouses  were 
ne.xt  in  culiiability.  They  were  a  tribe  of  about  live  hun- 
dred, living  along  the  nortli  side  of  the  Snake  liiver.  They 
were  in  three  bands:  Que-lajvtip,  with  forty  lodges,  camped 
usually  at  the  mouth  of  tne  Pelouse ;  So-ie,  with  twelve  lodges, 
was  located  thirty  miles  below  on  the  Snake;  Til-co-ax  (Tel- 
ga-wax,  Til-ca-icks),  with  thirty  lodges,  lived  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Snake.  The  remainijig  Indians  in  the  country  between 
the  Snake  and  the  Columbia,  some  half-dozen  bands,  were 
commonly  called  Spokanes  by  the  whites,  but  the  Indians 
gave  that  name  only  to  the  band  that  lived  about  the  forks  of 
the  Spokane  Uiver.  This  was  the  location  of  that  old  land- 
mark "  tlie  Spokane  House,"' an  old  Hudson's  iJay  Company 
fort,  which  appears  on  the  old  maps.  The  chief  of  this  band 
was  the  celebrated  Garry,  often  called  Spokane  Carry,  who 
had  been  sent  by  Sir  George  Simpson  to  the  lied  liiver  set- 


WAR  WITH  THE  SP0KANE8,  CiEVR  D'ALftNE.S.  ETC.     341 

tltMueuts  for  cduciition  at  the  ago  of  twelve  years.  He  lived 
there  five  years.  At  this  time  he  was  about  forty-five  years 
of  age,  was  intelligent,  8])oke  EtiglLsh  well,  and  had  more  con- 
trol over  his  Indians  than  any  chief  in  the  North-wot;t.  lie 
and  his  band  usually  dressed  in  the  fashion  of  civilization 
and  were  still  Protestants  in  religion.  Their  conversion  was 
the  work  of  Itcverends  Walker  and  Eels,  who  established  the 
Mission  of  Ishimakin  (Chemakane,  Cimiakin)  while  AVhitnian 
and  Spalding  were  laboring  among  the  Cayuses  and  Nez  Per- 
ces.  This  Mission  was  on  a  little  tributary  of  the  Spokane 
a  few  miles  west  of  Garry's  village,  and  was  abandoned  after 
the  Whitman  massacre.  There  was  considerable  coolness  be- 
tween the  Spokanes  and  their  then  allies  tiie  Co;ur  d'Alenes, 
whose  country  joined  them  on  the  east,  on  account  of  re- 
ligious differences,  but  they  lived  at  peace  with  each  other. 
Tiie  latter  numbered  about  one  hundred  lodges  and  were  un- 
der Vincent,  who  has  been  mentioned. 

The  Indians  must  be  punished— that  was  evident — and 
active  preparations  were  begun  for  putting  a  large  force  into 
the  Held.  The  priests  came  down  and  waited  on  (icneral 
Clarke,  to  explain  the  situation  and  offer  their  services  in 
smoothing  "  the  wrinkled  frotit  of  war."  Father  Joset  and 
Father  Congiato,  who  was  at  the  head  of  the  Jesuit  Mis- 
sions, were  sent  l)ack  to  the  hostiles  with  instructions  to  tell 
them  that  the  gei  '^ral  did  not  ask  permission  to  send  troops 
through  their  country — that  was  his  right;  that  he  did  not 
ask  them  to  permit  the  road  to  be  built  through  their  coun- 
try from  the  JMissmiri — that  was  the  right  of  the  govern- 
ment; but  if  they  desired  peace  they  must  drive  Kamiaken 
and  all  other  hostiles  of  other  tribes  from  their  country,  re- 
turn all  the  property  taken  from  Steptoe's  troo|>s,  and  surren- 
der the  men  who  first  fired  on  the  troops  in  disobedience  to 
tiieir  chiefs.  To  these  terms,  especially  the  surrender  of  the 
prisoners,  the  Indians  were  imt  ready  to  submit.  Their  re- 
plies were  written  down  and  sent  back  by  the  priests.  I'o- 
lot-kin  (^Saulotken,  a  Spokane)  said,  "The  practice  of  the  In- 
dians is  dilferent  from  what  you  think;  when  they  want  to 
make  peace,  when  they  want  to  cease  hostilities,  they  bury 
the  dead  and  live  again  on  good  terms.     They  don't  speak 


;J42 


MASSACUKS  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


of  nidie  blood.  I  speak  sincerely,  I,  Sanlotkcn,  let  lis  finish 
the  war;  iny  lanjjunge  shall  not  be  t\voft»lcl  ;  no;  I  speak 
from  the  heart.  If  you  disapprove  my  words  you  may  de- 
spise them.  I  speak  the  truth  ;  I,  Imliaii ;  I  don't  want  to 
light  you.  "i'ou  are  at  liberty  to  kill  me,  but  I  will  not  de- 
liver my  neighbors.  If  it  should  be  my  pr  ctice,  I  would  do 
according  to  it,  and  deliver  them.  J»ut  that's  a  practice  of  your 
own."  ^lilkapsi  said,"!  feel  unwilling  to  give  you  up  niy 
three  brother,  for  1  think  though  we  ft)Ught,  I  won't  begin 
to  make  peace.  I  want  you  to  begin  if  yon  want  to  make 
])eace;  come  into  my  countr}-."  (iarry  said,  "You  ask  some 
to  be  delivered  up.  Poor  Indian  can't  come  to  that.  But 
withdraw  this  one  word,  and  sure  you  will  make  peace." 
In  fact,  the  Indians  were  more  defiant  than  these  messages 
would  indicate.  Agent  Owen,  who  was  among  the  hostiles 
on  the  Spokane,  and  could  not  get  away  without  endangering 
his  life,  wrote  on  July  Kttli.  "  I  have  just  returned  from  one 
of  the  blackest  councils,  I  think,  that  has  ever  been  held  on 
the  Pacific  slope.  Five  humJred  fighting  men  were  ])re8ent, 
elated  with  their  recent  success ;  the  dragoon  horses  were 
prancing  around  all  day  ;  the  scalp  and  war  dance  going  on 
all  night  long."  lie  re])orted  the  Indians  as  saying,  "Let 
Steptoe  come;  bring  plent}'  of  men;  it  will  be  dark,  too 
dark  to  sec;  father  and  son  will  fall  together.  We  will  meet 
him  on  Snake  Kiver;  burn  the  grass  around  and  before  him. 
We  want  more  fine  horses;  the  soldiers  are  the  people  we 
want  to  take  them  from.  Steptoe  may  want  peace  ;  has  he 
sent  you  here  to  ask  for  it?  If  so  let  us  know  on  what 
terms.  We  will  consider  his  pro))osition ;  perhaps  we  will 
make  j)eace." 

Pre|)aration8  for  the  campaign  were  not  delayed  whii^* 
the  Fathers  were  on  their  mission.  All  available  troops  were 
brought  up  from  California,  and  the  0th  and  7th  infantry 
were  ordered  across  from  I'tah.  Colonel  George  Wright, 
commanding  at  the  Dalles,  was  put  in  command  of  the  main 
column,  which  was  to  move  from  Fort  Walla -Walla.  At  the 
same  time  a  smaller  column,  having  for  its  base  Fort  Siincoe. 
on  the  ^  aki>na,  was  to  scour  the  country  north  and  west  of 
the  Columbia,  and  drive  all  the  hostiles  to  the  other  side.     It 


WAR  WITH  THE  si>0KANi;8.  C'ouit  i)'ALf:xi:«,  i:tc.    343 

re(|iiire(l  some  weeks  to  preparo  for  tlio  inarcli,  as  tlic  stock 
of  supplies  at  Fort  Wallii-Walla  was  very  low  ami  overytliiiii^ 
had  to  be  transported  overland.  A  steainhoat  had  hcen  rnn- 
niiig  on  the  Cohiinhia  above  the  Dalles,  but  it  had  recently 
•fone  over  the  cascades,  and  there  was  left  no  available  means 
of  transportation  by  water.  The  friendly  Indians  along  the 
river  were  talked  to  and  presented  with  medals.  Among 
others  thus  munificently  rewarded  was  Spencer,  the  unfortu- 
nate chief  whoso  family  had  been  so  mercilessly  murdered 
during  the  last  war,  and  who  yet  had  remained  iirni  in  his 
friendship  to  the  whites.  On  August  4th  a  treaty  of  alliance, 
offensive  and  defensive,  was  made  with  the  Nez  I'erces  under 
Lawyer,  Timothy,  Joseph,  Eagle  from  the  Light,  Captain 
John,  and  others,  and  thirty  of  them  volunteered  to  'iccom- 
pany  the  expedition.  On  the  7th  the  column  moved.  It 
consisted  of  five  hundred  and  seventy  regulars  besides  the 
friendly  Indians  and  one  hundred  employes,  with  two  six- 
jiounders  and  two  howitzers.  They  struck  the  Snake  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Toukannon.  three  miles  above  the  mouth  of 
the  Peloubo,  and  there  built  Fort  Taylor  and  established  a 
ferry.  One  company  was  left  as  a  garrison,  with  most  of 
the  supplies,  and  the  remainder,  after  spending  three  days 
in  crossing,  marched  on  northward.  They  found  the  grass 
I)urned  for  about  twenty  miles  I)ack  from  the  river,  but  be- 
yond that  it  was  undisturbed.  No  resistance  was  offered  to 
them,  though  they  occasionally  caught  sight  of  parties  of  the 
hostiles,  until  September  1st. 

The  troops  were  then  camped  on  the  south  side  of  the 
Four  Lakes,  ten  or  twelve  miles  south-west  of  Lahto  or  Ned- 
whuald  Creek,  a  triijiitary  of  the  Spokane.  The  largest  lake 
is  at  the  west,  the  second  in  size  is  two  miles  or  more  east  of 
it;  between  thern  lie  the  two  smaller  ones,  which  arc  about 
equal  in  extent,  one  of  them  half  a  mile  north  of  the  other. 
At  the  north-western  corner  of  the  second  lake  is  a  high  hill, 
on  which  the  Indians  were  seen  in  force  on  the  morning  of 
the  1st.  Colonel  Wright  at  once  prepared  to  advance  against 
them.  Two  companies  of  dragoons,  under  jMajorGrier,  were 
sent  around  the  hill  on  the  west  side  to  cut  off  retreat;  two 
companies  of  riflemen,  one  howitzer,  and  the  Nez  Perccs  were 


344 


MAS.SAfKKH  OF  TIIH   MorXTAINS 


tlirown  to  the  right  between  tlie  hill  and  tho  lake;  and  four 
companies  of  infantry,  under  Captain  Keycs,  charged  tiie  hill 
from  tho  sonth-west.  The  Indians  retired  before  him,  and 
on  gaining  the  summit  it  was  seen  that  the  woods  on  the 
northeastern  base  were  full  of  Indians,  while  on  the  open 
plain  to  the  north-west  were  four  or  five  hundred  mounted 
warriors,  riding  furiously  to  and  fro,  and  apjiarently  eager 
for  a  tight.  The  riflemen  dashed  through  the  woods  on  the 
east,  driving  the  Indians  before  them  to  the  open  jdain. 
Captain  ICeyes's  command  advanced  steadily  down  the  hill 
until  they  passed  the  dragoons,  who  dismounted  and  followed 
in  the  rear,  leading  their  horses,  until  well  on  the  plain. 
They  then  mounted  and  charged  the  Indians,  who  fled  in 
every  direction  ami  were  soon  out  of  reach.  They  had  lost 
about  twenty  killed  aiul  a  number  >vounded.  The  troops 
had  met  with  no  casualty  of  any  kind. 

On  the  5th  tho  troops  moved  northward  again.  They  pass- 
ed tiie  lakes,  and,  two  miles  beyond,  entered  the  open  prairie, 
where  the  Itulians  soon  appeared,  moving  to  intercept  the 
force  bef(»re  it  reached  the  next  timber.  They  fired  the  grass 
on  both  sides  and  in  front,  quickly  surrounding  the  little 
army  with  smoke  and  flame,  under  cover  of  which  some  sev- 
en hundred  warriors  opened  Are  on  them.  An  advance  was 
ordered,  and  tho  dragoons  rode  through  the  flames,  chasing 
the  Indians  back  to  the  forests.  Tho  pack  train  with  its 
guard  moved  forward  as  speedily  as  ])ractlcable,  and  at  every 
available  point  the  howitzers  opened  Are,  driving  the  Indians 
from  their  cover.  The  comnuind  was  kept  as  n)uch  concen- 
trated as  possible,  and  charges  were  made  from  the  lines  at 
every  opportunity.  In  this  way  the  troops  marched  north 
for  Ave  miles,  ami  north-east  seven,  going  into  camp  below  the 
mouth  of  the  Lahto,  after  a  march  of  twenty  miles  without 
water,  fourteen  of  it  under  fire.  The  fighting  lasted  seven 
hours,  and  resulted  in  a  loss  to  the  hostiles  of  two  chiefs  and 
many  warriors,  including  two  brothers  of  Garry.  The  only 
casualty  to  the  troops  was  one  man  wounded. 

The  Indians  were  now  much  discouraged.  On  the  morn- 
ing of  the  7th  they  called  across  the  Spokane  that  Garry 
wanted  to  talk  with  the  colonel.     An  interview  was  <rranted, 


FALLS  (IF  TlIK   SPOKANE. 


WAR  WITH  THE  SI'OKANES,  CCEUU    D'ALfiNES,  ETC.     347 

in  whicli  Colonel  Wright  told  him,  "  I  did  not  como  into  this 
country  to  ask  you  to  make  j)eac'e;  I  came  to  fight.  Now, 
when  you  are  tired  of  the  war,  and  ask  for  peace,  1  will  tell 
you  wh.it  you  must  do.  You  must  como  to  me  witli  your 
arms,  with  your  women  and  children,  and  everylhitig  you 
have,  and  lay  them  at  my  feet;  yon  must  put  ycur  faith  in 
me,  and  trust  to  my  mercy.  If  you  do  this  I  uiall  then  dic- 
tate the  terms  ui)on  which  I  will  grant  yon  i)eac'j.  If  you  do 
not  do  this,  war  will  he  made  on  you  this  year  and  next,  and 
until  your  nation  shidl  he  extortniiiated."  (iarry  went  away, 
and  soon  I'olotkin,  who  had  led  in  the  battles  of  the  1st  and 
r)th,and  had  been  cons])icuous  in  the  tight  wilii  Steptoe,  came 
over  with  nine  warriors.  This  chief  was  held  as  a  prisoner, 
and  also  one  of  his  men,  who  waa  recognized  as  iiaving  been 
recentl}'  at  VValla-Walla  with  Father  IiaviiUi,  and  was  strong- 
ly suspected  of  being  one  of  the  murderers  of  the  two  miners. 
On  the  8th  the  march  up  the  Spokane  was  continued. 
Atter  proceeding  nine  miles,  a  great  dust  was  observed  in 
front  and  to  the  right,  and  Major  Clrier  was  despatched  to- 
wards it  with  three  com]ianie8  of  dragoons  and  the  Nez  Pcr- 
ce.s.  Colonel  Wright  following  with  a  part  of  the  infimtry. 
The  dragoons  found  the  connnotion  to  be  caused  by  tlie  In- 
diaiis  driving  their  herds  into  the  mountains;  they  charged, 
and  after  a  brief  skirmish  -urceeded  in  capturing  eight  hun- 
dred horses.  The  comnuuu  then  went  into  camp  (tn  the  iiv- 
er.  The  case  of  th  '  liidiaii  taken  wi'h  I'olotkin  was  examined 
into,  and  it  being  found  that  he  w  ;s  one  of  the  murderers, 
he  M'as  hung  at  sunset.  On  the  next  day  Colonel  Wright, 
tinding  it  impracticable  to  kee[)  the  captured  horses  witli  him, 
many  of  them  being  very  wild,  selected  a  few  to  replace  brn- 
l\en-down  anim;ds  i!i  the  command,  and  ordered  the  rest  .shot. 
The  slaughter  took  up  tiiat  day  and  the  next,  and  during  its 
progress  the  troops  also  killed  a  large  number  of  cattle  and 
destroyed  several  barns  fidl  of  grain,  and  many  caches  (tf 
camas  and  other  roots,  i)erries,  and  other  supplies.  Tiie 
horses  belonged  to  and  crtnstituted  almost  the  entire  wealth 
of  Tilcoax,  the  Pelouse  Aief,  so  that  the  blow  fell  in  a  good 
place.  lie  had  never  been  friendly,  and  for  more  than  two 
years  he  and  his  young  men  had  been  stealing  horses  and  cat- 


348 


MASSACRES  OF  Till:   MOl'NTAIX.S. 


tie  troiM  the  settlements,  as  he  boldly  admitted  t(»  ( "olonel 
Steptoe.  On  the  Idth  ix  messeti<i;er  eame  from  Father  .luset 
saying  that  the  hostiles  were '*  down  and  suiiii;  for  peace," 
which  caused  a  cessation  of  the  work  uf  destruction  for  the 
time. 

The  army  moved  on  up  the  Spokane,  without  any  resist- 
ance, to  the  nortli-wcstern  extremity  of  Cceur  d'Alene  Lake, 
and  thence  around  the  imrth-eastern  side  of  the  lake,  over 
one  of  tlu)se  most  ditticult  of  all  hii^liways,  a  mountain  Indian 
ti'ail.  It  was  encumbered  with  fallen  trees  and  liowhU'rs  be- 
low, and  obtrusive  branches  above,  to  such  an  extent  that  the 
expedition  was  obliged  lo  move  in  single  tile  almost  the  en- 
tire distance  to  the  Mission,  whi'-li  is  thirty-one  miles  from 
the  outlet  of  the  lake.  This  Mission  was  established  in  ]s4I, 
on  St.  Jos'.'ph's  River,  but  owing  to  overflows  in  that  valley 
it  was  renioveil,  in  l>4t>,  to  its  permanent  location,  on  the 
riifht  baidv  of  tlu'  Co  iir  d'Aleiie  Kiver.  a  sluy:<;ish  stream 
one  hundred  yards  wide  and  twenty-five  feel  deep.  The 
Mission  is  on  a  small  liill,  a  fragment  of  an  east  and  west 
8p\ir  of  the  I'itter  Root  Mountains,  looking  towards  the  north  ; 
below  it  is  a  small  ])rairie,  a  mile  in  width  aiid  three  in 
length,  which  at  this  time  was  under  cultivation  in  cro]is  of 
wheat,  oats,  barli-v,  an<l  vegetables,  and  dotted  lu-re  and  tln-re 
with  houses  and  barns.  The  jjrincijial  building,  the  Chiireh 
of  the  Sacred  Heart,  was  quite  an  imposing  ediliee  for  sucli  a 
location.  The  church  pro])er  was  forty-six  feet  wide  and 
sixty  feet  iong,  with  thirty  feet  more  in  length,  supported  by 


nea 


vy  1 


)i  liars. 


li  was  desiirned  bv  Father  Ravalli,  forinerlv  a 


])rofessor  of  chemistry  and  |»hiU)sophy  in  tlu^  ilesuit  College 
at  Rome,  and  was  two  years  in  construction.  The  only  work- 
men were  the  priests  and  a  few  Indians,  having  for  tools  a 
saw,  an  auger,  an  ax,  and  an  (»ld  jack-plane.  To  the  left  of 
the  chui'ch  was  the  house  (»f  the  priests,  an<l  again  to  the  left 
were  the  storchonse.  hospital,  workshop  an<l  a  building  for 
the  use  of  the  Indians,  The  lake  about  which  the  country 
of  tlie  Co'ur  d'.'vlenes  lies  is  some  lifteeii  miles  west  of  the 
Mission.  It  is  irregular  in  shape,  tliirty  miles  long,  varying 
in  width  from  one  to  five  miles.  It  is  embosonuMl  in  beauti- 
ful mountains.     The  shores  that  are  protected  from  the  pre- 


WAR  WITH  THK   SPOKANKS,  C(EUR   DALftNKS,  ETC.     351 


vailing  winds  shelve  rapidly  ;  the  exj)()scd  ones  are  shallow, 
with  a  }K'I)hIy  beach  extendini^  a  short  distance  out.  It  has 
two  principal  feeders,  the  St.  Joseph's  and  the  (\i'iir  d'Alene, 
both  deep  streams  with  scarcely  any  current.  This  's  caused 
by  the  nature  of  the  outlet  of  the  lake,  the  Spokane  Kiver, 
which  at  a  point  ten  utiles  west  of  the  lake  is  conliiied  in  a 
luirrow  rock  canon,  where  it  has  an  abrupt  fall  of  cii;ht  or 
ten  feet,  known  as  the  Cpper  Kails.  Above  this  natural 
dam  the  water  is  really  back-water,  extendiui;  for  a  cotnider- 
able  distance  up  the  principal  feeders.  It  also  causes  (piite 
extensive  marshes,  and  in  the  spriui?  season  produces  general 
overflows,  the  water  having  no  ready  outlet.  The  streams 
and  lake  abound  in  trout  and  are  great  resorts  foi  watet- 
fuwl,  as  also  are  the  marshes.  The  hills,  which  were  largely 
covered  with  forests  of  ])ine  and  fir,  abounded  i/i  largo  game. 
Such  was  the  home  of  the  CVeur  d'Aleiies,  a  tribe  of  about 
live  hundred,  of  whom  one  hundred  and  thirty  could  bear 
arms.  Their  country  was  not  easily  accessible,  and  they 
were  very  jealous  of  intrusion,  not  even  permitting  t!ie 
French  Canadians  of  the  Hudson's  J'ay  Company  to  enter 
it.  I'robably  fortius  reason  they  received  their  name  Co'ur 
d'Alene — Heart  of  an  Awl,  or,  as  it  is  more  comnioidy  ren- 
dered, Pointed  Heart.  They  were  brave  and  warlike,  and 
had  many  horses  and  cattle. 

On  the  17th,  some  four  hundred  Indians  having  assem- 
bled at  the  Mission,  a  council  was  held  and  Colonel  Wright 
imposed  his  own  terms,  which  were  that  they  shouM  surren- 
der the  men  who  began  the  attack  on  Steptoe ;  give  up  all 
property,  public  or  private,  in  their  hands,  that  had  been 
taken  from  the  whites;  permit  whites  U)  i>ass  through  their 
country  unmolested;  and  give  a  chief  and  four  men,  >vith 
their  families,  as  hostages.  These  terms  were  accepted,  and 
on  the  next  day  the  march  around  the  lake  was  resumed. 
The  Co-nr  d'Alene  and  St. . Joseph's  were  both  ferried,  and 
from  the  latter,  which  enters  the  southern  extremity  of  the 
lake,  the  trcxips  maivhetJ  south-west  to  the  I^ahto.  Thei-e,  on 
the  '23d,  tlx"  Spok.iues  were  met  in  council,  (iarry  and  I'olot- 
kin  were  l)oth  prv^ent.  There  were  with  them  some  (  alispels 
or  Pend  d\)reiiies  (this  name  was  probably  Pendues  Ureilles, 


353 


MASSACKKS  Ul"  THE   MOUNTAINS. 


or  Iluiiij  Ears,  oriiiiiially),  and  inoiiiNers  of  otlier  small  tribes. 


111."'!  was 


tIi(;ro  also,     lie  liail   lost  all  his  liaii<rlitiiio 


SP, 


Milk;, 

and  l)e<i:p;ed  to  Ix;  admitted  to  peace  with  the  rest.  His 
jn'syer  was  granted,  btit  (Jolonel  Wrii^lit  took  occasion  to  re- 
mind him  of  his  letter  to  (Jeneral  Clarke,  and  call  his  atten- 
tion to  the  fact  that  tiie  whites  were  not  asking  for  peace. 
The  Spokanes  were  all  very  penitent,  and  made  fervent 
promisjs  of  futiiro  good  behavior.     They  were  treated  with 


tl 


on  the  same  terms  as 


the  C 


»enr  < 


I'Al 


eiies. 


While  the-so  movements  were  beini^  made.  Major  (larnett 
had  marched  np  the  Yakima  in  search  of  the  few  hostiles 
who  were  on  the  west  side  of  the  Colunbia.  They  were 
chielly  Yakimas,  with  a  few  Peh.u.ses  and  other  reneijades. 
On   the  morninu:  of  August  1."),  1.S5.S,  Lieut.  .1.  K.  Allen,  a 


poi 


)ular  and   eiHcient    vouiiir  olKcCi',  with   lifteen   men,  sur- 


prised the  camp  <if  lva-ti-h()-tes.  one  of  the  hostile  chiefs,  and 
captured  twenty-one  men,  fifty  women  and  children,  seventy- 
five  horses,  fifteen  caMle,  and  all  their  otlier  pro[)erty.  Lieu- 
tenant Allen  was  killed  in  the  surprise;  it  is  probable  lliat 
in  the  darknes.s,  it  lieinjr  at  three  o'clock  in  the  morning,  ho 
was  acciduntally  shot  by  one  of  his  own  men.  Three  (d'  tlu; 
waniors  capturt'd  were  fuund  to  have  been  in  the  i>arty  tiiat 
murdered  the  two  miners,  ami  were  sliot.  Another  of  the 
MHirderers  had  been  ki'led  while  trying  to  escape  during  the 
surprise.  It  was  ascertained  of  these  Indi;.ns  that  twenty- 
tive  in  all  were  engaged  in  the  att.ack  on  the  miners.  On 
the  2Lst  a   detachment  of  sixtv  men 


w 


etit  up  one  of  the 
branches  of  the  We-nat-ehe  liiver,  and,  with  the  assistance 
of  Ski-nar-wau.a  friendly  chief,  succeeded  \\\  entrapping  iive 
more  of  the  murderers,  ail  of  whom  were  shot.  Another  was 
found  alone  in  the  forest,  and  killed  by  the  soldiers.  A  great 
terror  fell  (ipm  all  the  wrong-doers.  One  of  the  murderers 
of  Agent  liolen  committal  suicide.  Six  of  the  murderers 
of  the  two  miners  Hed  into  the  fastnesses  of  the  (Jascade 
Mowntain.-;  the  renuiinde*- esfapeil  across  the  river  and  joined 
Kanaiakeii. 

On  the  evening  of  tlie  23d,  Owhi,  the  iHwitile  Yakima 
chief.  c»fne  into  C'olonel  Wright's  camp  on  tine  Laht«i.  lb' 
wid  li«  fcad  C01IM4  from  the   lower  Spokane,  tnd  had  left  his 


WAR  WITH  TIIK  SI'OKANKS,  CCEUR   D'ALftNES,  ETC.     353 

sun  (iuiilcliiiui  there,  (^naleliian  was  an  Imlian  that  Colonel 
Wriiriit  wanted.  lie  had  heen  actively  engaj^ed  iti  murders 
and  robijcries  since  IS.')'),  besides  stirring  np  discontent  an)ong 
the  friendly  Indians.  In  the  precediiii;  June  he  liad  heen  se- 
verely wounded  in  an  attack  on  sonic  miners  on  the  We-nat- 
che,  but  had  recovered  (juickiy  and  at  once  resumed  liis  evil 
course.  Owhi  was  put  in  irons,  and  word  was  sent  to  (Jual- 
chian  to  come  in  at  once  ;  that  if  he  did  not  come  iiis  father 
Would  be  huni;.  lie  arrived  at  nine  o'clock  the  ne.\t  morn- 
in;;-,  and  at  half-))ast  nine  was  hung.  From  this  camp  three 
troops  of  dragoo  IS  were  sent  to  Steptoe's  battle-ground.  They 
brought  in  th.e  two  abandoned  howitzers  and  also  the  remains 
of  Captain  Taylor  and  Lieutenant  (iaston,  which  were  con- 
veyed to  Fort  Walla- Walla  for  burial. 

()n  t]»e  2r)th  a  number  ot  I'elouses  came  into  the  camp. 
They  represented  that  they  had  i)een  with  tlie  hostiles,  but 
tliat  Kamiaken  had  tied  over  the  mountains  and  they  had  se- 
ceded from  him.  Tin;  ccdonel  seized  lifteen  of  them,  all  of 
whom,  on  ijivestigatioii,  were  ftuind  to  have  left  their  own 
(•ountry  aTul  waged  war  against  the  United  States.  In  the 
troubles  of  IS.M;.  which  he  had  settled  so  leniently  as  to  arouse 
the  resentment  of  the  Oregonians,  Colonel  Wright  hail  ]irom- 
i.<od  these  Indians  severe  punishment  if  found  again  with  the 
hostiles.  He  acc(»rdingly  hung  si.x  of  the  worst  ones  and 
kept  the  renuiinder  in  irons.  On  the  "itltli  the  command  ])ro- 
oecdcd  south-we.sterly  to  the  I'elouse.  Here,  on  tiie  ;5ltth.  all 
of  the  I'elouses  remaining  in  the  country  were  met  in  coun- 
cil. Colonel  Wright  addressed  them,  reproaching  tiiem  severe- 
ly for  their  thefts  and  murders,  and  demanded  the  murderers 
of  the  miners  among  them.  One  n.an  was  produced,  and 
hung  at  once.  .\11  the  property  taken  from  tiie  whites  was 
then  restored.  Tiie  prisoners  si-ized  as  Pelonses  were  brought 
out,  and  three,  who  wen;  found  to  bo  renegade  Vakimas  and 
Walla-Wallas,  were  hung.  A  chief  and  four  warriors,  with 
their  families,  were  demanded  as  hostages,  and  surrendered. 
It  was  then  announced  to  the  Ittdians  that  lu)  treaty  would 
l)e  made  with  them  at  fcliat  tiine,  luit  if  they  did  as  e(»mmand- 
ed,  a  treaty  would  be  made  in  the  following  spring;  they 
were  ordered  to  allow  whites  to  pass  through  their  country 


354 


MASSAt'UL.S  OF  TIIK   MOl.NTAINS. 


uninolopted,  and  to  appirlieiul  and  deliver  into  onstody  any 
of  tlu'ir  nation  ^nilty  of  tlieft  or  murder.  This  they  agreed 
to  do.  and,  after  warning  tliein  tliat  if  lie  ever  had  to  come 
into  their  eountry  again  he  wouKl  annihihito  tlieni.  ('oh>nel 
Wright  dismissed  them.  Tlieohjeets  of  the  expedition  being 
now  accomplished,  half  of  the  troops  w(Me  left  tem]iorarily  at 
Kort  Taylor,  and  the  remainder  rcndezvo\ised  at  Kort  Walla- 
Walla,  where  they  were  reviewed  on  Oetohcr  5tli  by  Colonel 
MaiisHeld,  Inspector  general  of  the  Army. 

Thus  ended  one  of  the  most  remarkable  Indian  campaig'is 
ever  kiionii.  In  it  two  liattlcs  and  a  number  of  sUirmi.-ihes 
occurred,  all  rcsultinj'  in  the  defeat  of  the  Indians  with  hcavv 
losses;  about  one  thousand  horses  and  numy  cattle  were  eap- 
ture<l.and  either  destroycil  or  eonfiscafcd  ;  enormous  (piantities 
of  sup[)lies  of  the  hostiles  were  destroyed;  eleven  murderers 
and  robber«  were  executed ;  the  Indians  who  commenced  the 
hostilities  were  surrendered  ;  three  large  tribes  and  several 
small  ones  were  reduced  to  abject  submission  ;  hostages  were 
given  by  each  tribe  for  their  good  behavior;  and  all  this  with- 
out the  loss  of  a  man.  The  expedition  of  Major  (iarnett  re- 
sulted in  the  punishment  of  ten  (tf  the  murd(;rers,  and  greatly 
aided  in  the  successful  issue  of  Colonel  Wright's  movement, 
but  it  met  with  some  loss,  chietly  in  the  untimely  death  of 
Lieutenant  Allen.  Still  a  fiiVther  and  more  signal  result  of 
this  war  was  yet  to  come.  Lawyer  wrote  from  Walla-Walla  to 
Governor  Stevens,  then  in  Washington,  as  follows:  "At  this 
place,  al)out  three  years  since,  we  had  our  talk,  ami  since  that 
time  I  have  been  waitini'  to  hear  from  our  bij;  father.  We 
ari^  very  poor.  It  is  other  people's  badness.  It  is  not  our  fault, 
and  I  would  like  to  hear  what  he  has  to  say.  If  he  thinks 
our  agreement  good  our  hearts  will  be  thaid<ful.  Colonel 
Wright  has  been  over  after  the  bad  people,  anrl  has  killed 
some  of  the  bad  people  and  hung  sixteen  ;  and  now  I  am  in 
hopes  we  will  have  peace."  The  letter  was  submitted  to  the 
Department  oi  the  Interior.  There  was  a  general  move  in 
favor  of  the  ratification  of  the  treaties.  Lieutemmt  MuUan, 
who  was  with  Stevens  in  the  railway  exploration,  reiterated 
liis  j)rayer8  to  the  department  in  that  behalf.  Superintend- 
ent Ncsmith,  who  had  strenuously  opposed  them,  now  wrote 


\\.\n   WITH   TIIK   Sl'OKANK.S,  OlUIi   D'ALKNKS,  IMC.     355 


tluit  "  after  a  careful  iiivosfigation  of  the  fiul)jec't"  lie  was 
satisfied  that  the  treaties  ought  to  ho  ratified,  tlie  couiitrj' 
thrown  open  fully  for  Hetllemcut,  and  the  Indians  renioved 
to  reservations.  The  Indians,  completely  cowed,  were  ready 
to  do  anything  to  please  the  whites.  With  every  force  favor- 
ing the  niovenieiit  there  was  no  longer  reason  fiir  delay,  so, 
on  March  8,  1S5!»,  the  Senate  ratitied  the  treaties  with  the 
Dwaniish  and  their  allies,  the  S'Klallanis,  the  Makahs  (of  Cape 
Flattery),  the  Walla- Wallas,  Cayuscs,  and  I'niatillas,  the  Va- 
kiinas,  J'elouses,  Klickitats,  and  their  allies,  the  Nez  Perccs,  the 
Dcs  Chutes,  Wascoes,  and  their  allies,  the  CJui-nai-elts,  the  Flat- 
heads,  lv(totenais,  and  I'end  d'(Jreilles,  and  the  Molcls.  Thus, 
(iovernor  Stevens  was  vindicated  at  last,  to  his  own  satisfac- 
tion, and  the  Is'orth-west  was  put  at  peace  for  many  years. 
Nevertheless  it  is  true  that  ])cace  could  not  have  heen  made 
in  185(»  if  these  treaties  had  heen  insisted  on,  and  that  war 
would  have  resulted  from  any  attempt  to  enforce  them  dur- 
ing two  years  afterwards.  The  trouble  was  not  that  the  gen- 
eral provisions  of  the  treaties  were  not  good,  hut  that  they 
])rovided  for  removing  part  of  the  tribes  entirely  from  their 
native  homes  to  the  country  of  others.  In  fact  this  j)rovisioM 
was  not  enforced  for  years  after  the  treaties  were  ratitied, 
and  it  produced  trouble  when  it  was  enforced,  as  we  shall  see 
hereafter.  There  is  little  room  for  doubting  that  Garry  was 
rii,dit  in  his  theory,  that  in  this  particular  Stevens  "  missed 
it> 

2ii 


CHAPTER  XII. 
DEATH  TO  Tin:  ArACIIE! 

No  more  sorioiis  pliaso  of  the  Indian  problem  lias  pre- 
RCiitcd  itself  to  the  Ainericati  people  than  that  offered  hy 
the  Apaclu!  trihes.  Aided  hy  the  desert  nature  of  their 
country,  they  have  resisted  the  advance  of  the  whites  Ion- 
iser than  any  other  Indian  nation.  They  have  foiijjht  with 
bravery  and  inconceivable  cunning.  They  have  committed 
atrocities  that  devils  alono  would  seem  cajiablo  of,  and  have 
been  subjected  to  atrocities  that  devils  mij^ht  blush  to  com- 
mit. They  have  made  their  name  a  terror  and  n  tliinii;  of 
execration  to  a  section  of  country  five  times  lari;(!r  tiiaii  all 
Kew  England.  They  have  kept  miners  for  years  from  treas- 
ure deposits  that  have  been  regarded  as  of  fabulous  richness. 
They  have  gained  the  reputation  of  being  the  most  treacher- 
ous, cruel,  and  inhuman  savages  that  have  been  known  in  the 
I'nitcid  States.  People  who  have  been  willing  to  extend 
syni])athy  and  assistance  to  other  Indiaiis,  have  stood  aghast 
at  the  murderous  work  of  the  Apaches,  and  given  their  opin- 
ions that  nothing  but  the  extermination  of  the  tribe  couUl 
ever  rid  Arizona  and  New  Mexico  of  a  constant  liability  t() 
outrage  and  devastation.  In  noteworthy  connection  with 
this  reputation  is  the  fact  that  the  Aitaches  are  among  the 
least  known  of  the  Indian  tribes.  Not  only  has  their  hostile 
attitn<le  prevented  white  men  from  associating  with  them, 
but  even  when  brought  in  contact  with  the  whites  they  main- 
tain a  jealous  reserve  as  to  their  habits,  particularly  th(jse  of 
a  religious  chara(!ter.  J*y  way  of  example,  it  is  commoidy 
believed  that  they  do  not  bury  their  dead,  and  never  touch  a 
dead  body  except  in  case  of  necessity  ;  yet  Colonel  Creinony, 
who  had  excellent  op|)ortunity  for  knowing,  insists  that  they 
bury  their  more  prominent   men,  at   least,  with  great  cere- 


UKATIl  TO  THK   AI'AClli:! 


iiioiiy,  tlioii^li  he  was  iiiiuble  to  learn  exactly  what  the  for- 


iiialities  were. 


tl 


The  Ai)aehes,  as  has  been   previously   ineiitioiiccl,  sjieak 


le    Willie 


laii<;ii 


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as 


th 


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1    I 


I  pans; 


and 


ill 


iSoiitlierii  Iiiilians  iihiii*;  tiiis  coimiioii  toii^'iie  are  often  eallnd 
Apiielies.  The  A|iachefi  proper  call  themselves  "Shis  In- 
day,"  or  Peopit!  of  the  W<io(Ih,  a  rather  8tran<;e  name  for  a 
trilie  liviiii^  in  a  country  wliiTe  three  trees  constitute  a  fxi.si/ue 
or  forest,  hut  taken  l)y  them  prohahly  hecause  the  principal 
tiniher  j:;n)Wth  of  the  region  is  on  the  mountains  which  liavu 
loiij;;  all'orded  them  safe  retreats.  They  were  in  nine  tc^lera- 
hly  distinct  tribes  tlironii;li  the  earlier  part  of  the  present 
century,  though  by  confederations  and  factional  sepiirations, 
in  the  course  of  their  loii";  warfare,  some  of  this  identitv  has 
been  lost.  At  the  bci^inniii^  of  our  intercourse  with  them 
they  were  best  divided  as  follows:  Chiricahuas  (()liiiica«^iiis), 
(iilenos,  Mimbrenos,  Mescaleros,  .licarillas  (Xicarillas,  Iliclco- 
rias),  I'inalefios,  .Mol;oIIoiis,  Coyoteros,  and  Tontos.  These 
names  refer  ehietly  to  their  geographical  positions.  The 
Chiricahuas  lived  in  South-eastern  Arizona,  about  the  Chiri- 
cahiia  ^[ountains.  They  are  sometimes  called  (.'ochees,  from 
their  noted  chief  Cochise  or  Cheis,  who  was  gathered  to  his 
fathers  several  years  since,  much  to  the  relief  <'f  neighboring 
settlers.  East  of  these,  in  the  mountains  about  the  lieatl- 
waters  of  the  (iila,was  a  small  band  of  aboiit  two  hundred 
warriors,  known  as  tin;  (iilenos  or  (lila  A])ache8.  The  name 
(iilenos  is  also  sometimes  used  generically,  including  two  or 
three  additional  tribes.  North-east  of  these,  in  South-western 
New  Mexico,  lived  the  Mimbrefios  or  Mimbres  (Miembros 
— Willows)  Ajiaclies,  otherwise  known  as  the  Copper  Aline 
Apaches,  from  the  fact  that  they  infested  the  celebrated 
copper  mines  of  SaJita  Rita  del  CoI)re.  To  the  cast,  beyond 
the  liio  (irandc,  antl  west  of  the  Pecos,  dwelt  the  Mescaleros, 
who  derived  their  apjtellation  from  their  extensive  use  of  the 
mescal  (maguey,  American  aloe,  or  century-plant)  for  food, 
and  in  the  manufacture  of  the  intoxicating  drink  known  by 
the  same  name.  The  Jicarillas  lived  in  the  mountains  of 
Northern  New  Mexico,  above  Taos,  and  were  closely  associat- 
ed with  the  Southern  Utes.     North-west  of  the  Chiricahuas 


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23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  HSBO 

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358 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


was  a  tribe  sometimes  called  the  Pinalenos  or  Pinal  (Penole) 
Apaches,  and  sometimes  the  Arivapas  (Aribaipais),  from  the 
Ilio  Arivapa  which  flows  on  the  south-west  of  the  Pinal 
range  to  the  Gila.  The  Mogollons  (Mogayones)  lived  direct- 
ly north  of  these  in  the  Mogollon  Mountains  and  the  deserts 
about  them.  Westward  along  the  Gila  River,  and  through 
the  country  north  of  it,  roamed  the  Coyoteros,  tiie  most  con- 
siderable of  the  tribes,  who  are  said  to  have  their  name  from 
their  habit  of  eating  the  coyote  or  prairie  wolf.  It  is  possible, 
however,  that  the  name  is  a  corruption  of  Garroteros  (club 
men)  which  was  formerly  applied  to  some  of  the  western 
tribes.  The  Tontos,  who  lived  chiefly  in  the  rough  country 
south  and  west  of  Bill  "Williams  Mountain,  say  that  they 
broke  off  from  the  Coyoteros  many  years  ago,  and  that  their 
Indian  name,  which  means  "  unruly,"  has  been  corrupted  into 
the  Spjfnish  word  tonto,  which  means  "stupid." 

No  little  confusion  has  arisen  from  the  numerous  names, 
of  different  languages,  given  to  these  and  kindred  tribes. 
The  Indians  east  of  the  Pecos,  called  Llaneros  or  Apaches, 
are  properly  Lipans.  They  have  always  been  confederated 
with  the  Comanches  and  Kiowas  in  our  dealings  with  them, 
and  are  now  located  in  Indian  Territory  with  those  tribes. 
The  Faraones  or  Taracones,  mentioned  in  old  Spanish  books, 
were  probably  Navahos;  the  wovAl'iitajenne  is  given  as  the 
Apache  s^'nonym  of  the  name,  and  Yutajenne  or  Yutahah  is 
the  Apache  name  for  the  Navahos.  The  Yampais  or  Yavi- 
pais  are  now  known  as  Apache  Mohaves.  The  Cajuenches 
were  probably  the  same  as  the  Cuchanos  or  Yumas.  The 
Ilualapais  (Ilualpies,  Wallapais)  have  been  called  Apache 
Yumas  since  18G8,  when  that  name  was  given  them  by  Gen- 
eral Gregg,  who  was  then  commanding  in  Arizona. 

The  Apaches  were  always  known  as  wild  Indians.  It  is 
doubtful  if  the  Spaniards  ever  obtained  any  control  over 
them,  and  certain  that  the  Mexicans  never  retained  any. 
Between  these  two  peoples  there  was  aliMost  continuous  war. 
The  condition  of  the  people  of  the  Northern  Mexican  settle- 
ments was  such  that  there  was  little  chance  of  successful 
opposition  to  the  Apaches.  They  were  poor,  and  liardly 
more  advanced   in   knowledare  than   their  Indian   enemies. 


DEATH  TO  THE  APACHE! 


359 


Tlie  central  government  exacted  heavy  taxes  from  them,  but 
did  nothing  for  their  protection.  The  supreme  power  in 
their  settlements  was  in  the  hands  of  the  ricos  or  wealthy 
men,  who  often  resisted  the  government  and  often  contended 
ajnong  themselves.  Some  of  the  rieos  were  of  quite  pure 
Spanish  blood,  but  the  great  mass  of  the  people  were  the 
mongrel  Mexicans,  and  these  were  nearly  all  in  the  state  of 
peonage  or  bondage  for  debt.  As  a  general  rule  it  was  found 
cheaper  and  more  consonant  with  the  warlike  spirit  of  the 
Mexicans  to  buy  peace  of  the  Apaches  than  to  fight  them. 
Instead  of  uniting  and  making  an  effort  for  common  defence, 
it  was  usually  the  case  that  when  the  State  of  Chihuahua  was 
at  war  with  the  Indians,  the  State  of  Sonora  would  be  at 
peace,  and  vice  versa.  The  property  and  even  the  captives 
taken  in  the  one  State  would  be  purchased  in  the  other. 
General  Carasco,  military  governor  of  Sonora  after  the  Mexi- 
can war,  on  one  occasion  broke  into  this  system.  Sonora  was 
at  war  with  the  Apaches,  and  Chihuahua  was  not  only  at 
peace  but  also  was  issuing  rations  to  them  quarterly  at  the 
village  of  Janos,  near  our  border.  Carasco  advanced  on  this 
place  by  night  marches,  and  succeeded  in  surprising  them 
during  the  feasting  that  ensued  upon  the  issue  of  rations. 
He  killed  a  number  and  took  ninety  prisoners.  Medina,  the 
governor  of  Chihuahua,  made  complaint  to  the  general  gov- 
ernment of  this  breach  of  inter-state  customs,  but  the  authori- 
ties sustained  Carasco.  This  was  a  fortunate  decision  for  the 
Northern  Mexicans,  for  Carasco  did  more  to  protect  their 
frontier  than  any  ruler  they  bad  for  years.  He  impressed 
the  poor  as  soldiers,  and  forced  the  rich  to  supply  the  means 
for  keeping  them  in  the  field.  His  methods  were  unpopular, 
however,  and  he  was  poisoned. 

Many  anecdotes  are  related  by  travellers  of  the  poltroon- 
ery of  the  Mexicans  in  their  contests  with  the  Apaches.  It 
is  not  strange  that  they  appeared  cowardly.  Tlioy  were  poor, 
without  organization,  and  with  notliing  in  life  to  stimulate 
them  to  bravery.  They  were  obliged  to  support  themselves 
mainly  by  agriculture  and  stock-raising,  and  these  pursuits 
put  them  continually  on  the  defensive,  while  they  scattered 
the  people  so  as  to  make  defence  difficult.     The  Americans 


300 


MASSACKES  GF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


who  went  into  the  Apache  country  prior  to  our  conquest 
were  on  h  different  footing  from  the  Mexicans.  They  were 
eliiefly  trappers  or  traders,  and  though  many  of  them  had 
^[cxican  wives  or  mistresses,  quite  as  many  liad  tlieir  mar- 
ital companions  from 
rp^     -;/-  --    --i-      -^^rn.-^/     among     the     Indians, 

\f  "     while  their  husiness  in- 

■     ■■  .  'I 

terests  were  quite  di- 
verse. The  traders  had 
more  cause  for  sympa- 
thy with  the  Mexicans 
than  the  trappers,  and 
yet  tlie  traders  were 
so  seldom  attacked  that 
the  Mexicans  accused 
them  of  having  treated 
secretly  with  the  Apa- 
ches. Their  immunity 
was  really  dne  to  con- 
stant preparation  for  at- 
tack; the  Apaches  nev- 
er attack  except  by  sur- 
prise. Tiie  trappers 
acted  with  one  side  or 
the  other,  or  remained 
neutral,  as  their  tempo- 
rary interests  demand- 
ed. 

In  1837  the  Mexi- 
cans of  both  Sotiora 
and  Chihuahua  were  at 
war  with  the  Apaches, 
and  both  were  becom- 
ing desperate  over  the 
successful  incursions  of 
the  enemy.  Chihuahua  promulgated  a  law  called  the  Pro- 
yedo  de  G^ierra,  or  project  for  war,  by  which  the  State 
offered  one  hundred  dollars  for  the  scalp  of  an  Apache  war- 
rior, lifty  for  tlie  scalp  of  a  squaw,  and  twenty-five  for  that 


AN    APACllK    WAimiOIl. 


DExVTll  TO  THE  APACHE! 


361 


of  a  child.  Sonora  was  also  paying  a  bounty  for  scalps, 
and  both  gave  to  the  captor  any  booty  he  might  take  from 
the  Indians  This  liberality  was  produced  mainly  by  the 
many  atrocities  of  Juan  Jose,  a  Miinbres  chief,  who  had 
been  educated  among  the  Mexicans,  and  used  his  knowledge 
of  their  customs  to  great  advantage  in  his  warfare.  One 
favorite  scheme  of  his  was  robbing  the  mails,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  obtaining  information  as  to  the  plans  of  the  Mex- 
icans. At  this  time  there  were  several  parties  of  trappers 
on  the  head-waters  of  the  Gila,  and  the  captain  of  one  of 
these,  a  man  named  Johnson,  undertook  to  secure  a  number 
of  Apache  scalps.  It  is  said  that  in  addition  to  the  scalp 
bounty  ho  was  induced  to  this  by  pay  from  the  owners  of  the 
Santa  liita  copper  mines.  At  any  rate  he  made  a  feast  and 
invited  to  it  a  number  of  Mimbreno  warriors,  who  accepted 
his  hosi)itable  bidding.  To  one  side  of  the  ground  where  his 
feast  was  spread  he  placed  a  howitzer,  loaded  to  the  muzzle 
with  slugs,  nails,  and  bullets,  and  concealed  under  sacks  of 
flour  and  other  goods.  In  good  I'ange  he  placed  a  sack  of 
flour,  which  he  told  the  Indians  to  divide  among  themselves. 
T'nsuspicious  of  wrong,  they  gathered  about  it.  Johnson 
touched  his  lighted  cigarrito  to  the  vent  of  the  howitzer,  and 
the  charge  was  poured  into  the  crowd,  killing  and  wounding 
many.  The  party  of  trappers  at  once  folic  ved  up  the  attack 
with  their  rifles  and  knives.  A  goodly  number  of  scalps 
were  secured,  that  of  Juan  Jose  among  others,  but  the  treach- 
ery was  terribly  repaid.  Another  party  of  fifteen  trappers 
was  camped  on  a  stream  a  few  miles  distant.  The  surviving 
Mimbrefios  went  to  these  unsuspecting  men  and  murdered 
every  one  of  them.  Their  vengeance  did  not  stop  at  this. 
The  copper  mines  of  Santa  Kita  were  furnished  with  supplies 
from  the  city  of  Chihuahua  by  guarded  wagon-trains  {con- 
ihidas)  that  brought  in  provisions  and  hauled  back  ore.  The 
time  for  the  arrival  of  the  train  came  and  passed,  but  no  train 
appeared.  Days  slipped  away;  provisions  were  almost  ex- 
hausted; the  supply  of  ammunition  was  nearly  gone.  Some 
of  the  miners  climbed  to  the  top  of  15en  Moore,  which  rises 
back  of  the  mines,  but  from  its  lofty  summit  no  sign  of  an 
ai)proaching  comlucta  was  visible.     Starvation  was  imminent. 


3G2 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


The  only  liope  of  escape  for  the  miners  and  their  families 
was  in  making  their  way  across  the  desert  expanse  that  lies 
between  the  mines  and  the  settlements.  They  started,  but 
the  Apaches,  who  had  destroyed  the  train,  hung  abont  them, 
and  attacked  them  so  persistently  that  only  four  or  five  suc- 
ceeded in  reaching  their  destination. 

The  scalp  bounty  was  not  always  so  effective  ii/  procuring 
the  death  of  Apaches  as  in  this  case.     A  few  years  after  our 
conquest,  whe!i   the  vigilance  committees  of  California  had 
filled  Arizona  with  the  most  villainous  collection  of  white 
men  that  ever  breathed,  there  was  enacted  a  comic  tragedy  in 
which  the  principal  performer  was  John  Gallantin.     lie  was 
a  desperate  scoundrel,  and  had  gathered  about  him  a  band  of 
cut-throats  whose  infamous  characters  were  excelled  only  by 
his  own.     The  governor  of  Chihuahua  undertook  to  make 
these  men  useful  to  the  State  by  paying  them  thirty  dollars 
for  each  Apache  scalp  they  secured.    They  brought  scalps  in 
profusion,  but  the  Apache  raids  were  nowise  diminished.    On 
the  contrary,  large  numbers  of  Mexicans  and  friendly  Indians 
were  assassinated  and  scalped  in  the  midst  of  the  settlements. 
The  suspicions  of  the  Chihuahuans  were  excited,  and  Gallantin 
was  at  length  discovered  taking  the  scalps  of  some  Mexifans 
whom  his  people  had  murdered.     This  accounted  for  the  ex- 
traordinary activity  of  "the  Apaches,"  and  Gallantin  and  his 
band  left  the  country.     They  gathered  up  some  twenty-five 
hundred  sheep  as  they  went  along,  and  with  these  made  their 
way  to  the  Colorado  at  the  mouth  of  the  Gila.     They  were 
met  with  professions  of  great  friendship  by  the  Yutnas,  who 
were  then   (1851)  commanded  by   Caballo  en  Pelo  (Naked 
Horse),  a  chief  of  great  prowess.    Having  placed  themselves  in 
favorable  positions  in  the  camp  of  the  desperadoes,  the  Yumas 
suddenly  fell  upon  them  ai.d  murdered  the  entire  party.    Tlie 
scalp-bounty  system  was  not  given  up  by  the  Mexicans,  and, 
what  is  more  remarkable,  man-hunters  were  allowed  to  pursue 
their  occupation  on  our  side  of  the  line  for  the  scalp  markets 
of  Chihuahua  and  Sonora.     In  1870  Lieutenant  Drew  was 
visited  by  such  a  party  from  Janos,  Chihuahua,  who  coolly 
proposed  to  massacre  the  Indians  who  were  then  under  his 
protection,  preparatory  to  going  on  a  reservation.     He  said. 


Si 
V 


DEATH  TO  THE  APACHE! 


365 


"  These  people  do  not  care  a  sti-aw  for  the  depredations  com- 
mitted in  this  or  any  other  country  ;  tliey  work  for  tlie  money 
a  scalp  brings,  and  one  from  a  friendly  Indian  is  worth  as 
much  as  one  of  any  other."  Orders  were  soon  after  issued 
which  lessened  this  business  as  an  international  commerce. 

When  the  Americans  invaded  tlie  country  during  the 
Mexican  Avar,  the  itpaches  welcomed  them  as  allies,  though 
their  professions  of  friendship  were  not  much  believed.  At 
San  Lucia  Springs,  near  the  Santa  Rita  mines,  General  Kear- 
ny was  met  by  Mangas  Colorado  (Red  Sleeves — in  defective 
Spanish),  chief  of  the  Mimbreiios,  who  vowed  eteriuil  friend- 
ship to  the  Americans.  It  was  noticed,  however,  that  they 
kept  shy  of  howitzers,  and  that  one  of  them  wore  a  shirt  made 
of  a  Henry  Clay  campaign  flag,  which  doubtless  signified  a 
dead  American  somewhere.  The  Apaches  were  overwhelmed 
with  admiration  of  our  soldiers  and  their  weapons.  Said  one 
of  their  chiefs  to  General  Kearii}',  as  they  prepared  to  leave, 
"You  have  taken  New  Mexico  and  will  soon  take  Califorriia; 
go,  then,  and  take  Chihuahua,  Durango,  and  Sonora.  We  will 
help  you.  You  fight  for  land  ;  we  care  nothing  for  land ; 
we  fight  for  the  laws  of  Montezuma  and  for  food.  The  Mex- 
icans are  rascals ;  we  hate  and  will  kill  them  all."  This  feel- 
ing, though  somewhat  advantageous  to  us  during  war,  was  a 
disadvantage  as  soon  as  peace  was  made.  AV^e  were  bound 
by  the  treaty  of  Guadalupe  Hidalgo  to  protect  •cnr  newly-ac- 
quired Mexican  citizens,  and  also  to  prevent  our  Indians  from 
depredating  in  Mexico.  Americans  who  settled  in  New  Mex- 
ico lived,  of  course,  in  the  Mexican  settlements,  and  had  inter- 
ests much  in  common  with  the  Mexicans.  The  Apaches  in 
the  neighborhood  of  these  settlements  were  not  verv  trouble- 
some  for  several  years,  but  the  western  bands  pursued  their 
old  vocation  of  plunder  with  unabated  vigor.  The  settlers 
below  the  Gila,  and  the  emigrants  who  passed  over  the  south- 
ern road,  retained  their  lives  and  property  only  by  eternal 
vigilance. 

After  the  massacre  of  the  miners,  the  Mimbrefios  held  pos- 
session of  the  Santa  Rita  mines  for  a  dozen  years  undisturbed. 
Tlie  place  became  known  as  their  great  stronghold,  and  no 
white  men  were  able  to  break  through  its  surrounding  wilds. 


306 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


In  1850  there  came  an  invasion.  The  American  lialf  of  tlie 
Mexican  Boiiiidary  Commission,  under  charge  of  Mr.  J.  R. 
liartlett,  decided  to  make  the  copper  mines  their  head-qnar- 
ters  for  a  time,  and  a  force  of  three  hundred  men  took  pos- 
session of  tlie  place.  The  Mimbrerios,  under  the  leadership 
of  their  great  war-chief  Ciichillo  Negro,  or  Black  Knife,  were 
disposed  to  resist  at  first,  but  thought  better  of  it,  and  re- 
ceived the  Americans  with  professions  of  friendship.  A  short 
time  after  the  commission  was  established  in  these  quarters, 
there  came  along  three  Mexican  traders,  who  had  been  among 
the  Pinal  Apaches,  and  purchased  of  them  a  3'oung  Mexican 
girl  named  Inez  Gonzales.  This  girl,  who  M'as  about  fifteen 
years  old,  had  been  a  captive  for  nine  months.  Her  parents 
lived  at  the  town  of  Santa  Cruz,  whence  she  had  started  in 
company  with  her  aunt  and  others,  with  an  escort  of  soldiers, 
to  attend  the  feast  of  Sun  Francisco  at  Magdalena.  They 
M'ere  ambushed  by  the  Pinalefios;  the  men  were  killed,  and 
the  women  and  children  carried  away.  Tlie  Mexicans  were 
taking  her  to  Santa  Fe,  probably  to  sell  her  or  to  keep  her  for 
immoral  purposes,  as  was  the  common  practice  with  female 
slaves.  Mr.  Bartlett  had  no  hesitancy  as  to  releasing  her, 
inasmuch  as  the  United  States  had  expressly  agreed,  in  the 
treaty  of  Guadalupe  Hidalgo,  to  release  all  such  captives  and 
to  suppress  the  traffic  in  them.  Inez  was  returned  to  her 
parents  by  the  commissioner  when  he  arrived  in  Santa  Ciiiz. 
She  subsequently  became  the  mistress  of  Captain  Gomez,  who 
commanded  the  troops  in  Northern  Sonoi'a.  He  married  her 
on  the  death  of  his  wife,  and  after  his  death  Inez  married  the 
Alcalde  of  Santa  Cruz,  her  social  standing  not  having  been  at 
all  affected  by  her  romantic  adventures. 

The  release  of  this  captive  did  not  directly  affect  the  In- 
dians, but  a  few  days  later  two  Mexican  boys,  who  were  held 
as  slaves  by  the  Mimbrenos,  took  refuge  in  the  tent  of  Colo- 
nel Cremony,  with  the  commission,  and  appealed  to  him  to 
save  them  from  their  masters.  These  children,  Saverro  Are- 
dia  and  Jose  TrinfaJi,  had  heard  the  Indians  speaking  of  the 
release  of  Inez,  and  determined  to  seek  the  same  protection. 
Protection  was  given  to  them.  There  were  some  indications 
that  the  Apaches,  thwarted  in  recovering  them,  might  murder 


DKATH  TO  THE  APACHK! 


3G7 


tliern,  and  on  account  of  this  Mr.  Bartlett  sent  tliem  away  at 
night,  under  guard,  to  the  camp  of  General  Condd,  tho 
Mexican  commissioner.  Conde  at  once  forwarded  tliem  into 
Mexico.  The  Miinbrenos  were  very  indignant  at  this  sum- 
mary release  of  their  property — a  rather  inconsistent  inter- 
ference, too,  at  a  time  when  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  had  just 
gone  into  operation — but  after  holding  a  council,  and  being 
informed  that  they  could  not  help  themselves,  they  concluded 
to  accept  about  two  hundred  and  fifty  dollars'  worth  of  goods 
for  the  two  boys. 

As  this  institution  of  slavery  in  the  West  has  been  the 
cause  of  much  trouble  with  the  Indians,  a  glance  at  its  feat- 
ures and  extent  will  be  advantageous  in  considering  the  diffi- 
culties between  the  two  races.  The  system  obtained  with  all 
the  tribes  of  the  Rocky  Mountains,  and  also  with  the  Kio- 
was  and  Comanches  who  sprang  from  mountain  stocks.  In- 
stead of  dooming  their  captives  to  death,  or  adopting  them 
into  their  tribes,  as  tho  Eastern  Indians  did,  they  held  them 
for  barter  and  the  performance  of  menial  duties.  The  slave 
was  the  property  of  his  immediate  captor,  but  in  case  he  was 
taken  by  a  band  he  was  the  property  of  the  tribe.  Owner- 
ship was  frequently  changed  by  sale  or  gambling.  The  slave 
was  wholly  subject  to  the  caprices  of  his  owner,  even  to  his 
life.  "  Women,"  says  Captain  Johnson,  speaking  of  the  Apa- 
ches, "  when  captured,  are  taken  as  wives  by  those  who  cap- 
ture them,  but  they  are  treated  by  the  Indian  wives  of  the 
capturers  as  slaves,  and  made  to  carry  wood  and  water;  if 
they  chance  to  be  pretty,  or  receive  too  much  attention  from 
their  lords  and  masters,  they  are,  in  the  absence  of  the  lat- 
ter, unmei'cifully  beaten  and  otherwise  maltreated.  The  most 
unfortunate  thing  which  can  befall  a  captive  woman  is  to  be 
claimed  by  two  persons.  In  this  case  she  is  either  shot  or 
delivered  up  for  indiscriminate  violence."  This  latter  abrupt 
method  of  deciding  controversies  was  adhered  to  by  the  Apa- 
ches to  prevent  quarrels  among  themselves.  Other  property 
was  treated  similarly.  If  a  horse  were  claimed  as  booty  by 
two  warriors,  they  must  adjust  their  differences  speedily  or 
the  animal  was  shot. 

The  case  of  Inez  Gonzales  was  not  an  exceptional  one, 


¥9 


868 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


Tvliereiti  Mexicjins  who  liad  been  captured  by  Iiidiaiirf  were 
bought  and  held  as  slaves  by  Mexicviis.  It  was  the  uhnost 
universal  rule.  In  the  ])receding  summer,  Indian  agent  Cal- 
houn released  four  Mexicans,  three  boys  and  a  woman,  all  of 
whom  had  been  bought  by  Mexicans  from  the  Ai)aches.  lie 
reported:  "The  trading  in  cajitives  has  been  so  long  tolerateil 
in  this  Territory  that  it  has  ceased  to  be  regarded  as  a  wrong; 
and  purchasers  are  not  prepared  vyillingly  to  release  captives 
without  an  adequate  ransom.  In  legislating  upon  this  sub- 
ject it  should  be  distinctly  set  forth  under  what  circum- 
stances captives  shall  be  released,  and  limiting  the  ex]ieiiditures 
that  may  be  incurred  thereby.  Unless  the  Mexicans  arc  paid 
for  such  captives  as  they  have  purchased,  and  have  now  in 
possession,  but  very  few  of  them  will  be  released  ;  nor  will  it 
answer  well  to  allow  captives  to  make  their  election  as  to  a 
release,  for  their  submission  to  their  masters  is  most  perfect, 
and  they  are  well  instructed  as  to  j>roper  replies  to  interroga- 
tories. ...  I  may,  in  conclusion,  mention  that  there  are  a 
number  of  Indian  captives  held  as  slaves  in  this  Territory, 
and  Congressional  action  nuty  be  necessary  in  relation  to  them, 
and  I  respectfully  submit  the  question  for  appropriate  con- 
sideration." The  Mexicans  could  never  see  any  great  evil 
in  slavery.  Their  system  of  peonage,  or  bondage  for  debt, 
amounts  to  life  servitude  in  most  cases,  for  wages  are  so  low 
that  a  peon  ordinarily  earns  only  enough  for  his  subsistence. 
There  was  no  public  sentiment  against  the  subjection  of 
women  to  the  pleasures  of  th'  'r  owners,  for  virtue  is  almost 
unknown  among  them.  It  i.  the  common  mode,  to  this  day, 
for  one  who  desires  a  Mexican  mistress,  to  select  the  girl  and 
make  arrangements  with  her  parents  by  the  payment  of  a 
small  sum  monthly. 

The  Americans  who  settled  in  the  country  held  very  simi- 
lar ideas  in  regard  to  Mexicans  and  Indians,  both  of  whom 
were  considered  as  inferior  races.  The  trapper  or  trader  who 
desired  a  squaw  purchased  one,  and  the  settler  who  wanted 
servants  very  commonly  purchased  them.  They  took  to  the 
system  so  naturally  that  legislation  was  made  necessary  to 
prohibit  it.  Many  of  the  more  reckless  characters  engaged 
in  the  business  of  catching  and  selling  slaves,  as  is  illustrated 


UKATU  TO  THE  ArACIIE! 


3Cy 


:  a 


in  the  following  extract  from  tho  journal  of  Colonel  Cooko : 
"I  had  lately  a  conversation  with  old  Weaver,  which  was  not 
olliciul.  He  said, '  The  Tontos  live  in  that  ran^o  over  there ; 
1  never  see  them  with  more  than  one  or  two  lodges  together; 
they  are  a  band  of  the  Coyoteros,  and  are  called  fools  for  their 
ignorance.  AVheti  I  went  over  once,  from  the  Pimas  to  the 
Cuchanos  and  Mochabus  [Mohaves],  I  met  some  lodges  and 
had  a  fuss  with  them.' — 'What  sorti' — 'Oh,  we  killed  two  or 
three  and  burned  their  lodges,  and  took  all  the  women  and 
children  and  sold  them.'  —  '  What !'  — '  Yes,  I  have  often 
cauirht  the  women  and  children  of  Diifger  IiiJi.ins  and  sold 

them  in  New  Mexico  and  Sonora.     Mr. of  '1'  icson  told 

me  a  squaw  I  sold  him  ran  off,  and  was  found  d  ad,  famished 
for  water  I  s'pose,  going  over  from  the  Pi*  i  3  to  tlio  Coloni- 
do.' — 'AV^hat!  have  you  no  feelir:g  for  her  death,  tr}i;)g  to 
Yv'  '•■'  to  her  father  and  mother  yon  tore  her  f ''ora  ?' — 'I 
killed  her  father  and  mother,  as  like  ab  not,  ilioy  stole  all 
our  traps;  as  fast  as  we  could  stick  a  trap  in  the  river,  they'd 
come  and  steal  it,  and  shoot  arrows  into  our  horses ;  they 
thought  we  would  leave  them  for  them  to  cat,  but  we  built  a 
big  fire  and  burned  them  up.'  "  The  weaker  tribes  of  course 
suffered  most  in  this  business.  The  wretched  Diggers  of  the 
Salt  Lake  Basin  were  especially  the  victims  of  it,  in  an  early 
duy,  as  was  often  testified  to  by  travellers.  Farnham  suvls 
"These  poor  creatures  are  hunted  in  the  spring,  when  weak 
and  helpless,  by  a  certain  class  of  men,  and  when  taken  are 
fattened,  and  carried  to  Santa  Fe  and  sold  as  slaves.  A 'like- 
ly girl,'  in  her  teens,  often  brings  three  or  four  hundred  dol- 
lars.    The  men  are  valued  less." 

The  Diggers  fell  under  tho  control  of  the  Mormons, 
and  to  their  honor  be  it  said  that  they  made  an  effort  to 
ameliorate  the  condition  of  these  captives.  The  evil  to 
be  remedied  is  thus  set  forth  in  the  preamble  of  an  act 
passed  in  January,  1852: 


"Wfie7rris,  from  time  immemorial,  the  practice  of  purchasing  Indian 
women  and  children  of  the  Utah  tribe  of  Indians  by  Mexican  traders  has 
been  indulged  in  and  ciirried  on  bj'  tho.^''  respective  people  until  the  In- 
dians consider  it  an  allowable  traffic,  and  frequently  offer  their  prisoners 
or  children  for  sale ;  and 


370 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


"  Whereas  it  is  a  common  practice  among  these  Indians  to  gamble 
away  their  own  children  and  women ;  and  it  is  a  well  -  established  fact 
that  women  and  children  thus  obtained,  or  obtained  by  war,  or  theft,  or 
in  any  other  manner,  are  by  them  frequently  carried  from  i)lace  to  place, 
packed  upon  horses  or  mules,  lariated  out  to  subsist  upon  grass,  roots,  or 
starve,  and  are  frequently  bound  with  thongs  made  of  rawhide,  until 
their  hands  and  feet  become  swollen,  mutilated,  inflamed  with  pain,  and 
wounded ;  and  when  with  suffering,  cold,  hunger,  and  abuse  they  fall  sick, 
so  as  to  become  troublesome,  are  frequently  slain  by  their  masters  to  get 
rid  of  them;  and 

"  W''ereas  they  do  frequently  kill  their  women  and  children  taken  pris- 
oners, either  in  revenge,  or  for  amusement,  or  through  the  influence  of  tra- 
dition, unless  they  are  tempted  to  exchange  them  for  trade,  which  they 
usually  do  if  they  have  an  opportunity ;  and 

"  Whereas  one  family  frequently  steals  the  children  and  women  of  an- 
other family,  and  such  robberies  and  murders  are  continually  committed 
in  times  of  their  gi'eatest  peace  and  amity,  thus  dragging  free  Indian  women 
and  children  into  Mexican  servitude  and  slavery,  or  death,  to  the  almost 
entire  extirpation  of  the  whole  Indian  race ;  and 

"  Whereas  these  inhuman  practices  arc  being  daily  enacted  before  our 
eyes  in  the  midst  of  the  white  settlements,  and  within  the  organized  coun- 
ties of  the  Territory ;  and  when  the  inhabitants  do  not  purchase  or  trade 
for  those  so  offered  for  sale,  they  are  generally  doomed  to  the  most  misera- 
ble existence,  suffering  the  tortures  of  every  species  of  cruelty,  until  death 
kindly  relieves  them  and  closes  the  revolting  severity : 

"Wherefore,  when  all  these  facts  are  taken  into  consideration,  it  be- 
comes the  duty  of  all  humane  and  Christian  people  to  extend  unto  this 
degraded  and  down-trodden  race  such  relief  as  can  be  awarded  to  them, "  etc. 

The  act  following  this  argumentative  recital  provides  that 
any  white  person  having  a  captive  in  his  possession,  shall  go 
with  it  before  the  select-men,  or  the  probate  judge,  and  bind 
the  captive  to  some  proper  person,  in  the  discretion  of  the 
select-men,  for  a  term  of  not  over  twenty  years.  The  person 
to  whom  he  is  bound  is  required  to  send  him  to  school  three 
months  in  the  year,  from  the  age  of  seven  to  sixteen,  and  to 
clothe  him  in  a  suitable  manner.  The  select-men  are  also 
empowered  to  obtain  such  captives  from  the  Indians  for  the 
purpose  of  binding  them  out. 

In  the  North  slavery  prevailed  everywhere,  and  was 
abetted  and  encouraged  by  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company. 
Said  Mr.  Slocum,  of  slavery  in  Oregon,  "  The  price  of  a 
slave  varies  from  five  to  fifteen  blankets.  Women  are  val- 
ued higher  than  inen.  If  a  slave  dies  within  six  months  of 
the  purchase,  the  seller  returns  one-half  the  purchase-money. 


DEATH  TO  THE  APACHE! 


371 


.  .  .  Many  instances  have  occurred  where  a  man  has  sold  his 
own  child.  .  .  .  The  slaves  are  generally  employed  to  cut 
wood,  hunt  and  fish  for  the  families  of  the  men  employed 
by  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company,  and  are  ready  for  any  extra 
work.  Each  man  of  the  trapping  parties  has  fro'n  two  to 
three  slaves,  who  assist  to  hunt  and  take  care  of  the  horses 
and  camp.  They  thereby  save  the  Company  the  expense  of 
employing  at  least  double  the  number  of  men  that  would 
otherwise  be  required  on  these  excursions.  ...  As  long  as 
the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  permit  their  servants  to  hold 
slaves,  the  institution  of  slavery  will  be  perpetuated."  Slav- 
cry  was,  in  fact,  more  extensive  in  Oregon  than  anywhere 
else  in  the  West,  and  more  similar  to  the  African  and  Orien- 
tal systems.  Stanley  says  of  Casino,  the  celebrated  Klickitat 
chief,  "In  the  plenitude  of  his  power  he  travelled  in  great 
state,  and  was  often  accompanied  by  a  hundred  slaves,  obedi- 
ent to  his  slightest  caprice."  The  same  authority  says,  "It 
is  a  very  common  practice  of  the  Shaste,  IJmpqua,  and  Rogue 
liiver  Indians,  to  sell  their  children  in  slavery  to  the  tribes 
inhabiting  the  banks  of  the  Columbia  River.  During  my 
tour  through  the  Willamette  Valley  in  1818,  I  met  a  party 
of  Tlickitats  (Ivlickitats)  returning  from  one  of  these  trading 
excursions,  having  about  twenty  little  boys,  whom  they  had 
purchased  from  the  Umpqua  tribe."  The  Oregon  Indians 
also  preyed  upon  the  degraded  tribes  of  California  in  this 
trade,  and  the  Modocs,  Klamaths,  and  Pitt  River  Indians  ob- 
tained the  reputation  of  fierce  and  cruel  slave-drivers  in  pro- 
curing captives  for  sale  to  their  Northern  neighbors. 

All  through  the  Rocky  Mountains,  except  in  what  we 
have  called  the  north-eastern  triangle,  this  system  of  human 
slavery  extended,  and  it  had  obtained  such  a  root  that  it  was 
very  hard  to  extirpate.  In  Colorado  it  was  brought  to  a  sum- 
mary end,  so  far  as  white  slave-holders  w-ero  concerned,  in 
18G5,  through  the  efforts  of  the  government.  Indian  Agent 
Head,  accompanied  by  Deputy  Marshall  E.  R.  Ha:  ris,  visited 
all  owners  of  Indian  slaves  and  informed  them  that  they  must 
be  released.  Says  Mr.  Head,  "  I  have  notified  all  the  people 
here  that  in  future  no  more  captives  are  to  be  purchased  or 
sold,  as  I  shall  immediately  arrest  both  parties  caught  in  the 

21 


372 


MASSACKES    OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


transaction.  This  step,  I  think,  will  at  once  put  an  end  to 
the  most  barbarous  and  inhuman  practice  which  has  been  in 
existence  with  the  Mexicans  for  generations.  There  are  cap- 
tives who  know  not  their  own  parents,  nor  can  they  speak 
their  mother  tongue,  and  who  recognize  no  one  but  those 
who  rescued  [!]  them  from  their  merciless  captors."  In  New 
Mexico  and  Arizona  the  slaves  have  not  yet  been  fully  eman- 
cipated. There  were  twenty  Mexican  slaves  released  from 
among  the  Navahos  in  1883.  In  186G  the  number  of  Indians 
held  as  slaves  and  peons  by  the  whites  was  estimated  officially 
at  two  thousand.  There  are  undoubtedly  many  Indian  slaves 
held  among  the  Mexicans  in  those  Territories  now,  but  the 
system  of  peonage,  and  the  fact  that  they  are  kept  in  fear  of 
expressing  discontent,  makes  it  dilKcult  to  release  them.  In 
Northern  Mexico  there  are  numbers  of  Indians,  of  our  tribes, 
still  held  in  slavery,  and  the  officials  of  Arizona  reservations 
are  continually  besieged  with  appeals  to  restore  to  our  In- 
dians their  captive  kindred. 

The  condition  of  these  slaves  was  as  shocking  as  pro- 
claimed in  the  Mormon  document  quoted  above.  The  fe- 
male captives  were  nearly  always  subjected  to  indignities, 
both  among  the  Indians  and  the  whites, and  among  the  latter 
tliey  were  frequently  made  public  prostitutes  for  the  gain  of 
their  owners.  Among  the  Indians  there  was  also  the  con- 
stant liability  of  sacrifice  for  religious  purposes.  At  tiie  death 
of  any  person  of  prominence  it  was  customary  to  kill  one  or 
more  captives,  who  should  serve  as  slaves  to  the  deceased  in 
the  spirit  world,  as  has  been  recounted  herein,  in  the  narra- 
tive of  tlie  captivity  of  Olive  Oatnian.  Walker  (Wacca),  the 
noted  Ute  chief,  who  died  in  1855,  and  was  buried  on  a  high 
mountain  about  twelve  miles  south-east  of  Fillmore,  Utah, 
was  accorded  full  honors  of  this  kind.  Four  Pi-ede  slaves, 
three  children  and  one  woman,  were  buried  in  the  grave  with 
him.  Three  of  thom  were  killed  and  thrown  into  tlie  grave; 
the  other  was  thrown  in  alive.  Among  the  Chinooks  the 
burial  custom  was  to  bind  a  slave  iiand  and  foot  and  tie  iiini 
to  the  corpse,  after  which  they  were  deposited  together  in  the 
])lace  of  sepulture;  after  i.iree  days  the  victim  was  stran- 
gled by  anotiier  slave.     Tlie  particulars  of  the  treatment  that 


DEATH  TO  THE  APACHE! 


373 


uiiglit  be  anticipated  by  captives  were  known  to  both  races, 
and,  as  may  be  imagined,  the  whole  system  tended  to  make 
their  hatred  intense.  When  people  are  killed,  and  out  of  the 
way,  warfare  may  to  some  extent  be  forgotten,  but  when  rela- 
tives and  friends  are  held  in  slavery,  there  is  a  constant  press- 
ure to  rescue  them  or  be  revenged.  This  was  a  feeling  com- 
mon to  both  sides,  and  in  regard  to  women  it  was  perhaps 
more  strong  with  the  Apaches  than  with  the  Mexicans.  The 
Apache  women  were  noted  for  their  chastity.  In  this  re- 
spect they  were  far  superior  to  the  Mexicans,  and  equal,  if 
not  superior,  to  any  Indians  on  the  continent.  The  fate  to 
which  their  captive  wives  and  daughters  was  doomed  often 
caused  poignant  sorrow  among  them.  Of  course  there  was 
not  the  same  effort  made  by  the  whites  to  restore  Indian 
slaves  to  their  tribes  that  there  was  to  recover  Mexican  or 
American  slaves.  The  "  axiom  "  of  Aristotle,  that  "  Barbari- 
ans are  designed  by  Nature  to  be  slaves,"  is  one  that  has  al- 
ways been  adopted  by  superior  races  when  thrown  in  contact 
with  inferior  ones. 

The  forcible  purchase  of  the  Mexican  boys  by  the  Bound- 
ary Commission,  was  not  forgotten  by  the  Mimbrefios,  who 
considered  it  an  invasion  of  their  rights.  The  relations  of 
the  parties  were  soon  further  complicated  through  the  killing 
of  an  Apache  by  Jesus  Lopez,  a  Mexican  teamster.  The 
Apaches  insisted  that  the  Americans  should  hang  this  man, 
who  undoubtedly  deserved  hanging.  Mr.  Bartlett  objected 
to  performing  such  summary  justice,  but  promised  to  have 
the  offender  tried  at  Santa  Fo.  The  Indians  contended^  with 
much  show  of  reason,  that  he  ought  to  be  hung  there,  where 
the  crime  was  committed.  After  a  lengthy  discussion,  in 
which  it  was  urged  that  the  Apaches  had  recently  killed 
an  American  on  the  road  between  Janos  and  the  mines,  for 
which  they  had  made  no  reparation,  the  matter  was  arranged 
by  paying  the  mother  of  the  murdered  man  thirty  dollars, 
and  twenty  dollars  per  month  thereafter,  being  the  amount  of 
the  murderer's  wages.  Three  weeks  later  the  Indians  began 
stealing  the  liorses  and  mules  belonging  to  the  Commission. 
Tlicy  vehemently  deriied  that  tliey  were  guilty,  at  first,  but 
soon  a  pursuing  force  overtook  one  of  the  bands  of  thieves, 


374 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


and  found  it  cotninanded  by  Delgadito  (tlie  Slender),  a  Mim- 
brefios  chief,  who  had  slept  in  the  Commissioner's  camp  only 
two  nights  before.  In  the  conrse  of  a  month  nearly  two  hun- 
dred horses  and  mules  were  taken,  and  at  the  end  of  that 
period  the  advancement  of  the  work  caused  Mr.  Bartlett  t 
move  on  with  his  almost  dismounted  command.  The  Mim- 
brefios  considered  his  departure  as  a  victory  for  them,  and 
always  thought  that  they  drove  the  Americans  away. 

During  the  stay  of  the  Commissioner's  party,  a  number 
of  miners  had  settled  at  the  Pino  Alto  gold  mines,  north-west 
of  the  Santa  Rita  mines,  and  these  remained  there  when  the 
copper  mines  were  abandoned.  They  grew  in  numbers,  and 
the  Mlmbreiios  were  unable  to  dislodge  them.  After  several 
years  Mangas  Colorado  tried  to  accjmplish  this  end  by  deceit. 
He  would  approach  a  miner  and  tell  him  in  a  confidential 
way  of  wonderful  gold  mines  to  which  he  would  escort  him, 
out  of  personal  friendship,  only  they  two  must  go  alone.  No 
one  risked  a  trip  with  the  kind-hearted  chief,  but  after  several 
weeks  some  of  the  miners  happened  to  compare  notes,  and 
the  probable  treachery  was  revealed.  The  next  time  Mangas 
appeared  at  the  mines,  he  was  tied  up  and  soundly  whipped. 
It  would  have  been  far  more  politic  to  have  killed  him.  He 
never  forgave  this  injury — the  greatest  that  could  be  inflicted 
on  an  Indian— and  he  certainly  avenged  it  on  a  royal  scale. 
For  years  he  was  the  greatest  and  most  vindictive  leader  of 
the  Apaches.  He  united  himself  by  marriage  with  Cochise 
(Cheis),  the  principal  chief  of  the  Chiricahuas,  and  also  made 
a  marital  alliance  with  the  Navahos  that  gave  him  great  in- 
fluence in  that  tribe.  Murders  and  robberies  innumerable 
were  committed  under  his  leadership.  He  succeeded  for  a 
long  time  in  keeping  together  larger  bodies  of  warriors  than 
had  ever  been  known  among  the  Apaches,  and  in  devastating 
all  the  regions  through  which  they  roamed. 

During  all  this  time  the  Jicarillas  were  disturbing  the 
peace  on  the  northern  side  of  the  Rio  Grande  settlements. 
In  October,  1849,  they  committed  the  massacre  of  the  Wliitc 
party  which  attracted  wide-spread  attention  at  the  time.  Mr. 
White,  with  his  wife  and  child,  was  coming  to  Santa  Fe,  where 
he  had  formerly  been  a  merchant,  in  company  with  a  wagon 


DEATH  TO  THE  APACHE!  1)77 

train  belonging  to  Mr.  Anbrey.  They  had  passed  tlio  coun- 
try considered  dangerous,  and  the  Whites  started  ahead,  accom- 
panied by  a  German  named  Lawberger,  an  unknown  Ameri- 
can, a  Mexican,  and  a  negro.  While  camped  between  Kock 
Creek  and  Whetstone  branch,  a  party  of  Jicarillas  approaclied 
them  and  demanded  presents.  White  refused,  and  drove  tliem 
out  of  camp.  Presently  they  returned,  and  were  again  refused 
and  ordered  out.  Instead  of  going  they  opened  fire,  killing  the 
negro  and  Mexican.  The  others  tried  to  fly,  but  were  killed, 
excepting  Mrs.  White  and  the  child,  who  were  taken  ])rison- 
ers.  The  dead  bodies  were  laid  along  the  road,  but  were  not 
scalped  or  stripped,  and  the  Indians  concealed  themselves. 
A  party  of  Mexicans  soon  came  along,  and  began  plundering 
the  wagons.  The  Indians  fired  on  them,  but  succeeded  only 
in  wounding  one  boy,  who  was  left  for  dead.  lie  lay  quiet 
until  the  Indians  went  awaj',  and  then  came  to  Santa  Fe  and 
reported  the  occurrence.  A  company  of  dragoons,  with  Kit 
Carson  as  guide,  followed  the  Indians  for  three  or  four  days 
before  they  found  them.  They  made  an  attack  and  killed 
several,  but  the  Indians  murdered  Mrs.  AVhite  and  the  cliild 
before  they  fled.  A  severe  snow-storm  came  on,  from  which 
both  sides  suffered  severely,  and  rendered  farther  pursuit  im- 
possible. In  1851  these  Indians  murdered  a  party  of  eleven 
persons  who  were  carrying  the  mail.  After  some  further  hos- 
tilities they  entered  into  a  treaty  with  Agent  Calhoun,  and 
went  on  reservations  near  Fort  Webster  and  Abiquiu,  but  the 
treaty  was  not  ratified.  Mr.  Meriwether,  who  succeeded  Mr. 
Calhoun  in  August,  1853,  found  the  Jicarillas  on  his  hands, 
with  no  money  to  provide  for  them.  He  told  them  he  could 
do  nothing  for  them,  and  t'lrned  them  out.  As  they  had  made 
no  provision  for  winter,  they  proceeded  to  support  themselves 
by  theft.  In  a  few  months  their  depredations  became  so  in- 
sufferable that  the  troops  were  sent  after  them.  Lieutenant 
Bell  had  a  successful  skirmish  with  them  on  March  5th,  but  on 
March  30th  Lieutenant  Davidson's  command  of  sixty  men  was 
attacked  by  two  hundred  Jicarillas  and  Utes,  and  only  nine- 
teen men  escaped,  most  of  them  wounded.  A  large  force  of 
regulars  and  volunteers  was  then  put  in  the  field,  and,  on 
July  30th  Goneral  Garland  reported  that  the  Jicarillas  had  been 


378 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


subdued  and  had  sued  for  pvace.  There  was  one  band,  how- 
ever, that  escaped  and  took  lofuge  among  the  Utes ;  these 
renegades  with  their  allies  destroyed  the  settlement  on  the 
Arkansas,  and  were  punished  as  recorded  in  the  sketch  of  the 
Utes  hereafter. 

The  Mescaleros,  to  the  south-east  of  the  Ilio  Grande  settle- 
ments, were  the  Apaches  for  whose  civilization  there  seemed 
the  best  prospect.  They  were  more  devoted  to  agriculture 
than  the  others,  and  consequejitly  had  more  to  lose  by  war. 
They  exercised  the  ancient  prerogative  of  thieving  to  a  limit- 
ed extent  for  some  years,  but  in  the  winter  of  1854-55  their 
depredations  became  so  extensive  that  they  could  not  be  tol- 
erated. Captain  Ewell,  of  the  Ist  Dragoons,  was  sent  against 
them  with  one  hundred  and  eighty  men.  The  Mescaleros 
met  them  on  the  Fefiasco,  on  the  night  of  January  17th,  and 
fought  them  all  the  next  day  as  they  advanced.  The  troops 
lost  three  killed,  and  the  Indians  were  seen  to  bear  away  lif- 
teen  dead  bodies.  The  Mescaleros  retreated  in  the  direction 
of  the  Guadalupe  Mountains.  On  February  23d  a  party  of 
fifteen  warriors  attacked  a  grazing  camp  of  four  soldiers,  sur- 
prising them  and  pulling  their  tent  down  upon  them,  but  the 
soldiers  extricated  themselves  and  drove  the  Indians  off  with 
heavy  loss.  The  Mescaleros  then  concluded  that  their  mission 
was  not  lighting  the  Americans.  They  came  to  Agent  Steck 
at  Fort  Thorne,  and  begged  for  peace.  Peace  was  granted,  and 
a  reservation  was  given  them  in  their  own  country,  between 
the  Pecos  River  and  the  Sacramento  Mountains.  The  Mesca- 
leros thereafter  behaved  quite  well  until  the  Texan  invasion, 
early  in  the  civil  war,  but  the  Mexicans  gained  in  blood-thirsti- 
ness what  the  Indians  had  lost.  In  February,  1858,  a  militia 
])arty  from  Messila,  known  as  the  "  Messila  Guard,"  attacked  a 
peaceful  Mescalero  camp  close  by  the  village  of  Doiia  Ana, 
and  pursued  the  Indians  into  the  houses  of  the  Dofia  Anans, 
where  they  lied  for  refuge.  Eight  or  nine  Indians  were 
killed  and  one  child  taken  captive.  The  citizens  of  Dona 
Ana  denounced  this  affair  as  a  riotous  and  wanton  outrage, 
though  they  seemed  to  object  more  to  the  disturbance  of  them- 
selves than  to  the  wrong  done  the  Indians.  In  April  these 
same  valientes  attacked  the  Mescalero  camp  on  the  reserva- 


Wi 


DEATH  TO  THE  APACHE! 


379 


tion  near  Fort  Thorne,  killed  seven  and  took  several  prison- 
ers. The  garrison  was  proini)tly  called  to  arms,  and  after  a 
brief  chase  captured  thirty-iive  of  the  attacking  party,  includ- 
ing Juan  Ortega,  their  leader.  The  military  authorities  were 
now  thoroughly  indignant.  The  officers  at  the  fort  knew 
that  these  Indians  had  been  peaceable  and  well-behaved,  so 
that  Mexican  affidavits  of  outrages  committed  by  them  were 
not  elfective;  and  the  prisoners  were  held,  notwithstanding 
the  writs  of  habeas  corpus  that  were  issued  for  their  release. 
General  Garland  also  determined  to  withdraw  his  troops  from 
Fort  Thorne  and  let  the  valiant  Messilans  have  their  fill  of 
Indian  fighting.  This  called  forth  a  petition  from  the  peo- 
ple, in  which  assertions  of  their  own  valor  and  prayers  for 
protection  are  ludicrously  blended.  General  Garland  left  two 
companies  to  protect  settlers  innocent  of  outrage,  but  in- 
formed others  that  they  "  have  no  claims  to  the  protection  of 
the  military,  and  will  receive  none." 

The  eastern  Apaches  remained  at  peace  until  the  begin- 
ning of  the  war  of  the  rebellion.  They  were  not  making  any 
material  progress  towards  civilization,  except  in  the  matter 
of  becoming  drunkards.  The  intercourse  laws  could  not  be 
enforced  in  New  Mexico  because  there  were  no  "  Indian 
lands."  The  Mexicans  had  treated  the  Indian  title  as  extinct, 
and  we  had  taken  the  Mexican  title,  in  consequence  of  which 
our  legislators  assumed  that  the  Indians,  who  actually  held 
the  country,  and  had  held  it  from  the  "  time  when  the  mem- 
ory of  man  runneth  not  to  the  contrary,"  had  no  title  what- 
ever. To  make  this  absurdity  more  serious  in  its  results,  none 
of  the  treaties  made  with  the  Apaches  were  ratified,  and  there- 
fore the  reservations  designated  for  them  did  not  come  with- 
in the  protection  of  the  intercourse  laws.  The  result  was 
that  the  most  of  the  projierty  that  the  Jicarillas  and  Mescale- 
ros  got  hold  of  went  for  aguardiente.  The  Western  tribes 
continued  their  piratical  warfare.  Several  expeditions  were 
sent  against  them,  but  none  resulted  in  any  permanent  advan- 
tage or  any  material  punishmetit  to  the  Indians. 

At  the  opening  of  the  war  a  Pandora's  box  of  evils  was 
opened  over  every  square  mile  of  New  Mexico  and  Arizona. 
Among  the  officers  of  the  army  were  many  Southerners,  and 


880 


MASSACllES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


these  did  not  hesitate  to  return  to  the  Sonth.  Some  tried  to 
take  their  soldiers  with  tliem,  but  these  attempts  were  gener- 
ally nnsuccessful.  Immediately  after  came  an  order  with- 
drawing the  troops  from  the  frontier  posts.  This  meant  a 
desertion  of  nearly  all  the  country,  for  life  in  it  had  only  been 
n»ade  possible  by  the  presence  of  the  soldiers.  The  overland 
mail  company  abandoned  its  lino  through  the  two  territories 
(one  at  that  time),  thus  putting  an  end  to  all  communication. 
The  Western  Apaches  seemed  to  have  awakened  to  new  life. 
They  pursued  their  work  of  murder  and  robbery  with  such 
daring  that  no  safety  was  possible.  Men  were  killed  and 
ranches  plundered  in  tiie  midst  of  well-settled  districts.  The 
Indians  seemed  to  be  everywhere. 

This  activity  was  occasioned  in  the  first  place  by  a  mili- 
tary blunder.  In  the  spring  of  ISGl  some  Apaches  stole  a 
cow  and  a  child  from  the  Mexican  mistress  of  an  American, 
and,  on  complaint  of  the  latter  at  Fort  Buchanan,  seventy-five 
men  were  sent  to  demand  the  property  of  the  Chiricahuas, 
who  were  accused  of  the  theft.  The  party  went  to  Apache 
Pass  and  camped,  with  a  white  flag  flying  over  the  tent  of  the 
commander.  Under  its  protection  Cochise  and  five  other 
chief-  "lime  in  to  talk.  They  professed  absolute  ignorance  of 
the  theft,  and  stuck  to  it,  on  account  of  which  obduracy  orders 
were  given  to  seize  them.  Cochise  seized  a  knife,  slit  the 
canvas,  and  escaped,  carrying  with  him  three  bullets.  One 
chief  was  knocked  down  and  spitted  on  a  bayonet  while 
attempting  to  follow.  The  other  four  were  bound.  The 
Indians  at  once  began  hostilities  by  killing  some  prisoners. 
The  captive  chiefs  were  hung  in  retaliation,  and  the  Apaches 
attacked  the  troops.  The  latter  were  badly  whipped,  and 
obliged  to  return  to  the  fort.  Tho  abandonment  of  the  posts 
by  the  troops  soon  after  on  the  order  of  recall  was  believed 
by  the  Indians  to  have  resulted  from  their  hostilities,  and  they 
were  satisfied  that  they  need  only  fight  if  they  desired  to  rid 
themselves  of  the  Americans.  The  Arizona  settlements,  which 
were  at  that  time  all  within  the  Gadsden  Purchase,  and  chief- 
ly in  the  Santa  Cruz  Valley,  were  made  desolate.  At  first 
ranches  were  destroyed  one  after  another,  and  travellers  way- 
laid and  murdered.     Having  accomplished  this  work  thor- 


DEATH  TO  THE  APACHE! 


3Sl 


oiifjlily,  the  Apaclies  began  operations  against  the  strongholds 
of  their  enemies.  The  silver  mines  east  of  Tnbac  were  held 
for  a  few  weeks ;  but  it  was  necessary  to  arm  the  peoiif?  to  ac- 
complish this,  and  arming  them  forced  the  Americans  in 
charge  to  stand  guard  constantly,  to  preserve  their  lives  from 
their  employes.  The  mines  were  abandoned  as  soon  as  their 
business  affairs  conld  be  arranged.  Tubac  was  deserted  soon 
afterwards.  Tucson  dwindled  away  to  a  village  of  two  hun- 
dred souls. 

What  was  lacking  in  the  desperate  nature  of  the  situation 
was  added  by  the  invasion  of  the  Texans.  They  occujtied 
all  of  the  sonthern  part  of  Xew  Mexico,  and  all  of  what  is 
now  Arizona  that  was  occupied  by  the  whites.  On  the  south- 
east they  occupied  Fort  Stanton,  the  only  post  in  the  Mesca- 
lero  conntry.  All  the  Apache  tribes  except  the  Jicarillas 
were  within  the  region  held  by  them,  and  the  Jicari"llas  were 
the  only  Apaches  that  remained  at  peace.  It  is  worth  re- 
membering that  but  for  the  friendly  attitude  of  the  Jicarillas 
and  the  Utos,  New  Mexico  must  almost  certainly  have  fallen 
into  the  hands  of  the  Texans.  The  Mescaleros,  who  had  been 
behaving  well  p.  jviously,  became  involved  in  a  qnarrel  with 
the  Confederate  soldiers,  and  a  fight  resulted  in  which  several 
were  killed  on  both  sides.  The  Mescaleros  then  began  an 
Ishmaelitish  war,  sparing  no  one.  The  settlements  which  had 
grown  up  on  the  llio  lionito  were  quickly  devastated,  and  the 
war  was  carried  to  the  villages  of  the  llio  Grande  country. 
On  the  south-west  Mangas  Colorado  prevented  the  settlers 
from  suffering  the  "pangs  of  ennui.  Most  of  the  Mimbres 
went  to  war  immediately  after  he  was  flogged  by  the  miners, 
and  the  Chiricahuas  and  Gilefios  made  common  cause  with 
them.  On  the  morning  of  September  27,  1801,  a  force  of 
over  two  hundred  warriors  attacked  the  mining  village  of  Pino 
Alto,  but  fortunately  for  the  people  Captain  Martin  had  ar- 
rived the  niffht  before  with  a  detachment  of  the  Arizona 
Guards,  a  volunteer  organization,  and  after  several  hours'  hard 
fighting  the  Indians  were  driven  off  with  considerable  loss. 
Soon  after  one  hundred  and  fifty  warriors  attacked  a  large 
wagon  train,  one  day  out  from  Pino  Alto,  and  besieged  it  for 
fourteen  hours.     The  train  escaped  destruction  by  the  timely 


382 


MASSAC'UES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


arrival  of  the  Arizona  Guards,  who  escorted  it  to  the  Mimbres 
liiver. 

Any  long  continuanoe  of  this  state  of  affairs  nmst  have 
been  ruinous  to  New  Mexico ;  but  aid  was  at  hand.  Tiie  Col- 
orado Volunteers  marched  down  from  the  North,  turned  back 
the  Texans,  and  joined  Canby  in  driving  them  from  the  Ilio 
(irande.  At  the  same  time  General  Carleton,  with  a  column 
of  three  thousand  Californians,  was  advancing  by  way  of  Fort 
Yuma,  driving  all  hostiles  before  him,  and  opening  communi- 
cation through  to  the  coast.  The  combined  forces  of  Maiigas 
Colorado  and  Cochise  made  a  desperate  resistance  to  his  ad- 
vance at  Apache  Pass, 
in  the  Chiricahua  Moun- 
tains, but  the  (Jalifor- 
nians  were  supplied 
with  howitzers  and 
shells,  and  the  Apaches 
found  that  their  posi- 
tions, which  they  had 
made  almost  impregna- 
l)le  to  direct  attack,  af- 
forded them  no  protec- 
tion from  these  new 
missiles  of  their  white 
foes.  They  Hed  with  a 
loss  of  6ixt3'-six  killed  ; 
the  Californians  had 
two"  killed  and  three 
wounded.  Just  after  this  engagei  cut  Mangas  Colorado  was 
seriously  woundet  while  trying  to  cut  off  a  messenger  that 
was  carrying  bac ,  news  of  the  fight  at  the  pass.  lie  was 
taken  to  the  vill,  ?  of  Janos,  in  Northern  New  Mexico,  by 
his  warriors,  and  ut  under  charge  of  a  physician  there, 
with  notice  that  he  did  not  recover,  every  one  in  the 
place  would  be  ki  ^d.  lie  recovered.  A  short  time  after 
his  recovery,  early  ,i  18G3,  he  was  captured  by  Captain  Shir- 
land  of  the  California  Volunteers,  and  killed  while  attempting 
to  escape.  It  is  said  that  the  sentinel  stirred  him  up  with  a 
heated  bayonet  and  then  shot  hira.     It  was  time  for  him  to 


A    llECOUU   OK   MANUAS    COLORADO. 


DKATH  TO  THE  Al'ACIIK! 


383 


ilie.  llo  was  about  seventy  years  old,  ami  had  se^'ired  all  the 
reveiif^e  to  wliich  one  inau  is  entitled.  His  skull  is  said  to 
ornament  the  phrenological  imiseuni  of  Prof.  ().  S.  Fowler. 

(Jencral  Carleton  arrived  at  the  liio  Grando  settlements  in 
Septeml)er,  lSt!2,  and  relieved  Canby,  who  went  to  take  a  glo- 
rious part  in  the  great  struggle  in  the  South.  Carleton,  being 
rid  of  white  enemies,  devoted  his  attention  to  the  subjugation 
of  the  Indians.  He  first  sent  -ol.  Kit  Carson,  with  live  com- 
panies of  New  Mexican  volunteers,  to  occupy  Fort  Stanton, 
from  which  he  was  to  operate  against  the  Mescaleros  and  any 
Xavahos  that  were  in  that  region.  Captain  McCleave,  with 
two  companies  of  California  Volunteers,  was  sent  into  the 
Mescalero  country  by  way  of  Dog  Canon  (Canon  del  Perro), 
from  the  'south-west.  Captain  Roberts,  with  two  companies 
of  Californians,  was  sent  into  the  same  region  from  the  south, 
by  way  of  the  Ilueco  (Wacco)  tanks.  The  orders  to  each 
command  were :  "  The  men  are  to  bo  slain  whenever  and 
wherever  they  can  be  found.  The  women  and  children  may 
be  taken  prisoners,  but,  of  course,  they  are  not  to  be  killed." 
Carson  took  possession  of  Fort  Stanton  with  no  material 
hindcrance.  !^[cCleavc  encountered  the  Apaches  at  Dog 
Cafio'i,  which  was  one  of  their  greatest  strongholds.  There 
were  about  five  hundred  of  them — over  a  hundred  warriors — 
and  they  were  completely  routed  by  the  Californians.  They 
fled  to  Fort  Stanton  and  surrendered  to  Cai'son,  who  took 
them  under  his  protection,  rather  against  the  sanguinary  in- 
structions of  Carleton,  and  sent  Hve  of  their  chiefs  to  Santa 
Fe  to  treat  for  peace.  General  Carleton  required  them  to  go 
on  a  reservation  at  the  Bosque  lledondo,  on  the  Pecos  River. 
The  spokesman  of  the  Mescaleros  was  Gian-nah-tah  (Always 
Ready),  known  to  the  Mexicans  as  Cadete,  or  the  Volunteer. 
He  was  a  son  of  Palanquito,  their  former  head  chief,  who 
died  soon  afLcr  they  were  first  treated  with,  in  1855.  Gian- 
nah-tah  said,  "  You  are  stronger  than  we.  We  have  fought 
you  so  long  as  we  had  rifles  and  powder;  but  your  weapons 
are  better  than  ours.  Give  us  like  weapons  and  turn  us 
loose,  we  will  fight  you  again;  but  we  are  worn  out;  we 
have  no  more  heart ;  we  have  no  provisions,  no  means  to 
live;  your  troops  are  everywhere;  our  springs  and  water- 


384 


MASSACKES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


holes  are  either  occupied  or  overlooked  by  your  young  men. 
You  have  driven  us  from  our  last  and  best  stronghold,  and 
we  have  no  more  heart.  Do  with  us  as  may  seem  good  to 
you,  but  do  not  forget  we  are  men  and  braves." 

The  Mescaleros  were  sent  to  the  Bosque  Redondo  with 
the  pro!^^ise  that  if  they  should  remain  there  peaceably  until 
the  war  was  finished,  so  that  they  would  not  be  confused 
with  tiie  hostiles,  they  should  be  given  a  reservation  in  their 

own  country.  At  the 
Bosque  they  came  under 
charge  of  Colonel  Cre- 
mony,  formerly  with  the 
Boundary  Commission,  to 
whose  intelligent  labor 
the  world  is  indebted  for 
much  of  its  knowledge  of 
Apache  customs.  It  may 
be  mentioned,  by-the-way, 
that  he  collected  a  valua- 
ble vocabulary  of  the 
Apache  language  and  for- 
warded it  to  the  Smith- 
sonian Institution  over 
twenty  years  ago,  but  it 
has  not  yet  been  publish- 
ed. The  Indians  came  to 
the  Bosque  rapidly;  by 
spring  four  hundred  Mes- 
caleros were  on  the  reser- 
vation, and  the  remain- 
der were  reported  as  hav- 
ing fled  into  Mexico  or  joined  the  Gila  tribes.  Tlie  disposal 
of  the  Mescaleros  gave  some  opportunity  for  proceedings 
against  the  Mimbrefios.  An  expedition  was  sent  into  their 
country  in  January,  1803,  which  resulted  in  the  defeat  and 
capture  of  Mangas  Colorado,  with  a  loss  of  twenty  of  his 
warriors.  Fort  West  was  established  in  the  Pino  Alto  coun- 
try, and  scouting  parties  were  kept  in  the  field.  By  the  lat- 
ter part  of  April,  forty  of  the  band  had  been  killed,  includ- 


rAl'A(JO    ClIIKK. 


DEATH  TO  THE  APACHE! 


385 


ing  a  brother  and  one  of  the  sons  of  Mangas.  The  attention 
ot  the  greater  part  of  the  troops  was  turned  to  the  Navahos 
during  the  year  18G3  and  the  early  part  of  the  next  year. 
By  March,  1804,  there  were  3600  Navahos  and  450  Apaclies 
at  the  Busque.  By  the  twentieth  of  that  month  2600  more 
Navahos  were  reported  captured  and  on  their  way.  Events 
were  occurring  in  Arizona,  however,  that  soon  carried  the 
seat  of  active  operations  to  that  territory.  In  1862  Pauline 
Weaver,  the  pioneer  prospector  of  Arizona,  discovered  tlie 
placers  on  the  Colorado  near  La  Paz,  and  in  1863  he  found 
the  district  that  bears  his  name,  south-west  of  Prescott,  and 
tbj  remarkable  mines  of  Antelope  Peak.  In  the  spring  of 
1SG3  a  party  of  prospectors  under  Captain  Walker,  an  old 
California  mining  celebrity,  left  the  Rio  Cxrande  settlements 
and  went  into  the  same  region.  The  new  mines  attracted 
many  people,  to  whom  General  Carleton  gave  all  the  protec- 
tion and  assistance  in  his  power. 

In  the  summer  of  1864,  his  hands  were  comparatively  free 
in  New  Mexico,  and  the  troops  were  cen.red  on  the  western 
Apaches.  Tiie  extermination  policy  then  received  as  full  and 
fair  a  trial  as  could  possibly  be  given  to  it.  The  forces  were 
adc(juate,  for  every  one  joined  in  the  movement.  On  April 
20tli  General  Carleton  detailed  his  plans  to  Don  Ignacio  Pes- 
(piira.  Governor  of  Sonora,  saying,  "If  your  excellency  will 
put  a  few  hundred  men  into  the  Held  on  the  first  day  of  next 
tiune,  and  keep  them  in  hot  pursuit  of  the  Apaches  of  Sono- 
ra, say  for  sixty  or  ninety  days,  we  will  either  exterminate  the 
Indians  or  so  diminish  their  numbers  that  they  will  cease 
tlieir  murdering  and  robbing  propensities  and  live  at  peace." 
To  Don  Luis  Perrazas,  Governor  of  Chihuahua,  a  similar  re- 
quest was  forwarded.  The  miners  in  the  new  districts  of 
Arizona  agieed  to  keep  a  force  in  tiic  field  if  the  government 
would  furnish  provisions,  and  this  General  Carleton  did.  The 
Pimas  and  Maricopas  were  furnished  with  American  leaders, 
and  given  over  two  hundred  muskets,  \vith  ammunition. 
The  governors  of  Arizona  and  New  Mexico  were  requested 
to  aid,  and  did  so.  To  Governor  Goodwin,  of  Arizona,  Carle- 
ton wrote  :  "  Pi-ay  see  the  Papagos,  Pi  mas,  and  Maricopas,  and 
have  that  part  of  the  progranunc  well  and  effectually  executed. 


3SG 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


YoH  will  bo  able  to  secure  the  efforts  of  the  miners  without 
trouble.  Let  us  work  earnestly  and  hard,  and  before  next 
Christinas  your  Apaches  are  whipped.  Unless  we  do  this, 
you  will  have  a  twenty  years'  war."  For  his  own  part  Carle- 
ton  located  a  force  of  five  hundred  men  on  the  Gila,  north  of 
theChiricahua  Mountains,  to  operate  from  that  point.  Could 
a  plan  be  more  perfect?  Here  was  a  combination  of  the 
militarj',  citizens,  and  friendly  Indians  of  two  nations  against 
the  Apaches.  They  all  went  into  it  heartily,  with  a  sincere 
hatred  of  the  enemy,  and  w'ith  many  old  scores  to  pay  off. 
The  oft-repea<'ed  orders  were  to  kill  every  male  Indian  capa- 
ble of  bearing  anus,  and  capture  the  women  and  child»'en.  It 
is  not  possible  to  give  here  even  a  synopsis  of  the  fights  that 
occurred.  The  brief  mention  of  the  encounters  with  Indians 
in  the  general  orders  for  the  year  covers  six  such  pages  as 
these,  in  fine  print.  The  results  of  the  year's  work,  so  far  as 
they  could  be  obtained,  were  otticially  summed  up  thus:  In- 
dians killed,  3G3 — wounded,  140;  soldiers  killed,  7 — wounded, 
25  ;  citizens  killed,  IS — wounded,  18  ;  recovered  from  Indians 
12,284  sheep,  2742  horses,  35  mules,  31  cattle,  and  18  burros; 
taken  by  Indians,  4250  sheep,  20  horses,  154  mules,  and  32 
cattle.  The  greater  part  of  the  damage  done  was  to  the  Nav- 
ahos,  who,  to  the  number  of  over  two  thousand,  were  sent  to 
the  Eosque  Rodondo,  taking  with  them  most  of  the  sheep  that 
were  reported  as  captured.  For  the  Apaches  alone  the  re- 
turns sum  up,  216  Indiars  and  IG  whites  killed;  14G  horses 
captured  by  Indians,  and  54  recovered  ;  17  cattle  taken  by  In- 
dians, and  21  taken  from  them;  3000  sheep  taken  by  Indians, 
and  175  recovered.  The  loss  to  the  whites  was  not  fully  re- 
ported, and  the  Indi;  ns  were  much  damaged  in  addition  to 
this  by  the  destruction  of  their  crops.  Nearly  all  the  Apa- 
ches planted  to  some  extent  in  the  sheltered  valleys  of  their 
wildernesses. 

This  war  was  conducted  on  strictly  extermination  princi- 
ples. It  is  true  that  removal  to  the  Bosque  was  named  as  an 
alternative,  but  only  thirty  western  Apaches  ever  reached  the 
Bosque,  froui  all  sources.  The  troops  were  constantly  stimu- 
lated to  activity.  Failure  was  the  only  offence  that  could  be 
committed,  and  success  was  approved,  no  matter  how  obtained. 


DEATH  TO  THE  APACHE! 


389 


By  way  of  example,  the  general  orders  for  ISG-t  contain  the 
following;  "January  24th. — A  party  of  thirty  Americans  and 
fourteen  Plina  and  Maricopa  Indians  under  Col.  King  S. 
Woolsey,  aid  to  the  governor  of  Arizona,  attacked  a  band  of 
Gila  Apaciies,  sixty  or  seventy  miles  north-east  of  the  Pima 
villages,  and  killed  nineteen  of  them  and  wounded  others. 
Mr.  Cyrus  Lennon,  of  Woolsey's  party,  was  killed  by  a  wound- 
ed Indian."  That  does  not  read  badly,  but  it  is  not  the  whole 
truth.  This  party  started  out  to  hunt  for  stock  supposed  to 
have  been  stolen  by  the  Indians.  They  were  signalled  by  a 
party  of  Coyotcros  and  Finals,  who  dared  them  to  come  and 
light.  Woolsey  sent  an  interpreter  to  them  to  tell  them  that 
he  did  not  wish  to  fight,  but  to  make  peace.  On  his  invita- 
tion thirty-five  of  tiiem  came  into  the  camp  with  their  arms. 
The  chief,  Par-a-nmck-a,  insolently  ordered  Woolsey  to  clear 
a  place  for  him  to  sit  upon,  as  he  was  a  great  chief.  Woolsey 
calmly  folded  up  a  blanket  and  handed  it  to  him.  He  then 
told  the  Apaches  that  he  would  make  a  treaty  with  them  and 
give  them  certificates  of  good  conduct  snch  that  no  white 
man  would  ever  molest  them.  His  men  were  gathered  about 
in  preparation  for  the  treaty.  Woolsey  drew  his  revolver 
and  gave  Par-a-muck-a  the  Arizona  certificate  of  a  "good  In- 
dian "  at  the  first  shot.  His  men  signed  on  the  bodies  of  the 
others.  Only  one  Indian — a  lame  m.an  who  could  not  run 
away — affixed  his  signature.  He  did  it  with  his  lance,  on  the 
person  of  Mr.  Lennon.  This  is  historically  known  as  "  the 
Pinal  treaty,"  and  the  place  is  appropriately  called  "Bloody 
Tanks." 

This  occurrence  is  not  mentioned  in  any  spirit  of"  mawk- 
ish sentimentality,"  but  merely  to  show  that  the  extermina- 
tion policy  had  a  fair  trial.  These  Indians  would  undoubt- 
edly have  murdered  their  new  white  friends  if  they  had 
obtained  the  opportunity.  They  are  entitled  to  no  compas- 
sion on  the  ground  of  treachery  used  against  them.  The 
Apache  makes  war  by  treachery.  His  object  is  to  harm  his 
enemy  but  to  escape  uninjured,  and  he  thinks  that  a  man 
who  walks  up  to  open  danger  is  r  fool.  lie  will  go  into  dan- 
gerous places  himself,  but  he  goes  by  stealth.  He  never  at- 
tacks except  by  surprise.     He  is  brave,  but  he  has  no  ambi- 


390 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


tion  to  die  a  soldier's  dtatii.  Apaclie  glory  consists  strictly 
in  killing  the  enemy.  A  wounded  or  helpless  Apache  will 
fight  like  a  demon  to  protect  his  friends,  but  a  sound  Apache 
would  never  take  such  risks  to  bear  away  a 
wounded  compatriot  as  a  Sioux  or  Cheyenne 
warrior  would.  Of  necessity,  this  war- 
fare had  its  effects  on  the  Apaches,  in 
the  way  of  making  peace  seem  more 
endurable,  but  they  were 
neither  exterminated  nor  con- 
quered. In  April,  1865,  In- 
spector-general Davis  held  a 
l)arley  with  Victoria,  Acos- 
ta,  and  other  chiefs,  among 
whom  were  I'asqnin,  Cassari, 
and  Salvador,  the  sons  of 
JMangas  C\)lorado.  The  In- 
dians were  very  destitute,  and 
wanted  peace,  but  they  did 
not  wish  to  leave  their  coun- 


y. 

^  ■ 


APACHES    WATCHINO    A    TKAIN. 


DEATH   TO  THE  APACHE! 


891 


try.  The  iron  rule,  of  removal  to  the  Bosque,  sta^'gered  them. 
Tliey  agreed  to  send  four  chiefs  to  inspect  the  reservation 
and  rej)ort  to  the  tribe,  but  norie  of  them  came  back,  as  they 
promised,  and  the  war  went  on  as  before. 

At  the  close  of  the  war  of  tiie  rebellion  the  United  States 
wjis  divided  into  five  Military  ])ivisions,  and  tliesc  were  sub- 
divided in  nineteen  Departments.  New  Mexico  was  put  in 
the  Department  of  the  Missouri,  commanded  by  Major-gen- 
eral Pope,  which  was  a  part  of  the  Military  Division  of  the 
Mississip])i,  commanded  by  General  Sherman.  Arizona  was 
ill  the  Department  of  California,  commanded  by  ^lajor-gen- 
eral  Mc])owell,  which  was  a  part  of  the  Military  Division  of 
the  Facitic,  commanded  by  Maj.-gen.  II.  AV.  Ilalleck.  The 
extermination  theory  was  believed  in  by  General  Ilalleck,  so 
far  at  least  as  the  Apaches  were  concerned.  He  said,  "It  is 
useless  to  negotiate  with  tiiese  Apache  Indians.  They  will 
observe  no  treaties,  agreements,  or  trnces.  With  them  tiiere 
is  no  alternative  but  active  and  vigorous  war,  till  tiicy  are 
completely  destroyed,  or  forced  to  surrender  as  ])risoiiers  of 
war."  The  hostile  Apaches  were  nearly  all  in  Arizona,  wiiich 
was  commanded  by  Brigadier-general  Maeon,  and  the  war 
there  was  prosecuted  much  as  before,  or,  if  possible,  more  bit- 
terly. Both  sides  were  becoming  more  and  more  exasperated, 
and  vented  their  spleen  in  ways  that  only  served  to  make 
matters  worse.  The  Indians  were  adopting  the  practice  of 
mutilating  the  dead,  which  was  formerly  contrary  to  their 
customs.  The  whites  frequently  killed  inoffensive  Indians 
on  general  principles.  In  1868  a  man  named  Mitchell  cause- 
lessly killed  Waba  Yuma,  head  chief  of  the  Ilualapais,  and 
that  tribe,  which  had  been  peaceable,  went  to  war.  They  had 
been  looked  upon  with  the  contempt  that  frontiersmen  com- 
monly feel  for  peaceable  Indians,  but  they  proved  vicious 
enemies.  General  McDowell  reported  that,  "  the  officers 
from  I'rescott  say  they  would  prefer  fighting  five  Apaches 
to  one  Ilualapais." 

In  the  mean  time  trouble  had  come  at  the  Bosque.  The 
question  of  a  peruument  reservation  at  that  point  became  a 
political  one,  and  everything  connected  with  it  passed  into 
the  realms  of  misrepresentation,  so  that  the  trutii  is  hard  to 

25* 


392 


MASSACRES  OV  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


reach.  It  is  clear,  however,  that  tlic  reservation  crops  failed, 
or  were  destroyed  by  insects,  year  after  year.  It  is  also  clear 
that  the  Navahos  and  Apaches  did  not  get  along  well  to- 
gether. The  Navahos  were  the  stroriger  ii\  numbers,  and  ap- 
peared to  have  the  ear  of  the  commanding  officer.  After  the 
Mescaleros  had  been  at  the  Bosque  for  two  years,  the  land 
which  they  had  been  cultivating  was  taken  from  them  and 
given  to  the  Xavahos,  while  they  were  assigned  to  anothe  • 
location.  This  was  done  to  prevent  quarrelling,  but  to  the 
Mescaleros  it  appeared  an  act  of  favoritism.  There  could  be 
no  harmony  between  them  and  the  Navahos.  They  had  long 
been  at  war,  and  thoir  customs  were  totally  diiferent.  The 
Mescaleros  claimed  the  fulfilment  of  GenenTl  Carleton's  prom- 
ise that  they  should  have  a  reservation  in  their  own  country ; 
indeed.  Agent  Labodie  testifies  that  they  had  looked  forward 
to  this  all  the  time,  and  had  used  their  influence  in  bringing 
in  their  own  hostiles  solely  for  that  purpose.  They  were  not 
removed.  The  Eusque  reservation  for  all  Apaches  and  Kava- 
hos  had  become  General  Carleton's  pet  scheme.  On  Novem- 
ber 3, 1805,  the  entire  tribe  of  Mescaleros  left  the  lioscpie  and 
went  to  their  own  country.  They  went  to  war  because  they 
knew  that  leaving  the  reservation  would  be  considered  an  act 
of  war,  and  that  they  must  fight  or  go  back.  One  of  their 
leading  nien,  Ojo  Blanco  (White  Eye"'^),  had  left  several  weeks 
prior  to  this  time  with  a  small  part}'.  After  several  years  of 
desultory  warfare,  during  which  the  anti-Bosque  party  had 
gained  their  point,  and  the  tribes  were  returned  to  their  for- 
mer homes,  the  Mescaleros  were  settled  on  a  reservation  in 
their  own  country. 

The  military  operations  of  the  'GO's  were  not  devoid  of 
results.  New  Mexico  had  a  season  of  comparative  quiet,  in 
the  better  settled  parts,  and  Arizona  was  yielding  to  the 
progress  of  civilization.  The  valley  of  Santa  Cruz  was  again 
filled  with  ranchemen.     Tubac  was  reoccupied,  and  Tucson 


*  The  Apacbe  words  for  "white  eye"  are  Pin-dah  Lick-oyee,  and  tliis 
is  tlie  name  they  use  to  designate  Americans,  in  their  own  language.  We 
are  "wliite  eyes,"  not  "pale  faces,"  to  tliem.  They  also  use  the  word 
Americano  iu  common  with  other  tribes  who  are  more  or  less  versed  in 
Spanish. 


DliATH  TO  THE  APACIIK! 


395 


regained  its  lost  population.  Tlic  mining  regions  on  the  Col- 
orado and  about  Trescott  were  hold  by  the  whites.  Yet,  in 
fact,  tliero  was  merely  a  change  in  the  seat  of  war.  The 
Apaches  held  mountain  fastnesses,  as  yet  unknown,  from 
which  tliey  sallied  forth  to  raid  into  the  very  heart  of  the 
settlements.  No  one  dared  to  travel  the  roads  unarmed,  and 
small  parties  were  not  safe  when  they  had  arms.  Horses 
were  run  off  in  broad  day  from  within  half  a  mile  of  Pres- 
cott.  ^[en  who  were  not  vigilant  were  liable  to  be  killed 
anywhere.  No  Apache  tribe  was  subdued.  The  later  years 
of  this  period  found  them  at  war  from  the  Pecos  to  the  Col- 
orado. The  bitterness  and  want  of  contideiice  which  had  been 
instilled  into  the  Indians  by  this  system  of  warfare  are  re- 
sults which  are  not  subject  to  measurement,  but  it  must,  in 
fairness,  be  admitted  that  they  did  follow  in  some  degree. 
C)n  the  whole  tiie  jiolicy  of  extermination  in  Arizona,  coupled 
with  concentration  in  New  Mexico,  proved  a  dismal  failure, 
after  a  full  and  fair  trial.  The  army  oflicers  began  to  realize 
this,  and  Indians  who  were  willing  to  make  peace  were  per- 
mitted to  gather  about  Fort  Goodwin,  Camp  Grant,  and  in 
the  White  Mountains.  Tiiis  marked  the  beginning  of  a  new 
era  in  Arizona,  which  will  be  considered  in  a  subsequent 
chapter. 


APACUE  BOOT,  HCAD-DRKSS,  KTC. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 
SAND  CREEK. 

On  the  niglit  of  Novctiibcr  28, 1804,  about  seven  hundred 
and  fifty  meti,  cavalry  and  artillery,  were  marching  eastward 
across  the  plains  below  Fort  L3'on.  There  was  u  bitter,  de- 
termined look  on  their  hard-set  features  tliat  betokened  ill 
for  some  one.  For  five  days  tlicy  had  been  uiarcliing,  from 
Bijou  iJasin,  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles  to  the  north- 
west, as  the  crow  flies,  but  some  flfty  miles  farther  by  their 
route.  When  they  started  the  snow  was  two  to  three  feet 
deep  on  the  ground,  but,  as  they  progressed,  it  had  become 
lighter,  and  now  the  giound  was  clear.  The  night  was  bitter 
cold;  Jim  Beekwith,  the  old  trapper  who  had  been  guiding 
them,  had  become  so  stiffened  that  he  was  unable  longer  to 
distinguish  the  course,  and  they  were  obliged  to  rely  on  a  half- 
breed  Indian.  About  one  third  of  the  men  had  the  appear- 
ance of  soldiers  who  had  seen  ser'Mce;  the  remainder  had  a 
diversity  of  arms  ai^d  equipments  as  well  as  of  uniforms, 
and  marched  with  the  air  of  raw  recruits.  About  half  a  mile 
in  advance  were  three  men,  the  half-breed  guide  and  two  of- 
ficers, one  of  the  latter  of  such  gigantic  proportions  that  the 
others  seemed  pygmies  beside  him.  Near  daybreak  the  half- 
breed  turned  to  the  white  men  and  said:  "Wolf  he  howl. 
Injun  dog  he  hear  woll',  lo  howl  too.  Injun  he  hear  dog  and 
listen  ;  hear  somethiiig,  and  run  off."  The  big  man  tapped 
the  butt  of  his  revolver  in  an  ominous  way,  and  replied: 
"Jack,  I  haven't  had  an  Indian  to  eat  for  a  long  time.  If 
you  fool  with  me,  and  don't  lead  us  to  that  camp,  I'll  have 
you  for  breakfast."  They  found  the  camp.  There  were 
one  hundred  and  twenty  Cheyenne  and  eight  Arapahoe 
lodges  in  it,  stretched  along  the  bank  of  a  shallow  stream, 
which  crept  sluggishly  down  a  broad  bed  of  sand.     On  each 


SAND  CREEK. 


397 


side  of  the  camp,  rai)ging  out  perhaps  a  mile,  was  a  herd  of 
ponies,  the  two  numbering;  about  eleven  hniulrcd.  It  was  be- 
tween daybreak  and  sunrise  ;  the  Indians  were  just  beginning 
to  move.  A  squaw  heard  tlie  noise  of  the  approacliing  horses, 
and  reported  that  a  herd  of  buffalo  w.is  coining.  Others  ran 
out,  who  quickly  discovered  that  the  rumbling  was  the  tread 
of  horses,  and  that  a  large  body  of  troops  was  approaching. 
In  a  moment  all  was  confusion.  Men,  wotncn,  and  children 
ran  here  and  there,  getting  their  arms  in  readiness  or  prepar- 
ing for  flight.  The  principal  Cheyenne  chief  hastily  raii  up 
an  American  flag  over  his  teepee,  with  a  white  flag  above  it. 
A  white  trader,  who  was  in  one  of  the  teepeea,  came  out  and 
hastened  towards  the  soldiers.  At  the  same  time  two  detach- 
ments of  cavalry  were  galloping  towards  the  lierds,  and  some 
of  the  Indiiins  were  running  in  the  same  directions. 

Firing  began  between  these  parties.  The  white  trader 
seemed  confused,  and  stopped.  A  cavalryman  said  :  "  Let 
me  bring  him  in,  major,"  and,  starting  from  the  ranks,  galloped 
towards  him,  but  a  bullet  from  the  camp  tumbled  him  from 
liis  horse,  and  the  trader  turned  and  ran  back.  The  herd  of 
ponies  on  the  farther  side  of  the  camp  became  alarmed  and  ran 
towards  the  camp,  the  soldiers  cutting  off  only  about  half  of 
them.  The  main  body  of  troops  pressed  forward,  firing  as 
they  came,  led  by  their  giant  commander,  who  rode  throngh 
the  ranks,  calling  out:  "Remember  our  wives  and  children, 
murdered  on  the  Platte  and  the  Arkansas."  The  Indians 
were  beginning  to  fall  rapidly  under  the  deadly  fire.  Part  of 
them  caught  the  straggling  ponies  which  had  reached  the 
camp,  and  fled.  The  remainder,  warriors  and  squaws,  with 
some  children,  retired  slowly  up  the  creek,  fighting  as  they 
went.  They  continued  thus  for  about  three  quarters  of  a 
mile,  to  a  point  where  the  banks  rose  from  three  to  ten  feet, 
on  either  side  of  a  level  expanse  of  sand,  sonie  three  hundred 
yards  wide.  Along  the  banks  the  Indians  made  their  stand, 
protected  by  them  on  one  side,  and  on  the  other  by  heaps  of 
loose  sand  which  they  had  scraped  up.  Most  of  the  troops 
were  now  in  confusion,  each  doing  about  as  he  liked.  About 
one  half  of  them  were  firing  on  the  line  of  Indians  in  the 
creek  bed,  and  squads  were  riding  about,  killing  stragglers. 


398 


MASSACKKS  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


scalping  the  dead,  and  pursuing  the  flying.  No  prisoners 
were  being  taken,  and  no  one  was  allowed  to  escape  if  escape 
could  be  prevented.  A  child  of  about  three  years,  perfectly 
naked,  was  toddlinij  alonif  over  the  trail  where  the  Indians 
had  fled.  A  soldier  saw  it,  flred  at  about  seven ty-flve  yards 
distance,  and  missed  it.     Another  dismounted  and  said  :  "  Let 

me  try  the  little ;  I  can  hit  him."     lie  missed  too, 

but  a  third  dismounted,  with  a  similar  remark,  and  at  his  shot 
the  child  fell.  At  the  creek  bed  the  flght  was  at  long  range 
and  stubborn.  A  private  was  flring  at  an  Indian  who 
climbed  up  on  the  bank  from  time  to  time,  and  made  derisive 
gestures  at  the  soldier's  fruitless  efforts.  "  Let  me  take  that 
gun  of  yours  for  a  minute,  colonel,"  said  the  soldier.  The 
colonel  handed  him  his  rifle,  an  elegant  silver-mounted  one, 
presented  him  b}'  the  citizens  of  Denver;  the  Indian  showed 
himself  again ;  the  rifle  cracked  and  he  dropped  dead.  Tlie 
squaws  were  flghting  along  with  the  men.  One  had  just 
wounded  a  soldier  with  an  arrow,  and  a  comrade  put  his  rifle 
in  rest,  remarking,  "If  that  squaw  shows  her  head  above  the 
bank  again,  I'll  blow  the  whole  top  of  it  off."  An  otflcer, 
standing  by  him,  said:  "I  wouldn't  make  a  heathen  of  my- 
self by  shooting  a  woman."  The  words  had  hardly  dropped 
from  his  lips  when  the  same  squaw  sent  an  arrow  through 
the  officer's  arm,  and  his  philanthropic  remark  changed  to  a 

howl  of  "Shoot  the ,"  and  the  soldier  did  it.     The 

Iiuiians  could  not  be  dislodged  by  the  small  arms,  but  towards 
noon  two  howitzers  wore  brought  into  action  and  they  broke 
the  line.  The  Indians  fell  back  from  one  position  to  anotlier, 
the  combat  becoming  gradually  a  running  fight,  whitih  was 
kept  up  for  five  miles  or  more,  and  aba?)doned  by  the  pur- 
suers a  short  time  before  dusk.  The  soldiers  then  gathered 
at  the  Indian  camp,  where  they  remained  until  the  second  day 
following.  Alost  of  the  corpses  were  scalped,  and  a  number 
were  mutilated  as  bodies  are  usually  mutilated  by  Indians, 
with  all  that  implies.  Near  evening,  on  the  day  after  the 
battle,  Jack  Smith,  the  half-breed  who  had  guided  the  soldiers 
to  the  camp,  and  a  son  of  the  white  trader  who  was  in  the 
camp,  was  shot  by  one  of  the  men.  lie  had  tried  to  run 
away  during  the  fight,  but  had  been   brought  back.      The 


rii 


SAND  CREEK. 


401 


colonel  commandlDg  was  warned  that  he  would  probably  be 
killed  if  the  men  were  not  ordered  to  let  him  live.  He  re- 
plied :  "  I  have  given  my  orders,  and  have  no  further  instruc- 
tions to  give."  There  were,  at  the  time,  seven  other  prisoners 
in  the  camp,  two  squaws  and  five  children,  who  were  taken  to 
Fort  Lyon  and  left  there.  They  were  the  only  prisoners  taken. 
When  the  camp  was  broken,  the  buffalo-robes  were  coniiscated 
for  the  sick,  the  soldiers  took  what  they  wanted  for  trophies, 
and  the  remainder  was  burned.  The  Indians  lost  three  hun- 
dred, all  killed,  of  whom  about  one  half  were  warriors  and  the 
remainder  women  a''d  children.  Tlie  whites  lost  seven  killed 
and  forty-seven  wounded,  of  whotn  seven  afterwards  died. 

This  was  "  the  massacre  of  the  friendly  Cheyenne  In- 
dians at  Sand  Creek,  by  the  Colorado  troops,  under  Colonel 
John  M.  Chivington,"  or  "  the  battle  on  the  13ig  Sandy,  with 
the  hostile  Cheyennes  and  Arapahoes,"  as  you  may  be  pleased 
to  consider  it.  That  is  to  say,  it  is  a  statement  of  what  oc- 
curred there,  as  nearly  as  the  truth  can  be  arrived  at,  without 
favor  or  reservation.  It  is  but  just  to  add  that  the  great  nia- 
jority  of  the  troops  who  participated  in  it  say  it  was  not  so 
bad  as  here  represented,  and  that  the  witnesses  of  the  action 
and  events  connected  with  it,  who  subsequently  denounced  it, 
make  it  no  worse,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  many,  who 
knew  nothing  of  the  facts  in  tlie  case,  have  added  much 
to  the  statement  above  given.  The  number  killed  was  the 
point  most  in  controversy  in  the  investigations  of  the  matter, 
ranging  from  about  seventy,  in  Major  Wynkoop's  estimate,  to 
six  hundred,  in  Colonel  Chivington's  original  report.  The 
Indians  conceded  a  loss  of  one  hundred  and  forty,  of 
whom  sixty  were  warriors,  and  the  testimony  of  all  who 
counted  bodies,  after  the  battle,  indicates  the  number  stated 
above.  Concsrning  this  affair  there  has  been  much  of 
exaggeration,  much  of  invective,  much  of  misunderstand- 
ing, and  much  of  wholly  unfounded  statement.  Indeed,  so 
much  has  been  said  in  regard  to  it  that  the  controversy  is 
far  more  extensive  than  the  original  trouble,  and  the  histori- 
cal shape  that  it  has  assumed  is  the  creation  of  the  contro- 
versy, not  the  Uglit.  Now  that  twenty  years  have  passed 
away — that  the  Indian  is  only  a  memory  where  he  then 


402 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


roamed — tliat  a  new  generation  has  taken  tlie  place  of  the 
old — let  us  try  calmly  to  unravel  the  thread  of  truth  from  the 
fantastic  fabric  which  has  so  long  concealed  it;  and  to  do  this 
we  must  first  know  something  of  the  actors  on  that  field. 

Who  was  Colonel  Chivington?  In  1840  he  was  a  rough, 
uncouth,  profane  child  of  nature,  just  stepped  across  the 
threshold  oi  manhood.  He  lived  in  "Warren  County,  Ohio, 
about  two  miles  south  of  the  line  of  Clinton.  At  a  log-roll- 
iiiff  in  the  neighborhood  a  good  old  Methodist  brother  re- 
proved  him,  one  day,  for  profanity,  and  the  sturdy  youth  an- 
swv  ■'*  '"^iintly:  "I  will  swear  when  I  please  and  where  I 
please  nt  he  brooded  over  the  rebuke,  and  a  few  days 

later  he  .jnt  to  his  reprover's  house,  determined  to  swear 
there,  before  his  family.  lie  did  not  do  as  he  intended. 
Some  unknown  power  beat  down  his  resolution,  and  the  curse 
died  trembling  on  his  tongue.  lie  went  away,  but  the  mys- 
terious infiuence  followed  h'm  ;  his  eyes  were  turned  inward 
on  his  guilty  soul ;  he  could  not  rest.  He  struggled  against 
it,  but  in  vain,  and  soon  he  sought  at  the  altar  the  pardon  for 
his  sins.  Scoffers  may  smile  at  the  change  of  heart  by  divine 
grace,  but  sure  it  was  there  was  a  change  in  him.  He  be- 
came an  industrious,  orderly  man  ;  he  joined  the  Methodist 
Church  and  lived  consistently  with  its  discipline;  he  ap- 
prenticed himself  to  a  carpenter  and  thoroughly  learned 
the  trade.  Towards  1S50  he  determined  to  move  West  and 
enter  the  ministry,  and  this  he  did,  working  meantime  at  his 
trade.  At  the  end  of  the  second  year  of  his  clerical  service 
he  was  transferred  to  the  Missouri  Conference  and  continued 
his  labors  there.  It  was  a  troubled  lield  for  him,  for  he  was 
peculiarly  a  Northern  man.  Mobs  collected  at  various  times 
to  hinder  his  preaching,  Init  his  apparent  abundance  of  ''  mus- 
cular Cbristianity  "  kept  him  from  serious  trouble,  and  his 
intended  disturbers  often  remained  to  hear  him  preach. 

His  kindly  nature  helped  him  to  preserve  peaceful  rela- 
tiojis,  also.  One  day  he  met  an  old  planter,  hauling  logs,  with 
his  team  mired  down.  Chivington  dismounted,  tied  his 
horse,  waded  into  the  mud,  and  helped  him  out.  The  planter 
desired  to  know  to  whom  he  was  indebted,  and,  on  being  told, 
e.\claimed:  "Come  right  home  with  me.     A  preaciier  that 


SAND   CREEK. 


403 


will  get  off  in  the  mud  to  help  a  stranger  won't  steal  niggers." 
They  were  good  friends  thereafter.  A  few  years  later  Chiv- 
ington  was  in  Kansas,  taking  an  active  part  with  Lane  and 
his  friends  in  the  border  war.  After  the  Kansas  troubles  were 
settled,  we  find  him  serving  acceptably,  for  two  years,  as  a 
ujissionary  to  the  Wyandot  Indians,  and  afterwards,  as  in- 
terpreter and  guide,  travelling  through  the  AVest  with  the 
Methodist  bishops  who  were  establishing  missions  among  the 
Indian  tribes.  Soon  after  the  beginning  of  the  war  he  went 
to  a  (]uarterly  meeting  at  Denver,  being  then  a  Presiding 
Elder  in  Western  Kansas  and  Colorado,  and,  while  there, 
preached  to  the  soldiers  at  their  barracks.  They  liked  his 
style  and  urged  him  to  stay  with  them.  Governor  Gilpin 
offered  him  a  chaplaincy,  but  he  said  that  if  he  went  with  the 
soldiers  he  wanted  to  fight,  so  he  was  made  a  major  instead. 
There  is  one  point  in  his  charac  er  that  must  not  be  lost 
sight  of,  if  his  history  is  to  be  understood.  He  was,  like 
other  Kansas  free-soilers,  an  uncompromising  Union  man, 
and  had  no  use  for  a  rebel,  white  or  red.  His  dislike  to  any- 
thing savoring  of  treason  got  him  into  trouble  time  and 
again,  but  he  never  held  back  on  that  account.  On  one  occa- 
sion, after  the  war,  he  seriously  disturbed  his  domestic  peace 
by  peremptorily  shutting  off  some  reminiscences  from  his 
brother-in-law,  an  ex-confederate. 

And  what  of  the  Colorado  troops?  Tiiey  included  men 
from  all  ranks  and  classes  in  life;  many  of  them  are  promi- 
nent and  respected  citizens  of  Colorado  now.  About  two 
thirds  of  those  at  Sand  Creek  were  one-hundred-days'  men,  of 
the  3d  regiment ;  the  reniaiiuier  were  veterans,  mostly  of  the 
1st  regiment.  Thes"  last  had  established  a  military  reputa- 
tion beyond  all  cavil,  and,  without  referring  to  other  services, 
a  brief  sketch  of  their  work  in  New  Mexico  will  satisfy  the 
reader  that  no  equal  body  of  men  ever  did  greater  or  nmre  gal- 
lant service  for  the  Union.  In  the  early  part  of  18(52  General 
Sibley  invaded  New  Mexico  with  an  army  of  twenty-five  hun- 
dred, including  a  large  number  of  Texan  Rangers,  having  evi- 
dently in  view  the  conquest  of  the  entire  mountain  country. 
Our  government  had  been  paying  little  or  no  attention  to  the 
Far  West;  its  hands  were  full  in  the  East.     Even  the  official 

26 


404 


MASSACRES   OF  THE   MOUNTAINS. 


communications  in  some  departments  had  not  been  replied  to 
in  a  year  past.  Tlie  Confederacy  was  more  watchful.  Full  in- 
formation of  the  situation  in  the  West  had  been  given  to  its 
leaders  by  officials,  civil  and  military,  who  had  been  located  at 
various  Western  points,  and  had  hastened  to  the  South  as  soon 
as  the  war  opened.  The  United  States  troops  in  the  country 
were  few  in  number.  The  Indians  were  ready  for  war  when- 
ever an  opportunity  presented  itself.  The  Mexicans  were 
supposed  to  be  friendly  to  the  South,  and  the  lower  classes 
were  known  to  be  ready  for  rapine  and  pillage,  at  any  time 
and  against  anybody.  The  Mormons  were  in  ecstasy  over  the 
apparent  fullilment  of  their  late  Prophet's  war  prophecy,  and 
were  willing  to  help  on  the  "Kilkenny-cat  fight."  Besides, 
they  were  still  sore  over  the  troubles  of  1857,  and  had  no  love 
for  the  national  government.  The  Secession  element  in  Cali- 
fornia '.vas  quite  strong,  especially  in  the  southern  part,  which 
was  to  have  been  a  slave  state  under  the  Calhoun  plan.  These 
facts  at  once  determined  tlie  policy  of  the  South,  and  the  in- 
vasion was  begun.  If  it  had  been  successful — what  an  awful 
possibility ! — the  South  would  have  had  a  coast-line  impossi- 
ble of  blockade,  the  entire  line  of  Mexico  for  external  com- 
munication, the  mines  to  fill  her  depleted  treasury,  and  an 
extensive  country  which  could  have  been  reconquered  only  at 
immense  cost  of  life  and  money.  The  Texans  entered  New 
Mexico  from  the  south.  They  took  Fort  Fillmore  without 
resistance,  and  marched  up  the  Hio  Grande  unchecked,  until 
they  reached  Fort  Craig,  where  General  Canby  awaited  them. 
They  decided  not  to  attack  the  fort,  and  were  flanking  it,  to 
go  forward,  when  Canby  came  out  and  attacked  them  at 
Valverde.  They  rather  worsted  him,  and  he  retired  to  the 
fort,  while  they  pursued  their  march  up  the  river.  They  oc 
cupied  Santa  Fo,  and  found  that  the  Mexicans  were  not  near- 
ly so  glad  to  see  them  as  they  had  anticipated ;  still,  little  dis- 
couraged, they  pushed  on  towards  Fort  Union,  some  sixty-five 
miles  northeast,  on  the  edge  of  the  plains,  the  arsenal  and  sup- 
ply depot  for  that  section. 

Governor  Gilpin,  all  this  time,  had  been  moving  in  the 
mining  camps  of  Colorado,  and,  on  February  22,  the  Ist  Colo- 
rado regiment,  uiiu,,.    Colonel   Slongh,  left  Denver  through 


SAND   CREEK. 


407 


snow  a  foot  deep.  Tliey  reached  Fort  Union  on  March  11, 
after  a  journey  of  great  hardsliip,  and  were  there  armed  and 
equipped.  They  pressed  forward,  and,  on  the  23d,  reached 
the  mouth  of  Apache  Cafion,  the  location  of  "Pigeon's  Ranch," 
or,  more  properly,  the  ranch  of  M.  Alexandre  Yalle ;  the  Texans 
had  by  this  time  reached  the  opposite  end  of  the  canon.  In 
this  canon,  where  Armijo  had  failed  to  meet  Kearny,  the 
Greek  miner  met  the  Greek  cowboy.  It  was  a  contest  the  like 
of  which  never  occurred  elsewhere.  The  Southerners  had 
adopted  as  their  favorite  naiDC,  "  Baylor's  Babes  ;"  the  Colora- 
doans  gloried  in  their  chosen  title  of  "  Pet  Lambs" — grim  sat- 
ires these,  as  well  on  the  plainsmen  who  charged  McRac's  Bat- 
tery with  revolvers  and  bowie-knives,  as  on  the  mountaineers 
who  never  learned  what  it  was  to  be  whipped.  On  the  2(!tli 
the  adviiiice  of  tiie  Texans  met  two  hundred  and  ten  cavalry 
and  one  Imndred  and  eighty  infantry  under  Major  Chivington, 
and,  in  the  words  of  a  local  writer,  it  "  was  more  like  the  shock 
of  lightning  than  of  battalions."  Said  M.  Valle,  who  witnessed 
the  tight,  "Zat  Chivington,  he  poot  down  'is  'ead,  and  foight 
loike  mahd  bull."  Both  detachments  reeled  back  from  this 
hard  bun-p,  and  oi  tlie  2Sth,  the  main  forces  having  arrived, 
they  went  at  it  again.  The  Texans  surprised  the  Coloradoans' 
can)p,  but  the  Lambs  stood  their  ground,  and,  after  a  desperate 
fight,  the  Babes  were  forced  to  retire,  and  they  retired  to  a  lit- 
tle surprise-party  at  home.  While  they  had  been  making  their 
attack,  Chivington  had  led  a  force  of  one  hundred  men  up  the 
precipitous  side  of  the  canon,  along  a  rugged  and  dangerous 
path,  and  down  on  the  Texan  rear-guard  of  some  six  hundred 
men.  It  was  a  desperate  charge  to  make,  but  it  resulted  in  a 
brilliant  success,  and  the  Texan  train  of  sixty-four  wagons  and 
two  hundred  mules,  with  all  their  supplies  and  ammunition, 
were  destroyed.  The  Texan  invasion  was  ruined.  Sibley  be- 
gan his  retreat,  and  Slough  fell  back  on  Fon  Union  for  his 
supplies,  but  only  for  a  breathing  space.  On  April  13  t'-  -i  Colo- 
radoans had  joined  General  Can  by  and  begun  a  pursuit  of  the 
retiring  Texans,  which  was  kept  up  for  one  hundred  and  fifty 
miles;  a  pursuit  so  disastrous  to  the  pursued  that  one  half  of 
their  original  force  was  left  behind,  dead,  wounded,  and  pris- 
oners, together  with  all  their  stores,  public  and  private.  So 
uuicli  for  the  Colorado  troops. 

2G* 


408 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


The  Clieyeiines  we  know  sometliiiig  of  already.  Tlie  vil- 
lage attacked  was  that  of  lilack  Kettle  (Moke-ta-veto),  the 
principal  chief  of  the  southern  Clieyennes,  and  the  few  lodges 
of  Arapahoes  were  under  Left  Hand  (Xa-watk),  second  in 
rank  of  the  southern  chiefs.  There  had  been  trouble  in  these 
tribes  ever  since  the  treaty  of  Fort  Wise,  in  1801.  The  war- 
riors denounced  the  chiefs  for  inakins;  the  treaty,  and  were 
particularly  opposed  to  the  construction  of  the  Kansas  Pacific 
Ilailroad  through  their  lands,  as  they  knew  it  would  drive 
away  the  buffalo.  The  chiefs  were  threatened  with  death  if 
they  undertook  to  carry  out  its  provisions,  and  so  the  intense 
desire  of  the  Chcyennes  and  Arapahoes  for  an  agricultural 
life,  which  is  recited  as  the  cause  of  the  treaty,  had  to  go  un- 
gratilied.  The  first  serious  troubles,  after  Sumner's  campaign, 
occurred  after  this  treaty  was  made,  and  all  the  succeeding 
troubles  grew  out  of  it.  The  Clieyennes  began  committing 
minor  offences  in  1801,  and,  as  they  were  unpunished,  tliey 
gradually  grew  bolder,  until,  in  LSG3,  Agent  Lorey  reported 
that  the  Clieyennes  were  dissatisfied,  and  that  the  Sioux  were 
urging  tliem  to  open  war-.  In  other  words,  the  war  feeling 
had  grown  so  strong  that  it  was  necessary  to  treat  with  them 
anew.  Governor  Evans  went  out,  by  agreement,  to  treat 
with  them,  on  the  head-waters  of  the  llepublican,  but  they 
failed  to  come  as  agreed.  The  governor  sent  his  guide,  a 
squaw-inan  named  Elbridge  Gerry  (a  grandson  of  the  signer 
of  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  of  the  same  name),  in 
search  of  them.  He  returned  after  an  absence  of  two  weeks, 
and  reported  that  they  had  held  a  council  and  decided  not  to 
treat.  One  chief,  Bull  IJear  (O-to-ah-nac-co),  the  leader  of  the 
"Dog-soldiers,"  had  offered  to  come  in,  but  his  warriors  would 
not  allow  him  to  do  so.  The  Clieyennes  afterwards  confirmed 
this  statement  fully;  they  said  they  were  going  to  remain  at 
peace,  but  would  make  no  treaty  that  they  had  to  sign  ;  that 
they  were  going  to  have  their  lands;  and  even  if  a  railroad 
was  built  through  their  country,  they  would  not  allow  any 
one  to  settle  along  it.  The  chiefs  who  had  signed  the  treaty 
of  Fort  Wise  said  they  were  o!)liged  to  repudiate  it  or  their 
warriors  would  kill  them.  Minor  depredations  were  com- 
mitted during  the  remainder  of  1SG3  and  the  early  part  of 


SAND  CREEK. 


40» 


1804,  and,  during  the  winter,  word  was  received,  from  spies 
among  tiiem,  that  a  coalition  M'as  being  formed  among  all  the 
plains  tribes,  to  drive  the  whites  out  of  the  country.  This  in- 
formation proved  true,  for  in  the  ppring  and  summer  of  1804, 
the  Sioux,  Comanches,  Kiowas,  Cheyennes,  and  Arapahoes 
were  engaged  in  active  hostilities.  Tiie  reader  will  note  liero, 
that  no  one  has  ever  pretended  that  any  of  the  eighteen  hun- 
dred Southern  Cheyennes,  except  the  six  hundred  at  Sand 
Creek,  were  not  open  enemies  at  the  time. 

The  effect  of  this  warfare  on  the  whites  was  distressing. 
Nearly  every  stage  was  attacked,  emigrants  were  cut  off,  and 
the  settlements  were  raided  continually.  The  overland  trains, 
on  which  the  entire  settlements  de))ended  for  supplies,  were 
deterred  from  moving  by  fear  of  attack.  On  June  14  Gov- 
ernor Evans  applied  for  authority  to  call  tlio  militia  into  the 
United  States  service,  or  to  call  out  one-hnndred-days'  men, 
which  was  not  siranted.     Matters  became  worse.     All  the  set- 


of 


STANniXa    OFK    TlIK    eilKVKNNKS. 


410 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


tloinents  frotn  the  Purgatoire  to  the  Ciiclie  la  Pondre,  and  for 
two  hundred  miles  on  the  Platte,  were  in  consternation.  The 
settlers  left  their  crops  and  hnilt  hlock-honses  for  inntnal  pro- 
tection. Those  near  Denver  fled  to  that  place.  The  <^ov- 
ernor  was  hesieged  with  petitions  for  arms  and  authority  to 
ori^anize  for  protection.  On  August  8  all  the  stage  lines  were 
attacked.  On  August  11  Governor  Evans  issued  a  proclama- 
tion, calling  the  people  to  organize  for  self-protection,  and  un- 
der this  several  companies  were  formed  which  were  considered 
sufficient  for  the  defence  of  the  settlements.  But  they  could 
not  protect  the  settlements  from  famine.  On  August  18 
Governor  Evans  despatched  Secretary  Stanton:  "Extensive 
Indian  depredations,  with  murder  of  families,  occurred  yester- 
day thirty  miles  south  of  Denver.  Our  lines  of  communi- 
cation are  cut,  and  our  crops,  our  sole  dependence,  are  all  in 
exposed  localities,  and  cannot  be  gathered  hy  our  scattered 
population.  Large  bodies  of  Indians  are  nndoubtedly  ncr 
to  Denver,  and  we  are  in  danger  of  destruction  both  froir 
attack  of  Indians  and  starvation.  I  earnestly  request 
Colonel  Ford's  regiment  of  2d  Colorado  Volunteers  be  imme- 
diately sent  to  our  relief.  It  is  impossible  to  exaggerate  our 
danger.  We  are  doing  all  we  can  for  our  defence."  There 
was  no  favorable  answer  received  to  this,  and,  on  September  7, 
a  second  despatch  followed :  "  Pray  give  positive  orders  for 
our  2d  Colorado  Cavalry  to  come  out.  Have  notice  published 
that  they  will  come  in  detachments  to  escort  trains  up  the 
Platte  on  certain  days.  Unless  escorts  ate  sent  thus  we  will 
inevitably  have  a  famine  in  addition  to  this  gigantic  Indian 
war.  Flour  is  forty-five  dollars  a  barrel,  and  the  supply  grow- 
ing scarce,  with  none  on  the  way.  Through  spies  we  got 
knowledge  of  the  plan  of  about  one  thousand  warriors  in  camp 
to  strike  our  frontier  settlements,  in  small  bands,  simultaneous- 
ly in  the  night,  for  an  extent  of  three  hundred  miles.  It  was 
frustrated  at  the  time,  but  we  have  to  fear  another  such  at- 
tempt soon.  Pray  give  the  order  for  our  troops  to  come,  as 
requested,  at  once,  or  it  will  be  too  late  for  trains  to  come  this 
season."  The  troops  were  not  sent,  but,  in  the  mean  time,  au- 
thority had  been  given  by  th.e  "War  Department  to  raise  a 
regiment  of  one-hundred-dayd'  men,  and  the  3d  Colorado  was 


SAND  CREEK. 


411 


oriijatiizcd  and  imp.'itiently  waiting  for  arms  and  equipments, 
which  they  did  not  get  until  a  short  time  before  tlieir  marcii 
to  Sand  Creek. 

I'lit  were  the  Clieyennes  responsible  for  all  this?  Quito 
as  much  so  as  any  of  the  tribes.  They  began  stealing  stock 
early  in  the  spring,  and,  on  April  13,  a  herdsman  for  Irving, 
Jackmann,  &  Co.  reported  that  the  Clieyennes  and  Arapahoes 
had  rnii  off  sixty  head  of  o.xen  and  a  dozen  mules  and  horses 
from  their  camp,  thirty  miles  south  of  Denver.  Lieutenant 
Clark  Dunn  was  sent  after  them  with  a  small  party  of  soldiers, 
lie  overtook  them  as  they  were  crossing  the  Platte,  during  a 
heavy  snow-storm.  A  parley  was  commenced,  but  was  inter- 
rupted by  part  of  the  Indians  running  off  the  stock,  and  the  sol- 
diers attempting  to  disarm  the  others.  A  fight  ensued,  in^which 
the  soldiers,  who  were  greatly  outnumbered,  were  defeated, 
with  a  loss  of  four  men,  the  Indians  stil'  holding  the  cattle. 
After  this  fight,  there  was  not  a  word  nor  an  act  from  any 
member  of  the  Southern  Cheyennes  indicative  of  peace,  until 
the  1st  of  September,  when  the  Indian  agent  at  Fort  Lyon  re- 
ceived the  following: 

"CiiRVRNNr  Vii.i.AOK,  Aug,  29,  lSfl4. 
"Major  Coi.ley, — Wc  received  a  ictter  Irom  Bent,  wishing  ua  to  nialte 
peace.  We  licld  a  council  in  regard  to  it.  All  come  to  the  conclusion  to 
make  peace  with  you,  providing  you  make  peace  with  the  Kiowas,  Co- 
manches,  Arapahoes,  Apaches,  and  Sioux.  "\Vc  are  going  to  .send  a  mes- 
senger to  the  Kiowas  and  to  the  other  nations  about  our  going  to  make 
peace  witli  you.  We  heard  that  you  have  some  [Indian  prisoners]  in  Den- 
ver. We  have  seven  prisoners  of  yours  which  we  are  willing  to  give  up, 
providing  you  give  up  yours.  There  are  three  war-parties  out  yet,  and 
two  of  Arapahoes.  They  have  been  out  for  some  time,  and  are  expected 
in  soon.  When  we  held  tliis  council  there  were  few  Arapahoes  and  Sioux 
present.     We  want  true  news  from  you  in  return.    That  is  a  letter. 

"Black  Kettle,  and  other  chiefs." 

This  letter  was  written  for  the  chiefs  by  Edmond  Guer- 
rior  and  George  Bent,  Cheyenne  half-breeds.  Black  Kettle 
was  head  chief  of  all  the  Southern  Cheyennes,  and  conceded 
by  all  to  be  the  most  friendly  of  the  chiefs  towards  the 
whites,  with,  possibly,  the  exception  of  Bull  Bear.  Yet,  by 
this  letter,  he  and  the  other  chiefs  admit  fully  that  they  were 
hostiles;  that  three  Cheyenne  war -parties  were  then  out; 
that  they  were  in  coalition  with  the  other  tribes,  and  would 


412 


MASSACRES   OK  THE   MOUNTAINS. 


consult  them  before  treating;  that  they  would  treat  only  if 
all  the  other  tribes  treated.  Indeed,  why  should  tlie  Chey- 
ennes  deny  that  they  were  hostile?  They  had  been  raiding  in 
every  direction  ;  had  run  off  stock  repeatedly ;  had  attacked 
stages  and  emigrant  trains ;  had  killed  settlers ;  had  carried 
off  women  and  children  ;  had  fought  the  troops  under  Major 
Downing;  had  defeated  tiiose  under  Lieutenant  Dunn  and 
Lieutenant  Ayres;  and  had  been  evading  other  bodies  of 
troops  all  summer.  They  attacked  the  settlements  on  the 
Little  Blue,  and,  after  killing  the  men,  they  carried  off  Mrs. 
Ewbanks,  Miss  Roper,  and  three  children.  It  was  almost  cer- 
tainly they  who  killed  Mr.  and  Mrs.  llungate  and  their  two 
babies  at  Running  Creek.  They  carried  off  Mrs.  Martin  and 
a  little  boy  from  a  ranch  on  Plum  Creek.  General  Curtis 
prepared  two  or  three  times  to  march  against  them,  but  was 
diverted  from  his  jiurpose  by  rebel  raiders  from  Arkansas. 
He  sent  General  Blunt  after  them,  and  tiiey  ambushed  his 
advance-guard  at  Pawnee  Fork  and  almost  annihilated  it. 
On  November  12,  after  Black  Kettle  had  gone  to  Sand  Creek, 
a  party  of  Cheyennes  and  Arapahoes  approached  a  govern- 
ment train  on  Walnut  Creek,  east  of  Fort  Larned,  and,  after 
protesting  friendship  and  shaking  hands,  suddenly  fell  upon 
the  teamsters  and  killed  fourteen  of  them,  the  only  person 
who  escaped  alive  being  a  boy  who  was  scalped  and  left  for 
dead.  lie  recovered,  but  became  imbecile,  and  died  from  tho 
effects  of  the  injury. 

The  Cheyennes  never  denied  tha''  they  were  hostiles  ;  that 
they  were  was  a  discovery  of  the  Iiulian  ring,  perpetuated  l)y 
Lidian  worshippers.  When  they  sent  in  the  letter  quoted 
al)ove  ^[ajor  Wynkoop  went  out  to  them,  aiul  brought  in 
Black  Kettle,  his  brother  White  Antelope,  and  Bull  Bear,  of 
the  Cheyennes,  and  Neva  and  other  Arapahoes,  representing 
Left  Hand,  for  a  talk  with  Governor  Evans.  They  said 
then:  "It  was  like  going  through  a  strong  fire  or  blast  for 
Major  Wynkoop's  men  to  come  to  our  camp ;  it  was  the 
same  for  us  to  come  to  sec  you."  From  this  talk  I  quote  the 
following:  "(rjv.  Evans.  'Who  committed  the  murder  of 
the  llungate  family  on  Running  Creek  V  Nkva.  '  The  Ara- 
pahoes; a  party  of  the  northe'ii   i/ind   wiio  were  passing 


V^  «'  ■'ZuXAMl^HM  .,:i"!  ':i^'''' 


SAND  CREEK. 


ill 


north.  It  was  Medicine  Man  or  Roman  Nose  and  three  oth- 
ers. I  am  satisHed,  from  the  time  he  left  a  certain  camp  fur 
tlie  North,  tliat  it  was  this  party  of  four  persons.'  Agent 
AVhitkly.  '  That  cannot  be  true.'  Gov.  E.  '  Where  is  Ro- 
man Nose  V  Neva.  '  Von  ought  to  know  better  tlian  me ; 
you  have  been  nearer  to  him.'  Gov.  E.  'Who  killed  the 
man  and  the  boy  at  the  head  of  Cherry  Creek?'  Neva  (after 
consultation).  '  Kiowas  and  Comanches.'  Gov.  E.  '  Who  stole 
soldiers'  horses  and  mules  from  Jimmy's  camp  twenty-seven 
days  ago  V  Neva.  '  Fourteen  Cheyennes  and  Arapahoes  to- 
gether.' Gov.  E.  '  What  were  their  names  V  Neva.  '  Pow- 
der Face  and  Whirlwind,  who  are  now  in  our  camp,  were  the 
leaders.'  Col.  Shoui*.  '  I  counted  twenty  Indians  on  that 
occasion.'  Gov.  E.  'Who  stole  Charley  Autobee's  horses?' 
Neva.  '  Raven's  son.'  Gov.  E.  '  Who  took  the  stock  from 
Fremont's  orchard  and  had  the  first  fight  with  the  soldiers 
this  spring  north  of  there  V  WnrrE  Antelope.  '  Before  an- 
swering this  question  I  would  like  for  you  to  know  that  this 
was  the  beginning  of  the  war.  and  I  should  like  to  know 
what  it  was  for.  A  soldier  fired  first.'  Gov.  E.  '  The  In- 
dians had  stolen  about  forty  horses;  the  soldiers  went  to  re- 
cover them,  and  the  Indians  fired  a  volley  into  their  ranks.' 
Wiin'E  Antelope.  '  Tiiat  is  all  a  mistake;  they  were  coming 
down  the  IJijou  and  found  one  horse  and  one  mule.  They 
returned  one  horse,  before  they  got  to  Gerry's,  to  a  man,  then 
went  to  Gerry's  expecting  to  turn  the  other  one  over  to  some 
one.  They  then  heard  that  the  soldiers  and  Indians  were 
lighting  somewhere  down  the  Platte;  then  they  took  fright 
and  all  fled.'  Gov.  E.  '  Who  were  the  Indians  who  had  the 
light?'  WniTE  Antelope.  'They  were  headed  by  the  Fool 
I'adger's  son,  a  young  man,  one  of  the  greatest  of  the  Chey- 
enne warriors,  who  was  wounded,  and  though  still  alive  he 
will  never  recover.'  Neva.  'I  want  to  say  something;  it 
makes  me  feel  bad  to  be  talking  about  these  things  and  open- 
ing old  sores.  .  .  .  The  Comanches,  Kiowas,  and  Sioux  have 
done  much  more  injury  than  we  have.  We  will  tell  what 
Ave  know,  but  cannot  speak  for  others.'  Gov.  E.  '  I  suppose 
you  acknowledge  the  depredations  on  the  Little  Blue,  as  you 
have  the  prisoners  then  taken  in  your  possession.'     White 


416 


MASSACEES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


Antelope.  '  We  [the  Cheyennes]  took  two  prisoners  west  of 
Fort  Kearney,  and  destroyed  tlie  trains.'  .  .  .  Neva.  '  I  know 
the  value  of  the  presents  wliich  we  receive  from  Wasli- 
ington  ;  we  cannot  live  without  them.  That  is  why  I  try  so 
hard  to  keep  peace  with  the  whites.'  Gov.  E.  '  I  cannot  say 
anything  about  those  things  now.'  Neva.  'I  can  speak  for 
all  the  Arapahoes  under  Left  Hand.  Raven  has  sent  no  one 
here  to  speak  for  him  ;  Haven  has  fought  the  whites.' "  Lit- 
tle Raven  (Oh-has-tee)  was  head  chief  of  the  Southern  Arapa- 
hoes, and  was  notoriously  hostile.  Even  Major  Wynkoop  con- 
ceded that  he  had,  during  the  summer,  killed  three  men  and 
carried  off  a  woman. 

But  even  if  most  of  the  Cheyennes  had  been  hostile,  were 
not  the  Indians  at  Sand  Creek  friendly  ?  It  is  usually  diffi- 
cult to  disprove  an  Indian's  protestations  of  friendship  in  a 
satisfactory  way,  but  if  ever  it  was  done  it  was  here.  Black 
Kettle  had  admitted  his  liostility,  as  shown  above.  So  had 
his  brother.  White  Antelope.  War  Bonnet,  a  chief  who  M'as 
killed  there,  was  identified  as  one  of  the  most  active  hostiles 
in  the  attack  on  General  Blunt  at  Pawnee  Fork.  The  testi- 
mony shows,  without  contradiction,  that  there  were  at  least 
two  hundred  warriors  in  the  camp,  and  it  would  be  very  dif- 
ficult to  point  out  a  Cheyenne  warrior  who  had  been  friendly. 
It  had  been  the  plea  of  the  chiefs,  all  along,  that  they  de- 
sired to  carry  out  the  treaty  of  Fort  Wise,  but  were  deterred 
by  fear  of  their  warriors.  But  more  satisfactory  than  the  es- 
tablished reputation  of  these  Indians  was  the  testimony  of 
scalps,  women's  and  children's  dresses,  and  stolen  goods,  which 
wore  found  in  profusion  in  the  tecixjes.  Perhaps  medical 
testimony  will  be  most  convincing  as  to  the  condition  of 
the  scalps.  Dr.  Caleb  S.  Birtsell,  Assistant  Surgeon,  testified  : 
"  While  in  one  of  the  lodges  dressing  wounded  soldiers  a  sol- 
dier came  to  the  opening  of  the  lodge  and  called  my  atten- 
tion to  some  white  scalps  he  held  in  his  hand ;  my  impres- 
sion, after  examination,  was  that  two  or  three  of  them  were 
quite  fresh ;  I  saw,  in  the  hands  of  soldiers,  silk  dresses  and 
other  garments  belonging  to  women."  Major  Anthony,  com- 
manding at  Fort  Lyon,  considered  that  there  were  three  In- 
dians in  the  camp  who  were  friendly,  Black  Kettle,  Left 


SAND  CREEK. 


417 


Hand,  and  One  Eye,  and  these  he  desired  to  be  spared. 
Black  Kettle  escaped  unhurt ;  Left  Hand  received  a  wound 
from  the  effect  of  which  he  afterwards  died ;  and  One  Eye 
was  killed.  He  was  in  the  camp  as  a  spy;  placed  there,  on 
a  salary  of  $125  per  month  and  a  ration,  by  Major  Wynkoop, 
to  watch  these  "  friendly  "  Cheyennes,  and  continued  in  the 
same  position  by  Major  Anthony. 

And  this  brings  us  to  another  equally  serious  question. 
Although  these  Cheyennes  at  Sand  Creek  had  been  hostile, 
were  they  not  at  Sand  Creek  under  a  promise  of  protection 
by  the  military  ?  To  this  the  testimony  answers  clearly,  "  No." 
That  is  a  rather  startling  statement  to  one  who  is  familiar 
only  with  the  current  version  of  Sand  Creek,  but  it  is  true, 
nevertheless.  Both  the  congressional  and  departmental  in- 
vestigations were  peculiar.  The  former  was  conducted  by  a 
committee  of  men  whose  minds  were  made  up  before  they 
began ;  the  style  of  their  questions,  the  inaccuracy  of  their 
findings,  and  the  fact  that  they  condemned  every  one  for 
prevarication  who  differed  from  what  they  expected  in  testi- 
mony, prove  this.  The  latter  was  conducted  by  Major  Wyn- 
koop, who  had  been  displaced  by  Major  Anthony  at  Fort 
Lyon  but  a  short  time  previous  to  the  fight,  who  was  one  of 
the  leading  prosecuting  witnesses,  and  who  was,  immediately 
after  the  investigation,  appointed  to  the  Agency,  a  position 
which  is  very  rarely  forced  on  men  against  their  wishes. 
There  was  also  a  military  commission  appointed,  which  took 
testimony  at  Denver  and  Fort  Lyon  ;  it  was  presided  over  by 
Colonel  Tappan,of  the  1st  Colorado  Cavalry,  who  was  recog- 
nized as  a  personal  enemy  of  Chivington.  This  was  the  only 
one  of  the  tribunals  before  which  Chivington  appeared  and 
was  given  opportunity  to  cross-examine  or  produce  witnesses. 
The  reports  of  the  other  investigations  were  made  without 
any  knowledge  of  its  proceedings ;  in  fact,  its  proceeditigs 
wore  not  published  for  two  years  after  the  reports  were  made. 
In  the  testimony  at  both  of  the  earlier  investigations,  scheming 
and  jealousy  crop  out  at  many  points.  The  prosecuting  wit- 
nesses who  were  out  of  office  charged  the  prosecuting  wit- 
nesses  who  were  in  office  with  stealing  from  the  Indians,  and 
selling  them  their  own  goods.     The  fullest  latitude  was  given 


418 


MASSACRES  OF  THE   MOl.'NTAINS. 


to  hearsay,  and  expressions  of  opinion  were  courted.  But 
the  most  striking  tiling  in  all  that  testimony  was  the  adroit 
manner  in  which  several  witnesses  confused  the  relations  of 
Blick  Kettle's  Cheyennes,  to  Fort  Lyon,  with  those  of  Little 
Ka  'en's  Arapahoes.  Their  real  relations  were  explained  to 
the  Committee  on  the  Conduct  of  the  War,  clearly  enough  to 
have  been  understood  by  men  who  were  not  blinded  by  prej- 
udice out  the  committee  only  carried  on  to  perfection  tiie 
work  .vhich  the  witnesses  had  begun.     The  testimony  of  all 


MTTI.K   HATKN. 


the  witnesses,  taken  together,  shows  that  the  Indians  wiio 
came  to  the  fort  and  were  subsisted  by  Major  VVynkoop  were 
six  hundred  and  lifty-two  of  the  Southern  ^  'apahoes,  under 
their  head  chief,  Little  Haven.  That  this  chief  had  been  hos- 
tile is  not  questioned ;  Major  Wynkoop  himself  blames  him 
and  his  warriors  for  all  the  depredations  committed  by  tlic 
Arapahoes.  On  November  2  Major  Anthony  arrived  and 
assumed  command ;  he  found  these  Arapahoes  camped  two 
miles  from  Fort  Lyon,  with  all  their  arms,  and  coming  daily 
to  the  fort  for  provisions ;  he  told  them  they  must  surrender 


SAND   CREEK. 


419 


their  arms,  and  they  gave  up  a  lot  of  old  and  worn-out  wea- 
pons, which,  they  said,  were  all  they  had.  After  ten  days  he 
concluded  that  he  was  exceeding  his  authority  in  this,  re- 
turned their  arms  to  them,  and  told  them  to  go  away.  They 
went ;  Major  Wynkoop  says  that  Little  Haven's  band  went 
to  Camp  Wynkoop,  and  Left  Hand's  joined  the  Ciieyennes. 
Tiie  Arapahoes  who  went  with  Left  Hand  numbered  about 
forty. 

The  most  satisfactory  evidence  in  regard  to  this  is  not  in 
the  testimony  of  any  one,  but  in  the  official  report  of  Major 
Anthony,  made  at  tlie  time,  when  there  was  no  "  Sand  Creek" 
to  attack  or  defend.  On  November  6,  in  a  letter  to  head- 
quarters, after  recounting  his  disarming  the  Arapahoes,  he 
says  :  "  Nine  Cheyenne  Indians  to-day  sent  in,  wishing  to  see 
me.  They  state  tliat  six  hundred  of  that  tribe  are  now  thir- 
ty-five miles  north  of  here,  coming  towards  the  post,  and  two 
thousand  about  seventy-five  miles  away,  waiting  for  better 
weather  to  enable  them  to  come  in.  I  shall  not  permit  them 
to  come  in,  even  as  prisoners,  for  the  reason  tiiat  if  I  do  I 
shall  have  to  subsist  them  upon  a  prisoner's  rations.  I  shall, 
however,  demand  their  arms,  all  stolen  stock,  and  the  perpe- 
trators of  all  depredations.  I  am  of  the  opinion  that  they 
will  not  accept  this  proposition,  but  that  they  will  return  to 
the  Smoky  Hill.  They  pretend  that  they  want  peace,  and  I 
think  they  do  now,  as  they  cannot  fight  during  the  winter, 
except  where  a  small  band  of  them  can  find  an  unprotected 
train  or  frontier  settlement.  I  do  not  think  it  is  policy  to 
make  peace  with  them  now,  until  all  perpetrators  of  depre- 
dations are  surrendered  up,  to  be  dealt  with  as  we  may  pro- 
pose." This,  then,  was  the  true  state  of  affairs  ;  on  November 
G  there  was  not  a  Cheyenne  at  Fort  ^yon  ;  there  were  six 
hundred  and  fifty-two  Arapahoes  unuor  the  hostile  chief  Lit- 
tle Raven,  who  was  then  playing  friend  ;  there  were  six  hun- 
dred Clievennes  under  Black  Kettle,  thirty-five  miles  north, 
proposing  to  come  in.  And  what  was  done  in  regard  to  the 
Cheyennes  ?  They  came  on  down  after  some  further  parley- 
ing; they  were  not  allowed  to  come  into  the  fort  at  all,  or 
camp  in  the  vicinity  of  the  post.  They  were  told  that  they 
might  go  over  on  Sand  Creek,  forty  miles  away,  and  camp, 

27 


420 


MASSACRES   OF  THE   MOUNTAINS. 


and  if  the  coininaiidaiit  received  any  aiitliority  to  treat  with 
tliein  lie  would  let  them  know.  They  were  not  in  the  camp 
two  miles  from  Fort  Lyon  at  any  time ;  they  were  never  dis- 
armed ;  and  they  were  never  held  as  prisoners. 

Keitlier  did  these  Indians  have  any  promise  of  immunity 
from  Governor  Evans  or  Colonel  Chivington,  as  is  intimated 
by  the  committee.  They  met  but  once,  at  the  council  in 
Denver,  on  September  28.  It  has  been  stated  over  and  over 
that  tlie  Cheycnnes  came  to  Sand  Creek,  in  response  to  Gov- 
ernor Evans's  circular,  calling  on  the  friendly  Indians  to  take 
refuge  at  the  forts — friendly  Cheyennes  and  Arapahoes  at 
Fort  Lyon.  This  statement  is  absolutely  and  unqualifiedly 
untrue.  The  circular  was  dated  June  27.  Three  months  later 
the  chiefs  appeared  in  Denver  to  talk  peace,  in  consequence 
of  the  circular,  but  were  plainly  told  it  was  too  late  for  any 
treaty.  Governor  Evans  said  to  them  :  "  Whatever  peace 
they  make  must  be  with  the  soldiers,  and  not  with  me;"  and 
the  entire  talk  was  on  that  basis.  I  quote  again :  "■  WnrrK 
Antki.oi'k.  'How  can  wo  be  protected  from  the  soldiers  on 
the  plains  V  Gov.  E.  '  You  must  make  that  arrangement  with 
the  military  chief.'  AVuitk  Antki.opk.  'I  fear  that  these  Jiew 
soldiers  who  have  gone  out  may  kill  some  of  my  people  while 
I  am  here.'  Gov.  E.  '  There  is  great  danger  of  it.' "  Again, 
Governor  Evans  said  :  "  I  hand  you  over  to  the  military,  one 
of  the  chiefs  of  which  is  here  to-day,  and  can  speak  for  him- 
self to  them  if  he  chooses."  The  chief  referred  to  was  Colonel 
Chivington,  Comnumder  of  the  District — it  should  be  noted, 
however,  that  Fort  Lyon  was  not  in  Chivington's  district.  lie 
said  :  "  I  am  not  a  big  war  chief,  but  all  the  soldiers  in  this 
country  are  at  my  command.  My  rule  of  fighting  white  men 
or  Indians  is  to  fight  them  until  they  lay  down  their  arms  and 
submit  to  military  authority.  They  are  nearer  Major  Wyn- 
koop  than  any  one  else,  and  they  can  go  to  him  when  they  get 
ready  to  do  that."  If  any  one  can  torture  those  utterances 
into  promises  of  immunity  he  is  welcome  to  do  so. 

Some  five  weeks  later  the  messengers  of  the  Cheyennes 
arrived  at  Fort  Lyon  and  were  turned  away,  as  above  stated. 
They  did  not  arrive  there  imtil  after  Major  Wynkoop  was 
superseded  by  Major  Anthony.     They  did  not  make  any  ar- 


SAND  CREEK. 


421 


raiigemeiit  with  Major  Wynkoop;  it  was  impossible  for  tlietn 
to  do  so,  as  he  was  not  in  conunand.  More  than  that,  Major 
Wjiikoop  never,  at  any  time,  had  any  autliority  to  make  any 
treaty  with  them,  and  the  Indians  knew  it.  Wliite  Antelope 
said,  in  the  council :  "  Wiien  Major  Wynkoop  came,  we  pro- 
posed to  make  peace.  lie  said  he  had  no  power  to  make  a 
peace,  except  to  brinj^  them  here  and  return  them  safe."  The 
Chtyennes  went  over  to  Sand  Creek  and  camped,  not  antici- 
pating any  trouble,  because  there  were  no  soldiers  near  them, 
except  the  garrison,  and  it  was  too  small  to  risk  an  attack. 
Indeed,  they  were  ready  for  an  attack  from  it,  and  sent  word 

that,  "  If  that  little red-eyed  chief  wants  a  tight,  we 

will  give  him  all  he  wants."  The  chief  referred  to  was  Major 
Anthony,  who  was  af- 
riicted  with  sore  eyes 
at  the  time.  The  In- 
dians were  not  al- 
lowed to  visit  the 
fort,  and  none  of 
their  friends  or  sup- 
posed allies,  except 
on  first  being  blind- 
folded. This  was  un- 
der general  orders 
which  were  adopted 
a  few  weeks  pre- 
viously, after  a  Sun- 
day -  morning  per- 
formance by  friend- 
ly Indians  at  Fort 
Larned.  On  that  oc- 
casion the  Indians 
had  drawn  supplies 
for  the  week,  and 
some  squaws  were 
executing  a  dance 
for  the  edification  of  a  part  of  the  officers  and  men,  when 
the  braves  stampeded  the  cattle  belonging  to  the  post,  with 
all   the  horses  and  mules,  and  succeeded   in   getting  away 


FRIDAY — A    GOOD    AKAPAIIOE. 


I  ipi^WF^iii   II        llPHmiij^l  III! 


423 


MASSACRES  OF   THE    MOUNTAINS. 


with  tliem.  At  the  first  wlioop  of  the  stampede  the  dancers 
jumped  on  their  ponies  and  scampered  away,  demonstrating 
that  the  affair  iiad  been  phmned  in  cold  blood.  Major  An- 
thony testified  that  lie  liad  no  friendly  relations  with  these 
Cheycnnes ;  that  he  should  have  attacked  them  before  Chiv- 
ington  came  if  his  force  had  not  been  too  small ;  that  he  told 
Chivington  it  was  only  a  question  of  ])oliey  whether  they 
should  be  attacked  or  not,  as  it  would  probably  cause  an  at- 
tack by  the  large  band,  which  was  not  far  distaJit.  80  far  as 
the  propriety  of  attacking  these  Indians  was  concerned,  there 
is  not  the  least  question  but  that  Chivington  was  justified  in 
his  attack,  under  all  the  rules  of  civilized  warfare.  They  were 
liostiles,  and  there  was  no  truce  with  them.  There  is  another 
matter — it  seems  almost  absurd  to  mention  it,  but  it  were  well 
to  prevent  any  further  misunderstanding — and  that  is  the  dis- 
play of  flags  by  Black  Kettle,  which  some  persons  have  seemed 
to  lay  much  stress  upon.  The  uniform  testimony  of  the 
soldiers  was  that  they  saw  nothing  of  the  kind,  but  that  is 
immaterial.  No  one  of  common  understanding  would  profess 
that  the  display  of  a  flag  of  any  kind  was  cause  for  stopping 
troops  in  the  midst  of  a  charge,  and  especially  in  the  midst 
of  a  surprise  of  an  enemy's  camp. 

Ilaving  now  shown  the  propriety  of  the  attack,  we  arrive 
at  the  question  of  the  propriety  of  the  manner  in  which  it 
was  made,  a  question  much  more  difficult  of  solution.  One 
point  is  certain  — every  one  in  authority  felt  that  the  Indians 
ought  to  be  punished.  Major  Wynkoop  testifies  that  Governor 
Evans  at  first  objected  to  seeing  the  chiefs  at  all,  but  finally 
consented  to  hold  the  council  which  has  been  mentioned.  His 
feelings  on  the  subject  were  exposed  to  tlie  Indians  at  the 
council  in  these  words :  "  The  time  wlien  you  can  make  war 
best  is  in  the  summer  time ;  when  I  can  make  war  best  is  in 
the  winter.  You,  so  far,  have  had  the  advantage ;  my  time 
is  just  coming."  He  told  them,  as  before  stated,  that  they 
would  have  to  talk  to  the  military  authorities,  and  his  action 
was  approved  by  the  Indian  Bureau.  The  military  had  no 
desire  for  peace  at  the  time.  It  is  quite  true  that  the  field 
orders  of  General  Curtis  directed  hostilities  only  against  hos- 
tile Indians,  and  expressly  stated  that  "  women  and  children 


SAND  CREEK. 


423 


imist  be  spared,"  bnt  "hostile  Indians''  meant  Indians  who 
had  been  hostile,  and  neither  he  nor  any  other  connnander  in 
the  West  was  in  favor  of  treating  till  the  Indians  had  been 
punished.  On  the  day  of  Governor  Evans's  council  with  the 
chiefs,  General  Curtis  telegraphed  the  District  Commander: 
"  I  fear  agent  of  the  Interior  Department  will  be  ready  to 
make  ])resents  too  soon.  It  is  better  to  chastise  before  giving 
anything  but  a  little  tobacco  to  talk  over.  No  peace  must  be 
made  witliout  my  directions."  The  last  telegram  Chivington 
received  from  him,  before  marching,  was:  "Pursue  every- 
where and  punish  the  Cheyennes  and  Arapahoes;  pay  no  at- 
tention to  district  lines.  No  presents  must  be  made  and  no 
peace  concluded  without  my  consent."  Tlie  reader  will  ob- 
serve that  General  Curtis  is  not  by  these  directions  made  re- 
sponsible for  killing  the  women  and  children,  or  deciding  that 
the  Sand  Creek  camp  was  hostile,  but  his  desire  to  punish  the 
Indians  was  clear  and  decided.  And  it  was  so  all  throuijh  the 
AVest,  A  few  weeks  later,  when  Colonel  Ford  wanted  to  make 
peace  with  the  Kiowas  and  Comanches,  General  Dodge,  his 
Department  Commander,  telegraphed  him:  "The  military 
have  no  authority  to  treat  with  Indians.  Our  duty  is  to  make 
tliom  keep  the  peace  by  punishing  them  for  their  hostility. 
Keep  posted  as  to  their  location,  so  that  as  soon  as  ready  we 
can  strike  them."  So,  in  New  Mexico,  General  Carleton  had 
instructed  Culonel  Kit  Carson  :  "  If  the  Indians  send  in  a  flag 
and  desire  to  treat  for  peace,  say  to  the  bearer  that  when  the 
peui)le  of  New  INIexico  were  attacked  bv  the  Texans,  the  ]\[es- 
calerus  broke  their  treaty  of  peace,  and  murdered  innocent 
people,  and  ran  off  their  stock  ;  that  now  our  hands  are  untied, 
and  you  have  been  sent  to  punish  them  for  their  treachery  and 
tlicir  crimes;  that  you  have  no  power  to  make  peace;  that 
you  are  there  to  kill  them  wherever  you  can  tiiid  them  ;  that 
if  they  beg  for  peace,  their  chiefs  and  twenty  of  their  prin- 
cipal men  must  come  to  Santa  Fe  to  have  a  talk  here ;  but  tell 
them  fairly  and  frankly  that  yon  will  keep  after  their  people 
and  slay  them  until  you  receive  orders  to  desist  from  these 
head-quarters."  On  September  19  Curtis  writes  to  Carleton : 
"(ieneral  Blunt  is  at  or  near  Fort  Larned  looking  out  for  In- 
dians, and  may  co-operate  with  you  in  crushing  out  some  of 


m 


MASSACRES  OF  THE   MOUNTAINS. 


the  vile  hordes  that  now  harass  our  lines  of  communication." 
On  Oetoher  22  Carleton  writes  to  IMunt,  hopin<;  he  will  effect 
a  union  with  (Jarson,  ''so  that  a  blow  may  be  struck  which 
those  two  treacherous  tribes  wUl  remember."  On  January  30, 
1805,  Curtis  writes  to  (iovernor  Eva?is:  "  I  protest  my  desire 
to  pursue  and  punish  the  enemy  everywhere,  in  his  lodjjes  es- 
pecially ;  but  I  do  not  believe  in  killing  women  and  children 
wiio  can  be  taken." 

It  is  equally  certain  that  the  desire  of  punishing  these  In- 
dians was  increased,  with  loyal  people,  by  the  belief  that  their 
liostility  was  produced  by  Southern  emissaries.  How  far  their 
hostility  was  so  produced  will  never  be  detinitely  known,  but 
there  was  reason  for  the  belief,  without  doubt.  Soon  after 
the  beginning  of  the  war  the  insurgents  had  occupied  Indian 
territory  and  enrolled  many  Indians  in  Confederate  regiments. 
The  loyal  Indians  tried  to  resist,  but,  after  two  or  three  en- 
gagements, about  seven  thousand  of  them  were  driven  into 
Kansas.  From  the  men  among  them  three  regiments  were 
organized,  and  the  women  and  ciiildren  were  subsisted  out  of 
the  annuities  of  the  hostiles.  In  the  latter  part  of  18(52,  John 
Ross,  head  chief  of  the  Cherokees,  announced  officially  that 
the  Cherokee  nation  had  treated  with  the  Confederate  States, 
and,  as  is  well  known,  there  were  several  regiments  of  Indians 
in  the  regular  Confederate  service,  besides  numbers  in  irregu- 
lar relations,  among  whom  were  Cherokees,  Creeks,  Choctaws, 
Chickasaws,  Osages,  Seminoles,  Senecas,  Shawnces,  Qiiapaws, 
Comanches,  Wachitas,  Kiovas,  and  Pottawattamies,  and  none 
of  them  regained  friendly  relations  with  the  United  States 
until  the  treaty  of  September  21,  1805.  On  the  south  of  Col- 
orado the  Comanches  and  Kiowas  were  at  war,  with  Soutl  I'rn 
sympathies.  The  Mescaleros  had  taken  the  •■  .w-y  a  on  tiie 
advance  of  the  Texans.     To  the  north  it  v  ne.     The 

Sioux  troubles  all  originated  in   Minnes(/  a  concernint' 

them  our  Consul-general  in  Canada,  Mr.  »  lings,  -rote  at 
the  time:  "There  is  little  doubt  that  the  rectut  or  ireak  in 
the  Northwest  has  resulted  from  the  efforts  of  secesMun  agents 
operating  through  Canadian  Indians  and  fur-traders."  The 
war  feeling  was  so  strong  among  the  Sioux  that  the  friendly 
Yanktons,  in  1802,  refused  to  receive  their  annuities  uuless  a 


SAND  CUEKK. 


425* 


force  of  eokliors  was  hroiiglit,  to  protect  tlicin  from  the  otlicr 
Sioux,  who  insisted  on  their  heccniiini^  hostile.  As  t!ie  Min- 
nesota Sioux  were  driven  west  'he  feelin<f  spread  every wliere, 
and  in  tiie  winter  of  IStllj-C*-!:  ripened  into  tlie  coalition 
"to  clean  out  all  tiiis  country,"  while  the  <;overnniont  had  its 
luuids  full  with  the  South.  With  the  Indians  on  all  sides  of 
them  moved  to  war  by  Southern  emissaries,  the  natural  sup- 
position is  that  the  (Jheyennes  and  Arapahoes  were  at  war 
from  the  same  reason,  and  osijcciall}'  as  the  Si(jux,  Comanches, 
Kiowas,  and  A|)ache8  were  their  friends  and  allies,  while  the 
Pawnees,  Kaws,  and  Osages,  their  hereditary  enemies,  were  in 
theservii'c  of  the  I'nited 
States.  It  was  certain 
that  the  South  had  iiopes 
of  openinj;  hostility  in 
this  re<?ion,  for.  in  1.S03, 
nineteen  rebel  officers 
were  killed  by  friendly 
Osages,  and  on  their  per- 
sons were  found  papers 
authorizing  them  to  or- 
ganize the  sympathetic 
in  Colorado  and  Dakota. 
White  Wolf,  a  friend- 
ly Arapahoe,  informed 
Agent  Whitely,  in  the 
latter  part  of  August, 
that  the  Cheyennes  had 
"declared  their  inten- 
tion to  take  all  the  forts  on  the  Arkansas  when  joined  by  the 
Texan  soldiers,"  and  this  indicated  that  some  one  had  told 
them  a  move  in  that  direction  was  contemplated.  Finally, 
CJeorge  Rent,  half-breed  Cheyenne,  son  of  Colonel  Bent,  had 
served  under  Price  in  Missouri,  had  been  captured,  and,  after 
being  paroled,  had  joined  the  Cheyennes.  He  had  taken  part 
in  their  depredations,  and  helped  write  their  letter  to  Colley, 
and  was  reported  and  believed  to  be  a  rebel  emissary  to  them. 
(Jhivington  spoke  of  them  as  "red  rebels"  in  official  corre- 
spondence, long  before  the  Sand  Creek  tight,  and  to  men  of 


UKUKUK   UENT. 


*420 


MASSACKES    OK  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


his   t'eelitigs  there  was    just  this  one  crime  of  treason  that 
coiMtl  add  anything  to  the  atrocity  of  Indian  warfare. 

Tlierc  are  two  reasons  given  for  killing  women  and  chil- 
dren, and  for  mutilation,  which  are  worthy  of  consideration. 
First,  as  a  matter  of  policy,  it  is  believed  by  frontiersmen 
that  Indians  slionld  be  fought  just  as  they  fight.  They  look 
contemptuously  on  the  policy  of  treating  tl.em  according  to 
the  rules  of  civilized  warfare.  They  believe  that  the  oidy 
way  to  make  Indians  sign  a  treaty  which  they  will  keep,  is, 
when  at  war  with  them,  to  kill  them  at  every  opi)()rtunity, 
destroy  their  property,  and  make  their  homes  desolate;  in 
short,  to  make  them  snfTer.  The  plains  Indians  have  given 
more  cause  for  this  belief  than  other  tribes.  They  have  re- 
peatedly shown  a  disposition  to  go  to  war  in  the  spring,  when 
their  ponies  were  getting  fat,  and  subsistence  was  easily  had, 
but  as  winter  came  on,  and  hardship  began,  they  were  ready 
to  treat.  They  have  had  cause,  too,  to  laugh  at  the  silly 
whites,  who  bought  their  friendship  with  presents,  while  tlio 
blood  of  slaughtered  innocents  was  hardly  «lried.  They  took 
advantage  of  the  white  man  by  killing  his  helpless  people, 
while,  for  the  safety  of  their  own,  they  relied  on  the  white 
man's  ideas  of  warfare.  Their  women  took  advajitage  of  him 
by  fighting,  as  they  did  at  Sand  Creek,  Ash  Hollow,  and  many 
otiier  places,  along  with  the  men,  and,  when  the  battle  went 
against  them,  proclaiming  their  sex  and  claiming  immunity. 
There  is  not  a  bit  of  doubt  that  killing  women  and  children 
lias  a  very  dampening  eifect  on  the  ardor  of  the  Indian.  In 
this  very  case  of  Sand  Creek  they  said  "they  had  always 
heard  that  the  whites  did  not  kill  women  and  children,  but 
now  they  had  lost  all  confidence  in  them."  Their  "loss  of 
conlidence'  grows  a  trifle  amusing,  when  it  is  remembered 
that  they  had  been  killing  women  and  children  all  sunnner 
themselves.  Scalj  ing  and  mutilatioii  also  strike  terror  to  the 
Indian  heart.  Their  reli:'iou"s  belief  is  that  the  spirit  in  the 
next  World  has  tiie  same  injuries  that  are  intlicted  on  the  body 
here.  For  this  reason  theyj.lmost  invariably  mutilate  corpses, 
besides  taking  the  scalp,  which  is  almost  an  essential  for  en- 
trance to  the  happy  hunting-grounds.  The  greatest  acts  of 
daring  ever  bhown  by  plains  Indians  have  been  in  carrying 


SAND  CREEK, 


427 


off  the  bodies  of  their  doiul  to  prevent  these  inisfortunos. 
Thiit  the  Siiiul  Creek  affair  inspired  them  vith  terror  is  beyond 
question.  The  Chejennes  and  Arapahoes  j^ot  over  into  Kansas 
and  Indian  Territory  as  quiekly  as  possiSle,  and  stayed  there. 
A  party  of  Sioux  raided  down  into  Colorado  once  afterwards, 
but  wiieis  they  lieard  that  the  Colorado  troops  were  after  them 
tiiey  scan)pered  off  as  thougli  the  evil  spirit  were  at  their 
heels. 

Secondly,  is  the  matter  of  vengeance.  There  is  a  certain 
amount  of  justice  in  the  theory  of  meting  to  a  man  in  his 
own  measure,  and  the  people  of  Colorado  had  old  scores  to 
pay  in  the  accounts  of  murder,  robbery,  and  raj^e.  The  treat- 
ment of  women,  by  any  Indians,  is  usually  bad,  but  by  the 
plains  Indians  especially  so.  When  a  woman  is  captured  by 
a  wur-party  she  is  the  common  proj)erty  of  all  of  them,  each 
night,  till  they  reach  their  village,  when  she  becomes  the  spe- 
cial property  of  her  individual  captor,  who  may  sell  or  gam- 
ble her  away  when  he  likes.  If  she  resists  she  is  "staked 
out,"  that  is  to  say,  four  pegs  are  driven  into  the  ground  and 
a  hand  or  foot  tied  to  each,  to  prevent  struggling.  She  is 
also  beaten,  mutilated,  or  even  killed,  for  resistance.  If  a 
woman  gives  out  under  this  treatment,  she  is  either  tied  so 
as  to  prevent  escape,  or  maimed  so  as  to  insure  death  in  case 
of  rescue,  and  left  to  die  slowly.  That  there  may  be  no  ques- 
tion of  the  guilt  of  these  Sand  Creek  Clieyeiines,  I  quote  the 
statement  of  l^lvfi.  Kwbanks,  who  was  captured  at  the  same 
time  as  the  prisoners  surrendered  by  them,  as  taken  down  l)y 
Lieutenant  Triggs,  of  the  Tth  Iowa  Cavalry,  and  .ludge-advo- 
Ciii'!  Zabriskie,  of  tiie  1st  Nevada  Cavalry.  "Mrs.  Lucinda 
Kwbanks  states  that  she  was  burn  in  Pennsylvania  ;  is  twenty- 
four  years  of  age;  she  resided  on  the  Little  lUue,  at  or  near 
tne  Narrows.  She  says  that  on  tlio  8th  day  of  August,  l.S(54, 
the  house  was  attacked,  robl)ed,  burned,  and  her.self  aiul  two 
children,  with  her  nephew  and  Miss  lioper,  were  captured  by 
(Cheyenne  Indians.  Her  eldest  child,  at  the  time,  was  three 
years  old  ;  her  youngest  was  one  year  old  ;  her  nephew  was 
si.K  years  old.  When  taken  from  her  home  was,  by  tiie  In- 
dians, taketi  south  across  the  Republican,  and  west  to  a  creek, 
the  name  of  which  she  does  not  remember.     Here,  for  a  short 


428 


MASSACRE8  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


ON   TUK   IITTLK   ItLl't:. 


timf^,  was  their  village  or  canipiiig-pliice.  They  were  travel- 
ling^ all  winter.  WImmi  first  taken  by  the  Cheyennes  she  was 
taken  to  the  loflij;e  of  an  old  chief,  wliose  name  she  does  not 
renieniber.  JIo  forced  nie,  by  the  most  terrible  threats  and 
menaces,  to  yield  my  person  to  him.  He  treated  me  as  liis 
wife.  He  then  traded  me  to  Two  Face,  a  Sioiix,  who  did 
not  treat  me  as  a  wife,  but  forced  me  to  do  all  menial  labor 
done  b}'  sqjiaws,  and  he  beat  me  terribly.  Two  Face  traded 
ine  to  Black  Foot  (a  Sioux)  who  treated  me  as  his  wife,  and 
hccausui  I  resisted  him  his  s(iuaw8  abused  and  ill-used  me. 
I?lack  Foot  also  beat  me  unmercifully,  and  the  Indians  gener- 
ally treated  me  as  though  I  was  a  dog,  on  account  of  my 
showing  so  miicli  detestation  towards  Hlack  Foot.  Two  Face 
traded  for  me  again.  I  then  received  a  little  better  treat- 
ment. I  was  better  treated  among  the  Sioux  than  the  (/hey- 
eiines;  that  is,  the  Sioux  gave  n»o  more  to  cat.     When  with 


SAND  CREEK. 


429 


tlio  Cheyennes  I  was  often  liniif^rv.  IJer  purchase  from  the 
Clieyennes  was  made  early  hist  fall  (1864),  and  she  remained 
with  them  (the  Sioux)  until  May,  1805.  During  the  winter 
the  Clieyennes  came  to  huy  me  and  the  child,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  burning  us,  but  Two  Face  would  not  let  them  have 
me.  During  the  winter  we  were  on  the  North  Platte  the 
Indians  were  killing  the  whites  all  the  time  and  running  ofT 
their  stock.  They  would  l)iing  in  the  scalps  of  the  whites 
and  show  them  to  me  and  laugh  about  it.  They  ordered  me 
frecjuently  to  wean  my  baby,  but  I  always  refused ;  for  1  felt 
convinced  if  he  was  weaned  they  would  take  him  from  me, 
and  I  should  never  see  him  again.' 

Mrs.  Ewbanks's  daughter  died  in  Denver,  from  injuries 
received  aujong  the  Indians,  before  her  mother  was  released. 
Her  nephew  also  died  from  his  injuries,  at  the  same  place. 
Miss  lioper,  who  was  surrendered  with  the  children,  had  ex- 
perienced the  same  treatment  that  no  white  woman  was  ever 
ktiown  to  escape  at  the  hands  of  the  plains  Indians.  Mrs. 
Martin,  another  prisoner  surrendered  by  them,  was  taken  by 
the  CheycTines  on  I'lum  Creek,  "  west  of  Kearney,''  as  testi- 
fied by  herself  and  admitted  by  White  Antelope  in  the  coun- 
cil. Mrs.  Snyder,  another  captive,  had  grown  weary  of  the 
friendship  of  these  Cheyennes,  and  hung  herself  before  ]\Ia- 
jor  Wynkoop  arrived.  These  things  were  known  to  the  peo- 
ple of  Colorado,  and  two  tb.irds  of  the  troops  who  went  there 
were  citi/en-soldiers,  raised  for  the  express  purpose  of  fight- 
ing Indians.  He  it  known,  also,  that  these  offenses  were 
committed  without  any  provocation  from  settlers,  beyoiul  oc- 
cupying the  lands  which  the  chiefs  of  the  (Mieyennes  had  re- 
lituiuished  in  treaty.  There  is  absolutely  not  on  record,  fiom 
any  source,  a  single  charge,  let  alone  an  instance,  of  aggres- 
sion or  injury  to  any  (Cheyenne  or  .\rapahoe,  by  any  settler 
of  (Vlorado,  prior  to  Sand  Creek.  The  sole  troubles  had 
been  with  the  soldiers  in  chastising  the  Indians  for  j)ast  of- 
fences. The  people  of  Colorado  did  want  revenge,  anil  these 
men,  who  had  been  cooped  up  all  summer  in  towns  aiul  block- 
houses, whose  crops  were  ruined,  whose  stoi'k  had  been  run 
oil",  whose  houses  had  been  burned,  who  had  been  eating 
bread  made  of  forty- live -dollar  Hour,  who  had  buried  the 


4 
It 


430 


MASSACRES  OF   THE  MOUNTAINS. 


mutilated  bodies  of  their  neighbors,  in  helpless  wrath,  who 
had  heard  the  stories  of  the  women  captives  —  these  men 
marched  to  Sand  Creek,  with  the  lire  of  vengeance  in  their 
hearts,  and  quenched  it  in  blood. 

Let  us  now  look  for  a  moment  at  the  report  of  the  Joint 
Committee  on  the  Conduct  of  the  War.  It  states,  first,  that 
these  Indians  wished  "to  deliver  up  some  white  captives  they 
had  purchased  of  other  Indians."  The  Indians  did  not  pre- 
tend to  have  purchased  them.  They  admitted  in  the  council 
that  they  had  captured  them,  and  the  captives  themselves  tes- 
tified to  the  same,  as  shown  above.  It  states  that  after  the 
council  these  Indians  went  to  Fort  Lyon,  where  they  "  were 
treated  somewhat  as  prisoners  of  war,  receiving  rations  and 
being  obliged  to  remain  within  certain  bounds,"  As  has 
been  shown,  the  Cheyennes  were  never  treated  as  prisoners 
of  war,  received  no  rations,  and  did  not  remain  within  any 
bounds.  The  Indians  who  did  so  were  Little  Raven's  Ara- 
pahoes,  who  were  hostile,  by  the  declarations  of  the  Arapahoe 
chiefs  in  the  council,  and  the  testimony  of  Jilajor  Wynkoop. 
These  Indians  went  away  before  the  Cheyennes  came,  but 
cigiit  lodges  of  them,  under  Left  Hand,  who  was  friendly, 
went  to  the  Cheyennes  and  canii»c'd  with  them  at  Sand  Creek. 
This  wrongful  and  unjust  confusion  is  kept  up  all  through 
the  report.  It  states  that  "all  the  testimony  goes  to  show 
that  the  Indians  under  the  immediate  control  of  Black  Ket- 
tle and  Wiiite  Antelope,  of  the  Cheyennes,  and  Left  Hand,  of 
the  Arapalioes,  were  and  had  been  friendly  to  the  whites,  and 
had  not  been  guilty  of  any  acts  of  hostility  or  depredation." 
Not  only  does  the  testimony  show  the  opposite  to  be  true, 
but  also  there  is  no  testimony  whatever  to  that  effect.  There 
was  testimony  to  tlio  friendly  character  of  these  chiefs,  but 
not  to  that  of  tiieir  Indians,  and,  in  fact,  no  Indians  could  bo 
separated  out  as  theirs,  for  at  the  time  of  their  letter,  and  the 
council,  and  afterwards,  the  Cheyennes  were  all  together,  ai;d 
all  under  theic  '•  immediate  control."  Even  when  the  party 
at  Sand  Cieek  came  in  ahead,  it  was  reported  l»y  them  that 
the  remainder  of  the  tribe  was  a  short  distance  back,  waiting 
for  good  weather. 

It  states  that  "a  northern  band  of  the  Chevennes,  known 


SAND  CREEK. 


431 


as  the  Dog  Soldiers,  had  been  guilty  of  acts  of  hostility;  but 
all  the  testimony  goes  to  prove  that  they  had  no  connection 
with  IJhick  Kettle's  band,"  and  that  "  Black  Kettle  and  liis 
band  denied  all  connection  with  or  responsibility  for  the  Dog 
Soldiers."  As  shown  in  a  former  chapter,  the  Dog  Soldiers 
were  not  a  separate  band,  but  were  a  department  in  the  tri- 
bal government.  J>lack  Kettle  and  his  band  did  not  deny 
connection  with  them  or  responsibility  for  them ;  majiy  of 
the  band  at  Sand  Creek  were  Dog  Soldiers.  Bull  Bear,  the 
leader  of  the  Dog  Soldiers,  was  at  the  council  in  Denver  as 
one  of  Black  Kettle's  sub-chiefs.  The  only  time  that  any  of 
the  Indians  had  an  opportunity  to  make  a  statement  which 
could  go  to  the  committee,  was  at  the  council  in  Denver,  and 
there  the  Dog  Soldiers  were  mentioned  but  once,  and  in  this 
passage  :  "  Black  KKrrLE.  'We  will  return  with  jSIajor  Wyn- 
koop  to  Fort  Lyon  ;  we  will  then  proceed  to  our  village  and 
take  back  word  to  my  young  men,  every  word  you  say.  I 
cannot  answer  for  all  of  them,  but  think  there  will  be  but  lit- 
tle difficulty  in  getting  them  to  assent  to  help  the  soldiers.' 
Major  Wynkoop.  '  Did  not  the  Dog  Soldiers  agree,  when 
I  had  my  council  with  you,  to  do  whatever  you  said,  after 
you  had  been  here  V  Jjlack  KErri,K.  '  Yes.'  "  The  com- 
mittee is  far  more  kind  to  Black  Kettle  than  lie  is  to  him- 
self. It  had  determined  that  lie  should  not  be  connected 
with  them.  Senator  Doolittle  pressed  this  question  on  John 
S.  Smith,  one  of  the  most  bitter  of  the  prosecuting  witnesses: 
"  Is  the  northern  band  the  same  that  are  commonly  called 
the  Dog  Soldiers?"  Smith,  who  had  been  among  them 
twenty-seven  years,  answered:  "No,  sir;  the  Dog  Soldiers 
arc  mixed  up  promiscuously;  this  is  a  band  that  has  pre- 
ferred the  Xorth  Platte  and  north  of  the  North  Platte,  and 
lives  over  in  what  is  called  the  bad  land,  mauvais  tcrre^ 
The  same  fact  was  shown  by  ]\Iajor  AVynkoop  in  his  cross- 
examination,  by  Chivington,  before  the  Military  Commission, 
as  f  )llo\vs:  "  (}.  Will  you  explain  what  the  Dog  Soldiers  are 
and  how  they  are  controlled  i  A.  I  understand  that  the  Dog 
Soldiers  are  a  portion  of  the  warriors  of  the  Cheyenne  tribe, 
and  presume  that  they  are  controlled  by  the  head  men." 

It  states  that  "  these  Indians,  at  the  suggestion  of  Governor 


432 


MASSACRES  OF  THE    MOUNTAINS. 


Evans  and  Colonel  Chivington,  repaired  to  Fort  Lyon  and 
placed  themselves  under  the  protection  of  Major  Wynkoop." 
Enongh  of  the  council  proceedin<^s  has  been  quoted  to  show 
the  falsity  of  this.  They  told  the  Indians  that  they  could 
not  treat  with  them,  but  that  they  must  go  to  the  military, 
and  when  they  got  ready  to  lay  down  their  arms  and  surren- 
der as  prisoners  of  war  they  might  go  to  Major  Wynkoop. 
But,  in  fact,  the  Clieyennes  did  not  even  send  in  their  nies- 
Bcngers  until   after  Major  Wynkoop  was  suspended.     They 


INDIANS    AIlAfKINli    SlAOt. 


were  never  utider  his  protection  at  all.  It  states  that  Jack 
Smith,  the  haU-breed  son  of  Joim  S.  Smith,  was  in  Black 
Kettle's  camp,  at  the  time  of  tlie  attack,  as  a  spy,  employed 
by  the  government.  As  shown  above,  he  guided  the  troops 
to  the  camp  to  make  the  attack.  This  num  was  the  only 
prisoner  killed  after  the  tight,  and  it  was  in  evidence  before 
the  committee  that  he  had  led  an  attack  on  a  stage  a  short 
time  previously.  That  he  was  present  he  did  not  deny,  but 
said  he  approached  the  stage  for  some  information,  and,  on 
being  fired  on,  fired  back  in  self-defence.     But  it  is  not  nee- 


SAND  t'KEEK. 


433 


cssary  to  particularize  further.  The  rcjwrt  abuses  every  one 
who,  in  telling  the  truth,  happened  to  differ  from  the  precon- 
ceived judgment  of  the  committee;  it  distorts  and  colors  ev- 
ery matter  of  fact  involved  so  as  to  injure  Chivington  and 
his  men ;  it  omits  or  glosses  over  all  the  injuries  to  the  peo- 
])le  of  Colorado  ;  and,  having  arrived  at  a  projier  pitch  of  in- 
dignation and  misrepresentatioti,  it  assails  Colonel  Chiving- 
ton in  a  gush  of  sanguinary  rhetoric,  that  reads  more  like  the 
reputed  address  of  Spartacus  to  the  gladiators  than  the  im- 
partial judgment  of  rational  men. 

Jhit,  outrageous  as  was  the  report  of  the  committee,  it  was 
dignified,  just,  and  ])roper  by  the  side  of  the  ornamental  mi.s- 
represeiitation  tliat  outsi<lers  have  added.  It  has  been  said 
that  iSand  Creek  "  brought  on  the  general  war  of  1805,  which 
cost  the  governmetit  ^35,000,000  and  much  loss  of  life,"  and 
this  statement  has  become  a  part  of  the  "  history"  of  the  af- 
fair. Sand  Creek  brought  on  that  war  just  about  as  much  as 
the  battle  of  Gettysburg  brought  on  the  late  civil  war.  It 
was  an  event  in  the  war,  and  no  amount  of  misrepresentation 
can  make  it  anything  else.  Leaving  the  Cheyennes  out  of 
consideration  altogether,  the  general  war  had  l)een  in  prog- 
ress since  the  early  spring  of  1S04.  l»ut,  as  a  matter  of  fact, 
it  did  not  even  aj^iiravate  the  war.  It  hasalreadv  been  shown 
that  the  Cheyennes  had  been  at  war  all  summer,  and  no  other 
tribe  wetit  to  war  on  account  of  it.  On  January  12,  1805, 
on  receipt  of  orders  to  investigate  Chivington's  action,  (Jen- 
eral  (Jurtis  despatched  to  Washingtoji :  "  Although  the  colo- 
nel may  have  transgressed  my  field  orders  concerning  Indian 
warfare,  and  otherwise  acted  very  much  against  my  \iew8  of 
propriety  in  his  assault  at  Sand  Creek,  still  it  is  not  true,  as 
Indian  agents  and  Indian  traders  are  representing,  that  such 
extra  severity  is  increasing  Indian  war.  On  the  contrary,  it 
tends  to  reduce  their  nundjers  and  bring  them  to  terms.  .  .  . 
I  will  be  glad  to  save  the  few  honest  and  kindly  disposed, 
and  protest  against  the  slaughter  of  women  and  children ;  al- 
though, since  General  Harney's  attack  of  the  Sioux  many 
years  ago  at  Ash  Hollow,  the  popular  cry  of  settlers  and  sol- 
diers on  the  frontier  favors  an  indiscrinunate  slaughter  which 
is  very  dilHcult  to  restrain.     I  abhor  this  style,  but  so  it  goes, 


434 


MASSACRKS  OF  THK   MOrXTAlNS. 


from  Mlniiosota  to  Texas.  ,  .  .  Tliere  is  no  doubt  a  portion 
of  this  tribe  assembled  were  occupied  in  makiiiiij  aKSiiiilte  on 
our  stages  and  trains,  and  tlie  tribes  well  ]<now  that  we  have 
to  hold  the  whole  eoinmunity  responsible  fur  acts  they  could 
restrain,  if  they  would  j>roperly  exert  their  elTorts  in  that 
way."  Again,  on  .January  .'{(),  he  wrote  to  (iovernor  Evans: 
"  ]..et  me  say,  too,  that  I  see  nothing  new  in  all  this  Indian 
movement  since  the  Chivingtun  ailair,  except  that  Indians 
are  more  frightened  and  keej)  farther  away.  I»y  pushing 
them  hard  this  next  month,  before  grass  recruits  their  ponies, 
they  will  be  better  satislied  with  making  war  and  rc»bbery  a 
business.''  On  the  same  day  he  wrote  Major-general  Ilal- 
leck  :  "There  is  no  new  feature  in  these  Indian  troubles  ex- 
cept tliat  Indians  seem  more  frightened."  (General  Curtis 
commanded  the  department;  he  had  all  the  information  as 
to  the  state  of  the  hostilities  that  could  be  had;  he  evidently 
was  not  inclined  to  defend  C-hivington  ;  and  therefore  his 
testimony  on  this  point  ought  to  be  conclusive. 

Said  Hon.  Mr.  Loughridge  to  the  House  of  Kepresenta- 
tives:  "Some  of  the  few  captured  children,  after  they  had 
been  carried  many  miles  by  the  troops,  were  taken  from  the 
wagons  and  their  i)rains  dashed  out.  I  gather  this  from  the 
records  and  official  reports,  and  blush  to  say  that  its  truth  can- 
not be  questioned.''  Mr.  Loughridge  might  well  blush  for 
other  reasons.  There  is  not  one  word  in  all  the  testimony, 
records,  and  official  reports,  to  substantiate  this  statement. 
The  nearest  and  only  approach  to  it,  in  the  report  of  the 
Joint  Committee,  is  this  statement  by  Lieutenant  Cannon, 
who  accompanied  the  expeilition  :  "  I  heard  of  one  instance 
of  a  child,  a  few  months  old,  being  thrown  into  the  feed-box 
of  a  wagon,  and,  after  being  carried  some  distance,  left  on  the 
ground  to  perish."  In  the  testimony  taken  by  the  ]\Iilitary 
Commission,  Lieutenant  Cramer  and  Private  Louderback  give 
similar  hearsay  evidence,  in  almost  the  same  words.  Only 
one  witiu'ss  was  examined,  at  any  time,  who  professed  to  have 
personal  knowledge  of  this  abandonment,  and  that  was  Ser- 
geant Lucian  Palmer,  who  was  introduced  by  the  prosecution, 
before  the  Military  Commission,  lie  said:  "They  [the  two 
squaws]  took  care  of  it  [the  pappoose  in  question]  the  first 


\ 


SAND  rUKKK. 


437 


day  after  we  I<ft  Sand  Creek  ;  they  had  it  in  bed  with  them 
tlie  nii^ht  \vu  stoppt'd  this  side  of  Sand  Creek  ;  they  left  it 
thiMMscives,  as  no  oiic  else  had  anytliini^  to  do  with  it,  to  my 
knowk'd!_'e."  Thus  the  prosecution  disposed  of  the  feed-l»o.\ 
story,  and  left  Mr.  Lon^hridi;(!  without  even  that  faint  sup- 
port for  his  slander.  It  was  distinctly  testitic'  Uy  every  wit- 
ness who  was  (juestioned  on  the  siil)ject,  tliat  no  one  was  killed 
after  tiie  tiijht  except  Jack  Smitii.  It  was  also  established, 
without  contradiction,  that  the  two  squaws  (wives  of  white 
men)  and  live  children,  who  were  said,  by  every  witness  ex- 
cept those  mentioned,  to  have  been  the  only  prisoners  taken, 
were  conveyed  to  Kort  liVon  and  left  there.  These  are  but 
samples  that  show  the  extraordinary  extent  to  which  this  de- 
lusion has  becMi  carried.  The  wealth  of  epithets  and  invec- 
tives that  has  been  gathered  to  damn  the  reputation  of  this 
man  Chiviiii^ton,  by  people  who  have,  at  best,  but  superfi- 
cially examined  his  case,  coiistitutes  a  veritable  treasnry  of 
vitujteration.  If  everythiii<^  that  was  said  ajjains'  him  by  the 
witnesses  were  true,  and  much  of  it,  on  its  fa(!e,  was  not,  he 
is  still  the  colossal  martyr  to  misrepresentation  of  this  cen- 
tury. 

The  sequel  to  Sand  Creek  throws  some  valuable  lijxht  on 
the  character  of  the  case.  On  October  14,  1805,  a  treaty  was 
made  with  the  Cheyenne  chiefs  on  the  Little  Arkansas,  on 
which  occasion  John  S.  Smith  and  ISIajor  Wynkoop  were 
li^iruring  prominently.  The  treaty,  in  its  original  draft,  went 
out  of  the  way  to  attack  Chivin<(ton  and  the  troops,  and  this 
feature  the  Senate  omitted  by  amendment.  The  treaty  was 
made  on  behalf  of  the  entire  tribe,  but  the  majority  of  the 
Doi^  Soldiers  were  not  present  and  never  formally  acce|)ted 
its  provisions.  The  most  striking  feature  of  it  is  that,  while 
they  were  assigned  a  reservation  with  the  ]>rivilege  of  roam- 
i'lir  over  their  oriijinal  territory,  these  frii'iidlv  Indians  were 
prohibited  from  camping  within  ten  miles  of  a  main  trav- 
elled road,  night  or  day,  and  were  pledged  not  to  go  to  any 
town  or  post  without  permission  of  the  authorities  there. 
Special  remuneration  was  given  to  every  one  who  had  lost 
relatives  or  property  at  Sand  Creek,  and  annuities  of  goods 
and  nionev  to  the  tribe  in  general,  to  the  amount  of  5^50,O00 


438 


MASSAC'KKS  OF  TlIK  MOUNTAINS. 


Himujillv  until  they  ii)i>v('(l  to  tlio  rcsoi-viitinii,  ami  ^112,000 
aiiiiiiiilly  aftLTWiirdri.  Tliofts,  luiinliM's,  and  otliur  utToiices 
were  j)er|K'tratod  by  Itidiaiis  iti  tliu  followini^  suiniiHT,  and,  so 
far  as  could  l)o  loariiud,  tlioy  wero  eonmiittud  \>\  a  party  of 
Doi;  SoIdiiTs,  niinibcrin<^  soiiio  two  linndit'd  lodges,  wlio  had 
joiiR'd  with  about  one  Imndred  iodides  of  Sioux,  iindijr  tiio 
I'hii'f  I'awnt'o  Killer.  In  the  spriui;  of  IS(>7  (Jenoral  Han- 
cock started  with  an  expedition  into  the  plains  with  the  in- 
tent of  inakiiii!;  a  )>eaei'ful  demonstration  of  power,  which 
would  indiute  all  doubtful  and  hostile  Imliatis  to  jjo  on  reser- 


vations.    Aiients  of  the  Indian  burea 


u  were  invi 


ted  t 


o  ac- 


company tho  expedition,  tu  assist  in  talks  with  the  Indians, 
and  did  so. 

They  found  the  band  of  ]\)<^  Soldiers  and  Sioux  on  Paw- 
nee Fork,  about  thirty  miles  al)ove  Fort  Larned.  After  ne- 
<i;otiatinu,  ami  makiui;  several  appointments  for  councils, 
which  they  did  not  keep,  tho  Itidians  slipped  away  one  dark 
iiii^ht  with  all  tlieir  property  that  they  could  carry.  Spriiij; 
was  not  their  season  for  treatinijj.  The  next  Iieanl  of  them 
was  that  they  had  burned  several  staj^e  stations  on  the  Smoky 
Hill  route  and  killed,  after  torturiuj;,  three  station  keepers  at 
Lookout  Station,  near  Fort  Hays.  On  receipt  of  information 
of  this,  (reneral  Hancock  destroyed  what  was  left  of  their  vil- 
lage, and  troops  were  kcj)t  in  search  of  the  Indians  all  sum- 
mer, under  command  of  (leneral  Custer.  There  were  a  num- 
ber of  engagements  between  them,  and  considerable  loss  of 
life,  with  no  material  ailvantai^e  to  either  side.  At  the  same 
time  a  severe  pen-and-ink  contest  was  lieini;  waji;ed  between 
war  j)eo|)le  and  p(!ace  ]>eople  in  tho  East,  and  the  jieace  peoi)le 
iiot  the  upper  hand.  The  result  of  it  all  was  that  at  the  eml 
of  the  season  (.'lister  was  under  arrest  on  a  charge  of  leaving 
Fort  Wallace  witliout  orders,  while  tho  Indians,  who  had  had 
no  opportunity  to  lay  in  supplies  for  the  winter,  made  an- 
other treaty,  in  which  the  whole  tribe.  Dog  Soldiers  included, 
joined.  This  time  they  took  a  reservation  wholly  within 
Indian  Territory,  a  triangular  tract  bounded  by  the  Kansas 
line  and  the  (yimarron  and  Arkansas  rivers.  They  were  to 
receive  a  suit  of  clothes  for  each  Indian,  and  ^2t>,0tK)  annu- 
ally, besides  teachers,  physicians,  farmers,  millers,  carpenters. 


SAND   CREEK. 


43!> 


hliic'ksinitlis,  iuid  other  f;;ui(le9  to  civilization.  It  was  not 
a<,'rc('d  tliat  they  were  to  be  givei'  :>»!y  ari!)8  or  ainmunitioii, 
and  tliis  tlio  reader  will  remcmher.  They  aj^recd  not  to  mo- 
lest any  (;(»aeh  or  wa^on,  carry  o(T  any  white  woman  or  child, 
nor  kill  or  Kcalp  any  white  man  ;  to  surrender  any  wroni^- 
(loer  for  punishment,  and  not  to  interfere  in  any  way  with 
the  huildin;;  of  the  Kansas  I'acitic  Itailroad. 


In   tl 


10  spr 


inj;  of  lSt;s  it  was  learned  that  arms  and  am- 


m 


w 


nnition  were  heinj^  i.«siied  to  Indians,  and  a  military  order 
,as  made  proliibitinj;  it.     The  aj^ents  raised  a  cry  that  the 


Indians  could  not  hunt  the  buflalo  without  arms  and  ammu- 
nition (they  ])refer  tlio  bow  and  arrow  for  this,  and  seldom 
u^ed  anythinjj;  else);  the  peace  people  joined  in  the  chorus 
that  the  Indians  were  beinj^  starved,  anil  the  oriler  was  re- 
voked. On  Aui^ust  1  the  Arapahoes  received  l(i(»  pistols,  S(» 
Lancaster  rifles,  12  ke^s  of  power,  a  ke<;  and  a  half  of  lead, 
and  i.'>,0(i(l  caps.  On  Aui^ust  lo  (,'olonel  Wynkoop,  onr  old 
acipiaintauce,  who  had  been  promoted,  and  appointed  Indian 
Aijent  after  the  investij^ations,  wrote:  "  I  yesterday  made  the 
whole  issue  of  annuity  <^o(»ds,  arms,  and  ammunition  to  the 
(^licyeiine  chiefs  and  people  of  their  i\atioii;  they  were  de- 
lighted at  receiving  the  goods,  ])articularly  the  arms  and  am- 
munition, and  never  before  have  I  known  them  t(t  be  better 
J)ati^lied,  and  express  themselves  as  being  s(»  well  contented 
previous  to  the  issue.  .  .  .  They  have  Jiow  left  for  their  limit- 
ing-grounds,  and  I  am  perfectly  satisfied  that  tiiere  will  be  i<o 
trouble  with  them  this  season."'  What  huntiiig-groutids  had 
they  left  for?  On  September  1(»,  just  thirty  (lays  later, 
Colonel  Wynkoop,  in  explaining  that  the  Indians  had  gone 
to  war  because  "  their  arms  and  ammunition  ''  had  not 
been  issued  promptly,  writes:  "  l>iit  a  short  time  before  the 
issue  was  made  a  war-party  had  started  north  from  the  Chey- 
enne village,  on  the  war-path  against  the  Pawnees;  and 
they,  not  knowing  of  the  issue,  and  smarting  under  their  sup- 
jiosed  wrongs,  committed  the  outrages  on  the  Saline  Jliver 
which  have  led  to  the  present  unfortunate  aspect  of  affairs." 
It  was  rather  unfortunate.  The  inferetice  from  his  letter  is 
that  it  was  all  right  for  them  to  use  their  weapons,  furnished 
for  the  purpose  of  hunting,  in  making  war  on  the  Pawnees, 


440 


MAssAriiKs  or  Tin;  moi'ntains. 


who  Ii;ul  I'i-i'it,  for  several  vears,  oiir  most  valuiiMe  allies  and 
frie!i(is  'ill  the  jilaiiis;  Imt  tliat  they  should  attack  the  whites 
was  unfortiiiiate.  Two  Imiidred  < 'heyeiiiie,  four  ;\.raj)ahuc, 
iuul  twenty  Sioux  wafriors  raided  down  the  Saline  and  ilie 
Solomon,  killiiij^,  ravishing;,  I)nrpinir,  :ind  lo^tIII•inl,^  They 
earricd  ulT  two  yoniii^  woni.n,  who  were  al'terwards  I'ecovered 
tVoiii  r.lack  Kettle's  hand,  if  he  can  he  saiil  to  liav(>  had  any 
j)arti(!nlar  iiand,  hy  threateninii;  to  hanj;  some  of  tlii'ir  princi- 
pal (diietV,  who  were  captives.  Much  of  the  plundered  prop- 
erty was  found  in  Wl.f  1    Kettle's  camp. 

Wynkooj*  then  |>riipos<'d  to  locatv"  the  friendly  Indians 
near  l''ort  l.arned,  in  order  to  separate  the  <i;oo(!,  ones  from  the 
had  ones,  Larned  In'iiit;  ahout  as  near  to  the  seat  of  war  as 
thov  could  Ite  placi'd  ;  l)Ut  (Jeneral  Sherman  would  have 
notliiuii;  of  that  kind.  lie  said  the  Indians  who  wei-e  peaee- 
ahle  should  stay  on  their  reservation,  where  they  helon^ed. 
Never  was  u  hetter  op|)ortunity  for  frit'iidly  Indians  to 
separate  vhemsidves  from  the  Itail  ones  and  let  themselves 
he  known  :  and  they  diil  it.  ,\fter  some;  hard  lii,ditini,f  in  the 
summer  and  fall,  nolahly  the  eiirht  days"  iii,dit  hetweiui  (ien- 
eriil  Forsytli'a  party  and  four  hundred  and  tifty  Cheyennes, 
ai«led  hy  Sioux  ami  Arapahoes,  on  the  Arickareo  fork  of  the 


kepuiihi-a 


n,  the  had  Indians  wi'Ut  into  winter  <iuarters.  iind  a 


winter  expedition  was  sent  aj^ainst  them  uiuler  ('"'tc'r,  wlio 
was  reinstated  ("or  the  occasion.  The  reser^.iiioti  was  vacant. 
The  irood  <'heyennes  were  not  visihle.  The  e?itire  southern 
trilie  was  camped  away  south  oii  the  V\'achita,  on  lands  where 
thov  had  n(»t  even  the  ri:;ht  to  hunt,  with  the  hostile  Kio\k'as. 
Arajvihoes,  ( "omanches,  ami  .\pachc>,  forminir  an  almost  con- 
tinuous camp  for  twelve  mili-s.  Custer  followed  the  trail  of 
a  returnini;  war-party  into  I'dack  Kettle's  canij).  and,  in  the 


earlv   ilawn 


,(   N 


ovendter  'J(,  siirpriseti    the 


Ind 


lauh 


wiule 


they  were  sleepiuij;  oil'  th(!  ell'ectrt  (»f  the  previous  iiijjht's  eele- 
hnition  over  fresh  scalps  and  plunder.  Here,  as  at  Sand 
Creek  ai;d  A.-h  Hollow,  women  l>)n:_dit  with  the  men,  anil 
a    iiuniher  of   them    wi're    kille<l,  i»ut  their  iiLrhtinir  did  no 


K< 


)od.      ln;5   Indians    were    killed,  and 


)•»   s(piaws    ain 


1    eh 


dren    were  captured,  toii'etliei'  with   s;,")   pdiiies,  Ml')'    rohes, 
b'6o   pounds   of   powder.  4lM)0   arrows,  antl    arms  and    ^dods 


r 


SAND  CKEEK. 


443 


of  all  descriptions,  constitutiiif;  all  their  possessions.  "Wliat 
('(Hild  be  advantageously  kept  was  retained,  and  the  re- 
mainder, including  TOO  jionies,  wah  destroycMl.  The  entire 
Indian  force  attacked  ("iistei-,  but  he  riuc(!(">ded  in  fretting  his 
troops  anti  captives  safely  away.  And  what  did  the  irre- 
prossibii!  Wynkoop  after  this  alTair^  lie  atiinned  that  the 
(heyennes  were  martyrs  ever,  and  that  on  this  occasion  they 
were  peaceably  on  their  way  to  Fort  (!obb  to  receive  their 
annuities  when  attacdii'd .  He  also  resigne<l  his  position  as 
Indian  Agent,  feeling,  prolwbly,  that  it  would  be  forced  on 
lii.m  again.  I>ut  Ilancoek  and  Custer  were  bigger  game  than 
p(M»r  Chivington.  Their  bpitlur  otticers  and  olHcials  e\:mi- 
ined  their  cases  more  earefully  than  they  diii  that  of  thr  vol- 
unteer colonel,  and  Custer  himself  ventilated  the  matter  in  a 
series  of  articles  in  the  Galaxy  that  made  some  pettple  open" 
their  eyes. 

After  the  war,  ("hivington  returned  to  his  old  home  in 
(>hio  and  settled  on  a  small  farm.  A  few  years  later  his 
lioui-e  was  burned,  ami  he  afterwards  moved  to  IManchester, 
Clinton  County,  where  he  purchased  the  I'i'imx,  and  edited 
it  for  two  or  three  years.  In  l>s;5  he  was  nominated  on  thi; 
KepubrKMii  ticket  for  licpreseiitative  to  the  hgislatiiie.  and  in 
the  campaign  '' Saml  Creek"  was  used  f»ir  all  it  was  worth. 
It  began  in  the  contest  for  the  nomination  and  was  continued 
until  ('hivington  withdrew  from  the  race.  It  was  brli»!ved, 
and  still  is,  by  good  judges  of  prjlitics,  that  he  would  have 
been  elected  by  a  majority  of  live  hundred  or  more,  but  there 
was  a  large  (Quaker  population  in  ('linton,  ind,  as  is  well 
known,  the  iSocietv  (d"  I'licnds  considers  itself  tiie  spei-ial 
guardian  of  the  Indian,  lie  had  an  up-hill  tight  on  his 
hands,  and  the  oppositiitn  was  very  bitter,  I  can  but  thiidc 
another  thing  intiueiiced  his  deterniiuiition.  While  this 
tight  was  being  pressed  upiui  him,  he  received  an  urgent  hit- 
ter from  Colorado,  asking  him  to  attend  and  address  a  nu'ctiiig 
'if  old  MJttlers,  o\\  the  t  weiitv-lifth  anniversai'v  of  the  settlement 
of  the  state.  There  hi;  woidd  lind  oI»|  friends,  who  kiu!T\-  the 
true  history  of  Sand  Creek,  and  felt  as  he  diil.  lie  went. 
There  were  heartv  weIcoim>s  given  to  distinguished  pioneers 
by  the  people  asbemblcd  in  Jewell  I'ark  on  that  day,  but  none 


u+ 


MASSACHES  OK  TllK  MOUNTAINS. 


so  (loiiionstrativo  as  (\)Iotiel  C'liiviiiirtoii's.  The  cliairinaii  iii- 
trodiictnl  liiiii  witli  tlieso  words:  "We  all  reiiietiibcM'  tlio  In- 
dian wars  of  1804  and  'G5,  and  witli  wliat  joy  wo  received  the 
news  that  some  of  them  at  least  had  met  the  reward  due  to 
their  treachery  and  cruelty.  The  man  who  can  tell  yoii  all 
alioiit  those  wars,  who  can  tell  yon  all  yon  want  to  know  of 
the  Indians,  and  who  can  ^ive  yon  the  true  story  of  Sand 
Creek,  is  here.  I  have;  the  lunutr,  ladies  anti  i^enthrmen,  to  in- 
troduce Colonel  ("hivinifton,  f)ne  of  Colorado's  '  I'et  Land)s."' 
He  hei^an  his  speech  amid  enthusiastic  cheers,  hut  as  ho 
proceeded  tlie  attention  grew  breathless.  He  told  his  stury 
in  a  simple,  straightforward  way,  and  nods  of  agsent  and  ap- 
proval, from  all  parts  of  the  ]iavilion,  silently  indicated  that 
he  need  not  prove  tiie  truth  of  his  staiements  to  the  people 
•rathered  there.  He  did  not  reply  to  tiie  thousand  charges 
made  against  him.  nor  did  he  assume  an  argumentative  style 


until  he  closed  in  these  word.> 


ihit 


were  im 


t  tl 


lese 


Ind 


lans 


peaceable ?  Oh, yes,  peaceable!  Well, a  few  hundred  of  them 
iiave  been  peaceable  for  almost  nineteen  years,  and  none  of 
them  have  been  so  troublesome  as  they  were  i)eforeSaJi<l  Creek. 
What  are  the  facts  ^  IIow  about  that  treaty  that  (iovernor 
.lohn  Kvans  did  not  make;  with  them  in  the  summer  of  ISOMJ 
lie,  with  Majiir  Lorcy  aiul  Major  Wiiiteley,  two  of  his  In- 
dian Agents,  and  the  usual  corps  of  attaches,  under  escort,  went 
out  to  the  Kiowa  to  treat.  When  he  got  there,  they  had 
gone  a  day's  march  farther  out  on  the  plains  and  would  not 
meet  him  there,  and  so  on,  day  after  day,  thisy  moved  out  as 
he  approached,  until,  wearied  out,  and  suspicious  of  treachery, 
he  returned  without  succeeding  in  his  mission  of  peace.  He 
told  them  by  message  that  he  had  presents  for  them,  but  it 
was  not  peace  and  presents  they  wanted,  but  war  and  ])lun- 
der.  What  of  the  peaceablene.ss  of  their  attack  on  ({(Mieral 
lilunt's  udvajice-guard,  north  of  Fort  Larned, almost  annihilat- 
ing the  advance  before  succor  could  reach  them?  AVhat  of 
the  dove-like  peace;  of  their  attack  on  the  goverJiment  train 
on  Walnut  Cr(3ek,  east  '^f  Fort  Larned,  under  the  guise  of 
friendship,  till  the  drivers  and  attaches  uf  the  train  were  in 
their  |)ower.  and  at  a  sigiial  struck  down  at  once  evory  man, 
oidy  a  boy  of  thirteen  years  barely  esca[»ing,  and  he,  with  the 


SAM)   ClfKKK. 


445 


loss  t)f  Ill's  sp.'il]),  taken  to  his  oars,  tiiially  tiied.  M'liat  of 
tilt'  trains  captured  t'nun  Walnut  ( 'I'eek  to  Sand  Creek  on 
the  Arkansas  route,  and  I'loia  the  I/itth;  Uliie  to  the  Kiowa 
on  the  I'latto  route,  of  supplies  and  waijoiis  huriied  and 
ried  olV,  and  of  the  men  kilhMl;      What  (d"  the   llun<Mto 


cai 
laniilv 


Alas 


wli 


;it  (d"  the  stock  of  articles  of  nierehaiidi>-e, 


line  silk  drosses,  infants'  and  youtlis'  appiirel,  the  tMiihroidercd 
night-irowns  and  che.nises^  Ay,  what  of  the  scalj.s  of  uhite 
men.  women,  and  ehildren,  several  of  which  they  had  not  had 
time  to  dry  and  tan  since  taken  i  These;,  ah  these,  and  more, 
wore  taken  from  the  helts  of  (hiad  warriors  on  the  hattle-lieid 
iif  Sand  Creek,  and  from  their  tee|>ees  whi(!li  fell  into  uur 
hands  on  the  2'.tth  day  of  November,  iSt'.-t.  What  of  the 
Indian  blanket  that  was  captured,  frinired  with  white-wom- 
en's scalps  {  What  says  the  dust  of  rli-;  two  hundred  and 
ei<;lit  tnen,  women,  and  (thiidrfMi,  rancliers,  emii^rants,  herders, 
ami  soldiers,  who  lost  their  livus  at  tlie  hands  of  these  In- 


dian.- 


1 


eacea 


l)le;      N 


ow  we  are  poaceaoly  ilK'^jtosod,  buf,  d 


(•line  jiivin^  such  totimonials  oi  our  peaceful  proclivities,  and 
I  sav  here  as  I  said  in  my  own  town,  iti  the  Quaker  county 
id'  Clinton,  State  of  Ohio,  on  •  nii>;lit  last  week,  I  stand  by 
Sand  ( 're(di." 

Said  the  /tucl;/  Jfoiinfdi/i  Scion^  of  thi-  fullowinir  «lav, 
"Colonel  ChiviiiiTton's  speech  was  received  with  an  applause 
from  every  pioneer  which  indicated  that  they,  to  a  man,  hearti- 
ly approved  the  e(!iirse  of  the  colonel  twenty  years  ai^o,  in  the 


fa 


inious  alTair  in  which  nianv  o 


f  tl 


lem 


todk 


part,  and  the  mail 


who  applied  the  scalp(>I  to  the  ulcer  which  bid  fair  to  destroy 
the  life  of  the  new  colotiv.  in  th(isi>  critical  times,  was  bevond 


a  doubt   the   Itero  of  the   hour. 


Thi 


s  IS  the  simple 


truth 


Coloratlo  stands  by  Sand  Creek,  and  Colonel  Chivinitton  sc 
afterward>  brought  his  family  to  the  Colleen  Citv  of  the  I'laii 


)on 


IS, 


\v 


here  h 


us  rcimiininij  ilays  may  i»e  passed  in  peace 


What  an  eventful  histi»ry!  And  how.  throujjh  it  all,  his 
-"iirdv  manliKod  has  been  iiianift'.--t  in  every  action.  TliroUi,di 
all  the  deiiunciati  m  (»f  that  Indian  lii;  it,  he  has  never  wavered 
i>r  treuibled.  <  )lliers  have  dodged  and  apoloyized  and  crawled, 
but  I'hivinjjtoii  never.  lie  has  not  laid  the  blaino  ujion  su- 
[H.M"k>r  officers,  as  he  mii,dit  do.     lie  has  not  complained  of 


4t0  MASSAC'RKS    OF   TIIK    MOINTAINS. 

niisiiiforiuatiuii  from  inferior  officers,  as  he  might  do.  IIo 
has  not  said  that  the  soldiers  committed  excesses  there  whicli 
were  in  no  manner  directed  hy  him,  as  he  mi<i;ht  do.  He  has 
simply  stood  up  under  a  rain  of  ahuse,  heavier  than  the  shower 
of  missiles  that  fell  on  ('o'ur  de  Leon  before  the  castle  of 
Front  de  IJo'uf,  and  answered  back:  "I  stand  by  Saml 
Creek.''  And  was  it  wnmg  i  To  the  abstract  question, 
whether  or  not  it  is  rijijlit  to  kill  women  and  children,  there 
can  be  but  one  answer.  Ihit  as  a  matter  of  retaliation,  and  a 
matter  of  policy,  whether  these  people  were  justified  in  kill- 
ing women  and  children  at  Sand  Creek  is  a  (juestion  to  which 
the  answer  does  not  come  so  glibly.  Just  after  the  massacre 
at  Tort  Fetterman,  (iene/al  Sherman  despatched  to  General 
Grant ;  "We  must  act  with  vindictive  earnestness  against  the 
Sioux,  even  to  their  exterminatioji,  men,  won»en,and  children. 
Kothing  Irss  will  reach  the  root  of  the  case."  Was  it  right 
for  th(;  English  to  shoot  back  the  Sepoy  ambassador  from 
their  caniio:i  I  Was  it  right  for  the  North  to  refuse  to  ex- 
change i)ri8oner8  while  our  boys  were  dying  by  inches  in 
I.ilby  and  Anderson ville?  I  do  not  undertake  to  answer 
these  questioiis,  but  I  do  say  tiiat  Sand  Creek  is  far  from  be- 
ing "  tlie  climax  of  American  outrages  on  the  Indian,"  as  it 
Las  been  called.  J^ay  not  that  flattering  unction  to  your  souls, 
people  of  the  East,  while  the  names  of  the  Tecjuods  and  the 
Conestoga  Indians  exist  in  yoiir  books;  Tior  you  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi Valley,  while  the  blood  of  Logan's  family  and  the 
Moravian  Indians  of  the  Muskingum  stain  your  records;  nor 
you  of  tl>e  South,  while  a  Cherokee  or  a  Seminole  remains  to 
tell  the  wrongs  of  his  fathers;  nor  yet  you  of  the  Pacitic 
slope,  while  the  nmrdered  family  of  Spenc<!r  or  the  victims  of 
Dloody  Point  and  Nome  Cult  have  a  place  in  the  memory  of 
men — yom-  ancestors  and  predecessors  were  guilty  of  worse 
things  than  the  Sand  Creek  massacre. 


CILVrTKR   XIV. 
CANON   l)E  CIIEI.LV  AND   HOSyUE   KKDONDO. 

AVk  loft  the  Niivalios  in  their  chronic  state  of  war,  tliat  is  to 
say,  the  state  of  robhinj;  tiicir  ncij^hbors  and  Ijcing  robhed  by 
them  while  the  troops  were  al>scnt,an(l  of  iiiakinj^  iioace  when 
the  troops  marched  against  them.  I'roiii  the  mass  of  eontlict- 
iiiU  testinjony  taken  in  18(55,  in  rej^ard  to  the  Indian  history 
of  New  Mexico,  and  from  other  sources,  it  aj>pears  that  one 
t-ide  made  aj^i^ressions  aljout  as  often  as  the  other,  the  conxrion 
opinion  being  that  the  Navahos  captnred  the  <,'reater  iinmber 
of  slieep,  and  the  Mexicans  the  ".greater  mini  her  of  slaves.  The 
Navahos  were  ])referred  to  other  Indians  for  slaves  on  account 
of  their  tractable  nature,  intellifience.  lii;ht  skins,  and  the  vo- 
luptuousness of  the  females.  Dr.  Louis  Kemion,  whost;  op- 
portunities for  observation  had  been  good,  testilied.  '"  1  think 
the  number  of  Navajo  captives  held  as  slaves  to  be  underesti- 
mated. I  thiidv  there  are  from  five  to  six  tliousand.  I  know 
of  no  family  which  ean  raise  one  hutidred  and  fifty  dollars 
but  what  purchases  a  Navajo  slave,  and  many  families  own 
lour  or  live — the  trade  in  them  being  as  regidar  as  the  trade 
in  pigs  or  sheep.  Previous  to  the  war  their  |)rice  was  from 
seventy-five  to  a  hundred  dollars,  but  now  thev  are  worth  about 
fonr  huridrcMl  dollars.  Ihit  the  other  day  sonu-  Mexican  In- 
di.tns  from  Chihuahua  were  for  sale  in  Santa  Fe.  I  have  l)een 
itonvcrsant  with  the  institution  of  slavery  in  (ieorgia.but  the 
system  is  wors^;  here,  there  being  no  obligation  resting  o!»  the 
owner  to  care  for  the  ^lave  when  he  l)ecomes  old  or  worthless." 
Of  (tourse  the  Mexicans  gruml)led  continually  al)oiit  the  awful 
incursions  of  the  savages,  but  there  was  little  disposition  on 
the  par.  of  the  military  to  use  any  great  violence  against 
the  Navaiio  nation.  They  understood  tin;  situation,  hav- 
ing had  the  best  of  o]>portunities   for  hearitig  the  Navaho 


UH 


MASSAf'RKS   OF  THK   MOCXTAINS. 


side  of  till!  qiK'stidii ;   many  of  tlio  ollict'is  liad  Xiivalio  mis- 
tresses. 

Oecasioiially  tluTo  would  l)o  a  rupture  Ix'twcou  tlie  In- 
dians ami  the  soldiers,  the  most  rioted  of  tlicsc  Iteinj;  the  tij^ht 
at  Fort  I'auntiero}-,  in  Septeml)er,  iSCd.  Tins  tnuihle  arose 
over  a  horse-race,  on  vliieh  there  had  In-en  very  heavy  liet- 
tinj;.  The  soldiers  l)acked  a  horse  ridden  hy  Lieutenant  ( )rtiz, 
one  of  the  post  olKeers,  and  the  Indians  the  other.  The  In- 
dians' horse  ran  ofT  the  track  after  runninij  al-'iitone  hundred 
yards,  the  result,  it  was  said,  of  a  hroken  hridle,  and  they 
claimed  a  draw.  The  eommamlini;  olHcer,  on  the  refusal  of 
th(!  winners  to  draw  the  race,  <;ave  orders  that  the  ^»avahos 
should  not  he  allowed  to  enter  the  post.  TIk!  winners  filed 
into  the  j)ost,  whoitpin:;  and  hallooing,  with  iifes  screectiiu:; 
and  drums  heatini;,  and  as  they  did  so  a  shot  was  fired, and  an 
Indian  killed.  Who  find  the  shot  is  not  certainly  known, 
hut  it  was  said  to  l)e  a  sentinel,  past   whom  the  Indian   was 


k(;  1 


IIS  wav, 


Th 


le  Soldiers  ariiiec 


1  tl 


lemselves,  a 


n.l 


trying  to  ma 

attacked  the  Intliaiis  in  ii  confuted  way,  without  any  orders. 
Says  Caj)tain  Ilodt,  of  the  1st  New  Mexican  Cavalry  :  "The 
Navahos,  sijuaws.  ami  children  ran  in  all  directions,  and  were 
shut  ami  hayonetcil.  1  tried  my  hest  to  form  the  company  I 
was  lirst  ser<^eant  of,  and  succeeded  in  f()rmin<;  about  twenty 
men — it  heinjf  very  hard  work.  I  then  marched  out  to  the 
east  side  of  the  post;  there  I  saw  a  soldier  mur<lerin<:;  two  lit- 
tl(!  children  and  a  woman.  I  hallooed  to  the  soldier  to  stop. 
He  looked  up,  hut  did  not  ohey  my  order.  I  ran  up  as  (piick 
as  I  could,  hut  could  not  get  there  soon  enough  to  prevent 
him  from  killing  the  two  innocent  children  and  wctunditig 
severely  the  S(piaw.  I  ordered  his  belts  t.»  be  taken  oil  and 
him  taken  prisoner  to  thc^  post.  On  my  arrival  in  the  post  I 
met  Lieutenant  ()rtiz  witli  a  pistol  at  full  cock,  saying,  '(Jive 
back  this  soldier  his  arms,  or  else  I'll  ehoot  you,  (J — d  d — n 
von,'  which  circumstances  I  reported  to  my  company  coni- 
maiider,  he  ri'portiiig  the  same  to  the  colonel  commanding, 
ami  the  answer  he  received  from  the  colonel  was  'That  Lieu- 
tenant Ortiz  did  perfectly  right,  and  that  he  gave  credit  to 
the  soldier  who  murdered  the  children  and  wounded  the 
s(iuaw.'     Meantime  the  colonel  had  given  orders  to  the  olli- 


UUNT  S  AllM-UIUIK. 


caSon  ok  ciikm.y  and  nosyi'K  ifr.DONPo.       451 

cor  of  the  (lay  to  liavo  tlio  artillery  (inouiitain  liowitzers) 
linuiirlit  out  and  to  open  upon  the  IndiaiiH.  The  Per<((nint  in 
t'harije  of  the  mountain  howitzers  pretonded  not  to  understand 
tiie  order  ijiven,  for  ho  eonsidered  it  as  an  unlawful  onler; 
l)iit  heinj;  eursc^d  liy  the  officer  of  the  day,  and  threatened,  ho 
iiad  to  exeeiite  the  order  or  else  get  himself  in  troidih?.  Tho 
Indians  seattered  all  over  the  valley  helow  tlu!  ])ost,  attaeked 
the  poHt  herd,  wounded  the  Mexican  hcnler.  hut  did  not  suc- 
ceed in  <j;ettini^  any  stock;  also  attacked  the  expressman,  sumo 
ten  miles  from  the  post,  took  his  horso  and  inail-l)a<;,  and 
wounded  him  in  the  arm.  After  the  massacre  there  were  no 
more  Indians  to  he  seen  about  the  post,  with  the  exception  of 
;i  few  s(piaws,  favorites  of  tho  ofllcers.  The  commaiidinj^  otK- 
ccr  etideavored  to  make  peace  again  with  the  Navahos  by 
fending  some  of  the  favorite  sfjuaws  to  talk  with  the  chiefs; 
imt  the  only  satisfaction  the  stpiaws  received  was  a  good  flog- 
ging. An  expressman  was  sent  shortly  after  the  alTairs 
above  mentioned  happened,  but  j)rivate  letters  were  not  al- 
lowed to  be  sent,  and  letters  that  reached  the  jwstofKce  at 
Fauntleroy  were  found  opened,  but  not  forwardcid.  To  the 
best  of  my  knowledge  the  innnber  of  Navahos  killed  was 
twelve  or  lifteen ;  the  innnber  wounded  eoidd  not  bo  ascer- 
tained." 

U\  the  winter  of  1^00-01,  Colonel  E.  R.  S.  Can  :)y  (soon  af- 
terwards (ieneral  Canby)  j)roceeded  against  the  !(avahos  and 
iidlicted  severe  punishment  upon  them  until  February,  IS«!1, 
when  an  armistice  of  three  months  was  agreed  upon,  and  later 
this  was  extended  to  one  year.  In  Septend)er  (Jovernor  Con- 
nelly, (-olonel  Canby,  and  Superintendent  (Jollins  had  a  long 
tidk  with  thirty  of  their  leading  men,  in  which  the  usual  as- 
surances of  their  peaceful  intentions  were  given,  but  the  peace 
was  not  lasting.  They  were  not,  in  fact,  in  a  condition  that 
encouraged  ])eacc.  Owing  to  constant  hostilities,  they  had 
planteil  but  little  for  three  years, and  nnieh  of  what  they  had 
planted  had  been  destroyed  by  the  troops,  as  also  many  of 
their  herds;  they  were  obliged  to  steal  or  starve, and  adopted 
tho  former  alternative.  In  1802  their  agent  reported  that 
they  had  "driven  off  over  one  hundred  thousand  sheep,  and 
not  less  than  a  thousand   head  of  cattle,  besides  horses  and 

21) 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


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11.25  11.4    ill  1.6 


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7 


Photographic 

Sciences 

Corporation 


33  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  NY.  14560 

(716)  872-4503 


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452 


MASSACRES   OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


mules  to  a  large  amount."  In  these  depredations  he  said  thej 
had  "murdered  many  persons, and  carried  off  laany  women 
and  children  as  captives."  In  consequence  of  this  plundering, 
Governor  Connelly  made  a  call  for  militia  in  September,  and 
some  independent  expeditions  were  also  organized,  but  the 
latter  were  stopped  by  the  authorities  for  the  reason  that  these 
irresponsibly  companies  invariably  attacked  friendly  Indians 
and  hostile  ones  indiscriminately.  General  Carleton  assumed 
command  of  the  distJ'ict  at  this  time,  and  took  charge  of  all 
military  operations.  His  forces  were  chiefly  occupied  with 
the  Mcscalero  Apaches  during  the  winter,  but  in  the  spring  of 
1863  he  was  ready  for  the  Navahos. 

General  Carleton's  plan  was  to  remove  all  who  would  con- 
sent to  the  Bosque  Redondo,  on  the  Pecos  River,  in  Eastern 
New  Mexico,  and  to  place  the  others  with  them  as  fast  as  they 
were  captured.  This  plan  had  the  merit  of  sparing  the  inno- 
cent the  horrors  of  war,  at  least.  That  General  Carleton  was 
actuated  by  motives  of  humanity  in  adopting  it  can  scarce- 
ly be  questioned,  lie  said  :  "They  have  no  government  to 
make  treaties;  they  are  a  patriarchal  people.  One  set  of 
families  may  make  promises,  but  the  other  set  will  not  heed 
them.  They  understand  the  direct  application  of  force  as  a 
law;  if  its  application  be  removed,  that  moment  they  become 
lawless.  This  has  been  tried  over  and  over  again,  and  at  great 
expense.  The  purpose  now  is,  never  to  relax  the  application 
of  force  with  a  people  that  can  no  more  be  trusted  than  the 
wolves  that  run  through  the  mountains.  To  collect  them  to- 
gether, little  by  little,  on  to  a  reservation,  away  from  the  haunts 
and  hills  and  hiding-places  of  their  country ;  there  be  kind 
to  them ;  there  teach  their  children  how  to  read  and  write ; 
teach  them  the  arts  of  peace ;  teach  them  the  truths  of  Chris- 
tianity." If  there  were  any  fault  in  this  plan  it  was  only  in 
their  removal  from  their  native  country,  but  for  the  purpose 
of  separating  the  peaceful  from  the  hostile  during  the  war 
this  could  not  very  well  be  avoided.  The  Navahos  were 
given  ample  warning  of  General  Carleton's  intentions.  He 
notified  part  of  the  chiefs  himself,  and  sent  messengers  among 
them  to  inform  them  that  they  might  have  until  the  20th  day 
of  July,  1863,  to  come  in,  but  that  "aftc  that  day  every  Na- 


CASON   DE  CHELLY  and  BOSCiUE  KEDONDO. 


453 


vaho  that  is  seen  will  be  considered  as  hostile,  and  treated  ac- 
cordingly." 

Quite  a  number  of  Xavahos  accepted  the  proffered  terms, 
and  against  the  others  the  troops  were  kept  operating  from 
Forts  Stanton,  Craig,  Can  by,  Defiance,  and  the  post  at  Lob 
Pinos ;  and  the  troops  at  all  other  posts  were  ordered  to  be  con- 
stantly on  the  lookout  for  prowling  bands  of  Navaiios,  which 
were  liable  to  appear  in  any  part  of  the  country.  They  went 
everywhere  in  their  expeditions.  One  band  of  a  hundred  and 
thirty  warriors  even  penetrated  the  Mescalero  country,  south- 
east of  the  Eio  Grande  settlenients,  and,  passing  north,  drove 
off  cattle  and  sheep  from  the  Bosque  Kedondo ;  they  were  fol- 
lowed by  a  few  troops  and  some  Mescaleros,  and  the  property 
was  retaken,  with  other  plundered  goods.  The  orders  to  the 
soldiers,  everywhere,  were  to  kill  every  male  Navaho  capable 
of  bearing  arms,  whenever  and  wherever  he  might  be  found ; 
women  and  children  were  to  be  captured  and  held  as  prisoners. 
These  orders  were  often  repeated,  and  the  officers  were  urged 
to  the  utmost  activity  by  praise  to  the  successful,  and  re- 
proaches to  the  unsuccessful.  The  following,  issued  to  Col- 
onel Rigg,  commanding  at  Fort  Craig,  on  August  4,  18G3,  is 
a  sample  of  the  instructions:  "I  have  been  informed  that 
there  is  a  spring  called  Ojo  de  Cibolo,  about  fifteen  miles  west 
of  Limitar,  where  the  Navahos  drive  their  stolen  cattle  and 
'jerk'  the  flesh  at  their  leisure.  Cannot  yoa  make  arrange- 
ments for  a  party  of  resolute  men  from  your  command  to  be 
stationed  tlicre  for,  say,  thirty  days,  and  kill  every  Navaho 
and  Apache  they  can  find  ?  A  cautious,  wary  commander, 
liiding  his  men  and  moving  about  at  night,  might  kill  off  a 
good  many  Indians  near  that  point."  Such  orders  seem  hareh, 
and  yet  they  afforded  the  only  means  of  bringing  the  Navahos 
to  terms.  The  great  ditKculty  was  to  get  any  opportunity  to 
fight  them.  They  were  separated  in  small  bands,  under  their 
pati  iarchal  system,  and,  being  constantly  on  the  move  through 
a  country  with  which  they  were  thoroughly  acquainted,  they 
were  usually  able  to  avoid  the  soldiers,  for  whom  they  kept  a 
vigilant  watch.  After  a  few  weeks  of  slight  success,  the  sol- 
diers were  further  stimulated  to  activity  by  a  bounty  of  twenty 
dollars  for  each  good  horse  turned  over  to  the  quartermaster's 


454 


MASSACKKS   OF   THE   MOUNTAINS. 


(ANON    l)K    CIIKLl.V. 


dep.artnient,  and  one  dollar  for  each  sheep.  The  principal 
offensive  force  was  that  operating  from  Fort  Canbj,  under 
Colonel  Kit  Carson,  but,  notwithstanding  the  ability  and  activ- 
ity of  that  noted  Indian  fighter,  the  results  obtained  during 
the  sumniei-  and  fall  of  18(53  were  not  important,  and  Carleton 
consoled  the  colonel  with  the  hope:  "As  winter  approaches 
you  will  have  better  luck."  Still,  as  winter  approached,  suc- 
cess did  not  increase  very  materially,  and  the  Navahos  were  still 
able  to  keep  ont  of  the  way  of  the  troops.  It  was  therefore 
decided  to  strike  them  in  the  Caiion  de  Chclly,  which  was  re- 


CASON   DE  CUELLY  and   BOSQUE  KEDONDO. 


455 


i3 


[lUted  to  bo  tlieir  greatest  stntnghold,  and  Colonel  Carson  was 
ordered  to  prepare  for  this  movement,  which  was  to  be  made 
in  January. 

The  Canon  de  Clielly  is  one  of  the  most  remarkable  works 
of  naturv^  in  the  United  States.  The  Rio  Chelly  may  be  found, 
not  very  accurately  traced,  on  any  fair-sized  map  of  Arizona, 
in  the  northeastern  corner  of  that  territory.  Its  headwaters 
are  in  the  Sierra  Tunicha,  of  Northwestern  New  Mexico,  and 
it  flows  thence  almost  due  wes*",  for  some  thirty  miles,  then 
swings  abruptly  to  the  north.,  and  empties  into  the  liio  San 
Juan  near  the  northern  line  of  Arizona.  The  line  of  its  west- 
ern flow  indicates  the  position  of  the  canon,  which  extends 
throughout  that  distance,  the  northward  bend  of  the  river 
being  just  beyond  its  mouth.  The  main  canon  is  counted  as 
beiiinninjir  at  tiie  union  of  three  small  streams,  each  of  which 
has  a  cailon  of  its  own.  They  are  the  Cienega  Negra  (Black 
Meadow),  or  Estrella  (Star),  on  the  southeast,  the  Palo  Negro 
(Black  Timber),  or  Chelly  Creek,  on  the  east,  and  the  Cienega 
Juanica,  or  Juanita,  on  the  northwest.  The  most  easterly  en- 
trance used  by  the  Indians  is  near  the  head  of  Chelly  Creek; 
by  it,  the  bottom  of  that  stream  is  reached  above  the  junction 
of  the  others.  It  is  not  accessible  for  animals.  The  Cienega 
Negra  enters  about  three  miles  below  the  head  of  the  Chelly 
proper,  and  the  Juanica  half  a  mile  lower.  At  places  above 
the  entrance  of  the  last-named  stream  the  chasm  is  so  narrow 
that  one  might  almost  leap  across  it,  but  the  beholder  invol- 
untarily recoils  from  the  dizzy  view  of  over  one  thousand  feet 
of  unbroken  descent  to  the  yellow  floor  beneath.  About  half 
a  mile  below  the  Juanica  there  is  another  descent,  where  the 
wall  of  the  canon,  there  only  seven  hundred  feet  high,  is  broken 
and  sufticieutly  sloping  to  permit  a  zigzag  descent  to  pack- 
animals.  Below  this  point  the  walls  increase  in  height  to 
fifteen  liundred  feet,  and  the  width  of  the  cafion  from  two 
hundred  to  three  hundred  and  fifty  yards.  Tiie  next  approach 
is  by  a  side  cafion  that  enters  on  the  south  side,  about  eleven 
miles  below  the  Juanica  ;  it  is  commonly  known  as  Bat  Canon, 
but  the  Indians  and  Mexicans  call  it  Cafion  Alsada,  or  Canou 
of  the  High  Rock,  from  a  natural  obelisk,  one  thousand  feet 

high,  with  a  base  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  feet,  that  rises  ma- 

9<>* 


456 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS, 


jestically  at  the  mouth  of  the  cauon,  a  hiuidrod  feet  distant 
from  the  wall.  This  needle  leans  so  mrich  that  it  seems  about 
to  topple  over.  The  Alsada  entrance  is  the  one  commonly 
used  in  approaching  from  Fort  Defiance,  and  the  trail  is  cut 
deep  in  the  sandstone  by  thousands  of  feet  of  men  and  animals 
that  in  past  generations  have  followed  it.  The  descent  here 
is  along  ledges  on  the  cailon  wall,  so  narrow  that  animals  are 
always  driven  ahead,  for  fear  they  may  slip  and  carry  the  owner 
over.  Occasionally,  below  this  point,  there  are  lateral  openings 
>in  the  canon  walls,  but  none  of  them  extend  more  than  a  few 
hundred  yards  back,  and  there  is  no  other  entrance  until  about 
three  miles  above  the  mouth,  where  the  Canon  del  Trigo 
(Wheat  Canon)  enters  from  the  north.  Below  the  Trigo  the 
walls  sink  rapidly,  and  the  canon  opens  out  into  a  rolling 
country,  barren  and  unprepossessing. 

The  formation  is  all  sandstone,  which  is  the  "  country 
rock"  for  miles  in  every  direction.  From  above,  at  almost 
any  point,  the  traveller  comes  suddenly  on  this  mighty  chasm, 
without  any  warning  of  its  presence  in  the  rock  plain  over 
which  he  is  passing.  The  sudden  view  of  the  awful  depths  is 
startling  beyond  description.  From  below,  the  stupendous 
height  of  the  walls,  which  often  project  above  the  he-'d  of 
the  beholder,  cannot  be  fully  comprehended.  The  floor  of 
the  cafion  is  comparatively  smooth  and  very  sandy,  the  general 
appearance  being  that  of  a  river  of  sand  flowing  between  the 
rock  walls  and  circling  around  occasional  islands  of  green. 
There  is  no  detritus  along  the  foot  of  either  wall,  as  is  com- 
mon in  other  canons.  The  rocks  are  apparently  disintegrating 
and  gradually  tilling  the  chasm,  but  the  only  agents  in  this 
work  are  the  wind  and  the  loose  sand,  and  their  progress  is  so 
slow  as  to  be  almost  iiji perceptible.  The  particles  of  sand, 
whirled  along  in  the  air,  are  constantly  eating  away  the  walls 
and  detached  blocks  of  stone,  and  in  the  course  of  centuries 
have  made  a  very  wonder-land  of  weird  shapes  and  fantastic 
sculpturing.  The  amount  of  water  in  the  cafion  depends 
wholly  on  the  season.  In  years  of  drought  there  is  none 
above  the  surface,  but  the  sand  is  moist,  and  the  Indians  ob- 
tain what  water  they  need  by  digging.  In  moderate  seasons 
there  is  an  occasional  show  of  running  water,  which  sinks  again 


caSon  de  chelly  and  uosqle  kedondo. 


457 


in  the  sand.  In  wet  seasons  there  is  a  considerable  stream, 
and  about  a  mile  below  the  Canon  Alsada  there  is  seen  a  niag- 
niticent  fall  of  water  from  the  top  of  the  cafion,  sheer  a  thou- 
sand feet,  swaying  in  the  wind  and  breaking  by  the  resistance 
of  the  air,  until  it  is  completely  lost  in  a  fine  mist  at  the  bot- 
tom. The  Navahos  say  the  stream  has  decreased  of  later 
years,  and  the  remains  of  ancient  acequlas  indicate  the  truth 
of  their  tradition.  There  is  a  slight  growth  of  underbrush 
throughout  the  caiion,  with  grass  at  inter^'als,  and  now  and 
then  the  corn-fields  and  peach-orchards  of  the  Indians. 

This  place  was  inhabited  long  before  Columbus  set  iiis 
sails  to  seek  the  Indies.  Along  its  walls  are  perched  the 
strange  cliff-dwellings  of  that  ancient  and  unknown  race 
which  once  peopled  the  present  deserts  of  Arizona.  Some  of 
them  are  on  ledges  only  forty  or  fifty  feet  above  the  canon 
floor,  with  parts  on  the  floor,  and  others  are  six  or  seven  hun- 
dred feet  higher.  How  the  higher  ones  were  constructed  is 
an  unsolved  problem,  for  there.appears  now  no  way  of  access 
to  man  but  by  ropes  from  above,  or  by  broken  flights  of  lad- 
der-like steps  cut  in  the  rock  at  various  places,  and  these  houses 
are  built  of  stone  and  heavy  wooden  beams.  The  timber  in 
them  is  in  excellent  preservation,  and  the  whitewash  on  the 
interior  walls  looks  as  though  it  had  been  put  on  within  a  year, 
yet  the  Navahos  say  that  these  buildings  were  there,  just  as 
they  are  now,  when  their  forefathers  came  into  the  country. 
The  architecture  is  that  of  the  Puebloc,,  with  similar  masonry, 
the  usual  fragments  of  pottery,  and  the  »;niversal  estufa.  The 
Navahos  have  never  used  them,  and,  so  far  as  is  known,  have 
never  been  able  to  reach  some  of  them,  to  which,  indeed,  there 
appears  .lo  feasible  approach,  except  possibly  by  balloon.  The 
enterprising  archreologist  would  probably  And  them  just  as 
the  cliff-dweller  left  them  when  he  departed  on  his  last  migra- 
tion. 

This  canon  was  not  explored  throughout  until  1859,  al- 
though the  troops  had  often  been  in  its  vicinity,  and  the  Na- 
vahos thought  it  afforded  them  an  inaccessible  retreat  in  time 
of  war.  Still  it  was  not  a  place  of  retreat  to  which  they  all 
gathered,  as  was  generally  supposed,  nor  were  there  any  for- 
tifications in  it,  as  rumor  had  declared.    It  is  not  probable  that 


468 


MASSACRES  OF  THE   MOUNTAINS. 


there  were  ever  more  than  a  thousand  Indians  living  in  it,  for 
no  hirge  numbers  were  ever  found  there,  and  there  was  not 
the  grass  in  it  to  support  tlie  hirge  herds  that  they  owned. 
Nine  tentiis,  at  least,  of  the  Xavaiio  nation  made  their  homes 
at  such  other  points  in  their  extensive  territory  as  afforded 
pasturage  for  their  Hocks ;  the  Canon  de  Ohelly  was  merely 
the  residence  of  a  small  portion  of  tlie  tribe;  but  none  of  the 
whites  knew  just  what  was  there,  and  the  great  ciiasm  was  re- 
gardeii  in  all  circles  as  the  mysterious  stronghold  of  the  Na- 
vahos.  The  first  recorded  entrance  into  it  by  troops  was  made 
in  September,  18-49,  by  Lieutenant  Simpson,  of  Colonel  Wash- 
ington's expedition,  escorted  by  Major  Keridrick,  with  sixty 
men.  They  entered  at  the  mouth,  went  a  short  distance  up 
the  Canon  del  Trigo,  atid  then  ascended  the  main  cailon  for 
nine  and  a  half  miles,  in  search  of  the  fortifications  of  the 
Navahos.  To  confirm  the  stories  of  the  guides  about  an  im- 
pregnable fortress  on  a  plateau  so  high  that  fifteen  ladders 
were  required  to  reach  it,  they  found  nothing  but  the  cliff 
houses,  and,  on  returning,  announced  that  the  mystery  of  the 
Caiion  de  Chelly  was  solved.  In  1858,  Colonel  D.  S.  Miles 
entered  it  at  the  Canon  Alsada  and  marched  to  the  mouth 
without  any  casualties,  but  he  was  so  impressed  with  the  ad- 
vantages it  afforded  for  attack  from  the  summits  of  the  walls 
that  he  reported  :  "  No  command  should  ever  again  enter  it." 
In  July,  1850,  Captain  Walker,  commanding  an  expedition 
against  the  Navahos,  entered  the  canon  half  a  mile  below  the 
entrance  of  the  Juanica,  and  marched  to  the  mouth.  Two 
weeks  later  he  returned  to  the  head  of  the  cailon  and  explored 
it  to  the  point  of  his  former  descent.  In  view  of  these  ex- 
plorations it  seems  renuvrkable  that  General  Carleton  should 
have  written,  after  Carson's  expedition :  "  This  is  the  first 
time  any  troops,  wliether  when  the  country  belonged  to  Mexico 
or  since  we  acquired  it,  have  been  able  to  pass  through  the 
Cafion  do  Chelly  which,  for  its  great  depth,  its  length,  its 
perpendicular  walls,  and  its  labyrinthine  character,  has  been 
regarded  by  eminent  geologists  as  the  most  remarkable  of  any 
'fissure'  (for  such  it  is  held  to  be)  upon  the  face  of  the  globe. 
It  has  been  the  great  fortress  of  the  tribe  since  time  out  of 
mind."     In  reality,  however,  this  misinformation    was   v.ni- 


CLIFr   HOUSE    IN    CA.NON    DK    CllKLI.V. 


of 


.ni- 


caJJon  de  chelly  and  UOSQUE  HEDONDO.        461 

versal.  No  officer  who  entered  the  canon  (judging  from  their 
reports)  had  any  definite  knowledge  of  what  liis  predecessors 
lirtd  done.  Carson  surely  should  have  been  acquainted  with 
the  history  of  so  famous  a  place,  hut,  with  an  inaccuracy  thut 
is  strikingly  illustrative  of  the  unreliability  of  traditional  his- 
tory, he  reported  that  his  troops  had  "accomplished  an  under- 
taking never  before  accomplished  in  war-time — that  of  passing 
through  the  Canon  de  Chclly  from  east  to  west."* 

Colonel  Carson  started  from  Fort  Can  by  on  January  6, 
ISO-i,  with  a  force  of  three  hundred  and  ninety  officers  and 
men,  for  the  inouth  of  the  cafion.  Just  before  starting  he  sent 
Captain  PfeiflFer,  with  one  company,  to  operate  fronj  the  east- 
ern end.  The  depth  of  the  snow  on  the  divide  between  Fort 
Canby  and  the  Pueblo  Colorado  was  so  great  that  his  com- 
mand was  three  days  in  reaching  the  latter  place,  a  march  that 
was  usually  made  in  one  day.  He  had  started  his  supply-train 
on  the  3d,  expecting  that  the  oxen  would  be  recuperated  by 
the  time  of  his  arrival,  but  the  train  had  taken  five  days  in 
making  the  twenty-five  miles,  and  had  lost  twenty-seven  oxen. 
Reorganizing,  and  leaving  part  of  the  train,  he  pushed  on  to 
the  cafion,  which  he  struck  on  the  12th,  about  six  miles  above 
the  mouth.  On  the  night  of  the  11th  he  sent  out  Sergeant 
Andres  Herrara,  with  fifty  men,  as  scouts.  In  the  morning 
this  party  found  a  fresh  trail,  and,  following  it  rapidly,  they 
overtook  the  Indians  just  as  they  were  entering  the  cafion,  and 
attacked  them  ;  they  killed  eleven  and  captured  two  women 
and  two  children,  with  one  hundred  and  thirty  sheep  and 
goats.  On  the  13th  Carson  divided  his  force  into  two  com- 
mands :  one,  under  Captain  Berney,  was  sent  up  the  north 
side  of  the  cafion,  and  the  other,  under  Captain  Carey,  ac- 
companied by  Carson,  moved  up  the  south  side,  with  the  view 
of  ascertaining  the  topography  of  the  country  and  the  position 
of  the  Navahos,  if  they  had  undertaken  to  make  a  stand.  The* 
latter  party  found  and  captured  five  wounded  Indians  at  the 
scene  of  Herrara's  fight.  On  the  14th  they  returned  to  the 
mouth  of  the  cafion  and  found  Pfeiffer  there,  he  having  come 

*  Cnrson's  report  has  never  been  published.  I  quote  from  the  manuscript 
copy  on  flic  in  the  oflicc  of  the  War  Department,  at  Washington,  to  which 
the  department  has  courteously  afforded  me  access. 


462 


MASSACRES    01'   THE   MOUNTAINS. 


tliroHgli  tlie  oanuri  suecessfiilly,  witlioiit  any  casualty  to  his 
coiiiiuaiul ;  they  liad  killed  three  Iiuliaiis,  and  brought  in  nine- 
teen women  and  children  i)ri8oner8. 

While  returning  to  camp,  Carson  was  approached  by  three 
Indians,  under  a  Uag  of  truce,  who  asked  if  they  might  conic 
in  with  their  families  and  surrender.  lie  told  them  that  they 
might  if  they  came  by  ten  o'clock  the  next  morning,  but  not 
later.  About  sixty  came  in  by  the  appointed  time  and  acceded 
to  the  terms  of  surrender  and  removal  to  the  Bosque.  Says 
Carson :  "  They  declared  that,  owing  to  the  operations  of  my 
command,  they  are  in  a  complete  state  of  staivation,  and  that 
many  of  their  women  and  children  have  already  died  from  tiiis 
cause.  They  also  state  that  they  would  have  come  in  long  ago. 
but  that  they  believed  it  was  a  war  of  extermination,  and  tliaf 
they  were  equally  surprised  and  delighted  to  learn  the  contrary 
from  an  old  captive  whoiii  I  had  sent  back  to  tliem  for  tliit; 
purpose.  I  issued  them  some  meat,  and  as  they  asked  per- 
mission to  return  to  their  haunts  and  collect  the  rejuainder  of 
their  people,  I  directed  them  to  meet  me  at  this  post  [Fort 
Canby]  in  ten  days.  They  have  all  arrived  here  according  to 
promise,  many  of  them,  with  others,  joining  and  travelling  in 
with  Captain  Carey's  command.  This  command  of  seventy- 
live  men  I  conferred  upon  Captain  Carey  at  his  own  request, 
he  being  desirous  of  passing  through  this  stupendous  canon. 
I  sent  the  party  to  return  through  the  canon  from  west  to 
east,  that  all  the  peach-orchards,  of  which  there  arc  many, 
might  be  destroyed,  as  well  a  tlie  dwellings  of  the  Indians." 
About  three  thousand  peach-trees  were  destroyed  in  the  cafioii ; 
and  one  hundred  and  ten  Navahos  came  in  with  Carey's  com- 
mand. On  January  23  Carson  reported  the  results  of  the  ex- 
pedition as  follows:  "  Killed,  23 ;  captured,  34;  voluntarily 
surrendered,  200 ;  captured  200  liead  of  sheep." 

This  expedition  has  passed  into  the  realms  of  romance,  like 
many  other  events  in  New  Mexican  history,  and  the  facts  have 
been  lost  sight  of  in  the  rosy  coloring  of  imagination.  Illns- 
trativo  of  this  I  quote  the  following  from  a  popular  biography 
of  Kit  Carson,  that  is  introduced  by  what  purport  to  be  cer- 
tificates to  its  accuracy  by  such  well-known  New  Mexicans 
as  Colonel   Ceran   St.  Vrain   and  Judge  Charles  Beaubien : 


caSon  de  chi;llv  and  Hos(ii:K  kkdondo.        463 


COLONEL   KIT   CAISSON. 


"The  Niivajo  Indians  were  very  troublesome.  For  a  whole 
decade  they  had  defied  tlie  government,  and  now,  enlisted 
as  savage  cohorts  of  the  rebels,  they  were  especially  dan- 
gerous. They  numbered  several  thousand  warriors,  and 
roamed  over  an  immense  tract  of  country.  General  Carleton 
selected  Carson  to  command  two  thousand  picked  men,  con- 
bisting  of  Californiaiis,  Mexicans,  and  mountaineers,  to  oper- 
ate against  tliese  Indians.  The  campaign  was  a  most  brilliant 
one.  After  a  succession  of  skirmishes,  Carson  succeeded  in 
getting  the  enemy  into  a  bed  or  ravine,  and  had  his  own  forces 
so  disposed  as  to  command  every  approach,  and  in  doing  this 
compelled  the  surrender  of  ten  thousand  Indians,  being  the 
largest  single  capture  of  Tndianb  3ver  known.  The  entire 
tribe,  men,  women,  and  children,  was  disposed  of  by  this  mag- 
nificent operation.     This  greatly  increased  tiie  fame  of  the 


464 


MASSACRES  OF- THE  MOUNTAINS. 


tnountain  leader,  and  the  official  reports  to  the  War  Depart- 
ment very  justly  sounded  his  praises  in  flattering  terms,  but 
none  too  extravagantly."  This  leads  to  tiie  thought  that  if 
there  be  anything  more  unreliable  than  traditional  history  it 
is  written  history. 

There  is  a  generally  prevailing  iinpression,  in  regard  to  the 
results  of  Carson's  expedition,  similar  to  the  above  statement, 
and  possibly  derived  from  it.  The  great  success  of  the  expe- 
dition was  not  in  immediate  effect,  but  in  the  ulterior  results 
of  the  campaign,  which  Carson,  with  his  keen  foresight,  an- 
ticipated. He  said,  in  his  report  of  January  23,  1864:  "  But 
it  is  to  the  ulterior  effects  of  the  expedition  that  I  look  for 
the  greatest  results.  We  have  shown  the  Indians  that  in  no 
place,  however  formidable  or  inaccessible  in  their  opinion, 
are  they  safe  from  the  pursuit  of  the  troops  of  this  command, 
and  have  convinced  a  large  portion  of  them  that  the  struggle 
on  their  part  is  a  hopeless  one.  We  have  also  demonstrated 
that  the  intentions  of  the  government  towards  them  are  emi- 
nently humane,  and  dictated  by  an  earnest  desire  to  promote 
their  welfare  ;  that  the  principle  is  not  to  destroy  but  to  save 
them,  if  they  are  disposed  to  be  saved.  When  all  this  is  un- 
derstood by  the  Navajoes,  generally,  as  it  soon  will  be,  and 
when  they  become  convinced  that  destruction  will  follow  on 
resistance,  they  will  gl.idly  avail  themselves  of  the  opportuni- 
ties afforded  them  of  peace  and  plenty  under  the  fostering 
care  of  the  government,  as  do  all  those  now  with  whom  I 
have  had  any  means  of  communicating.  They  are  arriving 
almost  hourly,  and  will,  I  believe,  continue  to  arrive  until  the 
last  Indian  in  this  section  of  the  country  is  e/i  route  to  the 
Bosque  lledondo. '  This  prediction  proved  substantially  a  true 
one.  The  Navahos  came  in  so  fast  that  General  Carleton's  re- 
sources were  taxed  to  the  utmost  to  support  them.  By  Febru- 
ary 20,  750  had  surrendered  at  Los  Pinos  and  been  forwai'ded 
to  the  Bosque.  On  February  24,  1650  were  reported  surren- 
dered at  Fort  Canl)y.  On  February  24,  1300  more  were  re- 
ported from  Los  Pinos.  By  March  11, 1500  more  had  come 
in  at  Fort  Canby,  and  Carleton  notified  Carson  that  he  could 
not  take  care  of  more  than  one  additional  thousand.  By  July 
8,  there  were  6321  at  the  Bosque,  and  1000   more  at   Fort 


CANON  DE  CHELLY  AND   BOSQUE   KEDONDO.  465 

Canby.  The  war  whs  ovidently  ended  ;  Fort  Canby  was  or- 
dered abandoned  in  August,  and  tlie  troops  sent  into  Ari- 
zona. Carson  was  sent  to  the  plains  to  light  Kiowas  and 
(Jonmnches,  with  200  Ute  wai-riors,  who  had  volunteered  to 
go  if  allowed  what  they  could  capture. 

The  evil  qualities  of  the  removal  and  concentration  began 
to  show  as  soon  as  success  had  been  attained.  The  number 
of  iSavahos  had  been  underestinuited  by  Oarleton.  Carson 
maintained  that  there  were  at  least  12,000  of  them,  and,  if 
any  credit  can  be  given  to  subsequent  statistics,  he  was  right, 
but  Carleton  insisted  that  there  could  not  possibly  be  over 
8000;  there  must  not  be;  it  would  spoil  the  Bosque  system 
if  there  were.  The  greatest  number  ever  at  the  Bosque  Re- 
dondo  was  between  nine  and  ten  thousand  ;  the  remainder  of 
the  nation  lurked  in  their  old  haunts,  or  fell  back  to  the  des- 
ert regions  of  Arizona  and  Utah,  to  avoid  the  troops.  Of 
course,  under  the  system  of  voluntary  surrender,  the  worst 
Indians,  the  ones  whose  surveillance  was  most  desirable,  did 
not  come  in  ;  but  the  removal  of  the  others  left  them  plenty 
of  room  in  their  own  country,  and  this,  with  the  fear  of  the 
troops,  kept  them  quiet.  The  troops  attacked  them  when- 
ever they  met  them,  for  several  years  afterwards.  The  ex- 
pense of  caring  for  the  exiled  Navahos  was  very  great.  The 
New  Mexicans  offered  to  relieve  the  government  of  a  por- 
tion of  this  burden  by  a  system  of  "  binding  out,"  but  the 
offer  was  declined  ;  and  also  all  the  Navahos  who  had  been 
kept  at  the  army  posts,  "  for  whatever  ])urpose,"  were  re- 
quired to  be  sent  to  the  Boscjue.  There  was  difficulty  be- 
tween the  Navahos  and  the  Mescaleros  at  their  new  home. 
They  had  been  enemies  of  old,  and  there  was  nothing  to  bring 
about  a  reconciliation.  Their  customs  differed.  The  Mesca- 
lero  women  were  chaste,  but  had  no  part  in  the  control  of 
the  tribe ;  the  Navaho  women  were  very  dissolute,  and  exer- 
cised a  strong  influence  in  the  tribal  government.  The  Mes- 
caleroa  were  the  bolder  warriors,  but  they  were  lar  inferior 
in  numbers.  The  tribal  jealousies  were  aggravated  by  petty 
aggressions  and  hectoring.  The  Apaches  accused  the  Nava- 
hos of  tramplipff  down  their  crops,  and  otherwise  annoying 
them.     The  reservation  authorities  made  the  matter  worse  by 


466 


MASSACRES   OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


removing  the  Mesealeros  from  the  hind  they  liad  been  culti- 
vating, and  giving  it  to  the  Navahos.  The  Mesealeros  then 
<^laiined  the  fulfilment  of  the  promise  to  them  of  a  reserva- 
tion in  their  own  conntrj,  and  when  this  was  refused  they 
went  without  permission,  and  began  hostilities. 

Agriculture  at  the  Bosque  did  not  result  successfully ;  the 
crops  usually  promised  well  enough,  but  something  always 
spoiled  them.  One  time  it  was  drought,  another  cut-worms, 
another  bad  irrigation,  or  overflows,  or  hail-storms.  The  In- 
dians were,  of  necessity,  a  great  expense  to  the  government. 
The  cost  of  feeding  them  for  seven  months,  March  to  Sep- 
tember inclusive,  in  18(>5,  was  §-1:52,350.08.  The  cost  for  a 
year  previous  to  this  time  averaged  higher  than  this,  but  the 
exact  figures  cannot  be  given,  on  account  of  the  large  amount 
of  stores  transferred  from  otiier  departments  and  not  reported 
as  to  value.  All  this  time  it  was  well  known  that  they  could 
support  themselves  in  their  own  country.  The  principal 
cause  of  their  helplessness  in  their  new  homes  was  that  they 
were  a  pastoral,  not  an  agricultural,  people.  In  their  own 
country  their  chief  food  is  goats'  milk  and  the  roots  of  certain 
herbs  of  wild  growth.  Their  flocks  had  been  largely  destroyed 
during  the  war.  Tradition  puts  the  number  of  sheep  killed  by 
soldiers  at  fifty  thousand,  but  the  Navahos  say  that  the  Utes 
and  Mexicans  stole  the  greater  part  of  them.  The  Bosque 
did  not  afford  grazing  facilities  for  the  sheep  and  goats  they 
still  had,  and  these  gradually  decreased  in  number.  It  has 
been  proven  since  then  that  they  can  and  will  take  care  of 
themselves,  very  easily,  if  they  can  get  ample  pasturage;  and, 
unless  stock-raising  is  to  be  considered  a  less  civilized  pursuit 
than  agriculture,  there  is  no  reason  why  any  forcible  attempt 
should  be  made  to  change  the  natural  bent  of  their  industrial 
instincts. 

The  fitness  of  the  Bosque  Redondo  for  a  reservation  is 
something  that  has  been  the  subject  of  great  controversy  and 
of  misrepresentation  on  one  or  both  sides.  The  following 
description  of  it,  given  by  Captain  Thomas  Claiborne  in  1859, 
when  there  was  talk  of  establishing  a  military  post  there,  may 
fairly  be  considered  as  impartial:  "The  Bosque  Redondo  is 
an  elbow  of  the  river  [Pecos];  the  molts  of  cottonwoods  are 


caSon  de  chelly  and  hosque  redondo. 


467 


O  IS 

are 


mostl}'  on  the  left  bank  of  tlie  Pecos,  extending  for  perhaps 
six  or  seven  miles,  in  cliistors.  The  river  is  very  crooked,  and 
stretched  from  side  to  side  of  the  valley,  which,  midway  of 
the  Bosque,  is  two  miles  or  over  wide.  The  appearance  of 
tlie  Bosque  in  that  desert  country  is  very  agreeable.  The 
lower  half  of  the  valley  is  tillable,  the  upper  is  filled  with 
drift  sand.  A  secondary  mesa,  twelve  hundred  yards  wide 
and  a  mile  and  a  quarter  long,  lies  on  the  right  bank  of  the 
river,  about  midway  the  Bosque,  about  thirty  feet  above  the 
river-bottom,  and  is  curtained  by  sand-Iiills  about  twenty-five 
feet  higher  than  itself.  A  kind  of  red-top  grass  grows  in  the 
lower  bottoms,  mixed  with  bunch  grass;  the  hills  are  covered 
with  brown  sedge  grass;  the  mesa  above  spoken  of  is  well  cov- 
ered with  mesquite  grass.  The  water  of  the  river  is  bad  and 
the  surrounding  country  is  most  desolate.  The  place  is  alto- 
gether unfit  for  a  post."  That  the  water  of  the  Pecos  at  this 
point  is  alkaline,  and  charged  with  certain  salts,  is  unquestiona- 
ble; this  comes  from  the  Aqua  Negra,  which  debouches  into  the 
Pecos  at  Giddings's  Ranch,  above  the  Bosque.  The  water  of 
the  Aqua  Negra,  however,  has  always  been  used,  more  or  less, 
at  Giddings's  Ranch,  both  by  men  and  animals,  without  bad 
results,  thovigh  it  is  somewhat  diuretic.  Dr.  Warner,  physi- 
cian at  Fort  Sumner,  testified  that  the  water  of  the  Pecos  at 
the  Bosque  is  wholesome.  Caddte  (Gian-nah-tah),  the  Mesca- 
lero  cliief,  testified :  "  It  is  not  good,  too  much  alkali,  and  is 
the  cause  of  the  sickness  in  the  tribe  and  losing  our  animals." 
The  Xavahos  sometimes  said  the  water  was  all  right,  and 
sometimes  that  they  thought  it  was  bad,  but  they  always 
unanimously  expressed  a  preference  for  their  old  country. 

The  head  of  the  opposition  to  the  Bosque  was  Dr.  Mat- 
thew Steck,  a  well-known  settler  in  Xew  Mexico,  at  that  time 
Superintendent  of  Indian  Affairs.  lie  favored  giving  the 
Mescaleros  a  reservation  in  their  own  country,  as  had  been 
promised  them,  and  opposed  the  removal  of  the  Navahos  to 
the  Bosque.  lie  advocated  his  views  in  New  Mexico,  and, 
when  ho  found  he  could  do  nothing  there,  he  went  to  Wash- 
ington to  secure  the  same  ends.  Carleton  complained  bitterly 
of  this  attempted  interference  with  his  plans,  and  insisted  on 
the  enforcement  of  tlie  ultra-huinai^e  policy;  that  is,  on  com- 

30 


468 


MASSACRES   OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


pelHng  the  Indians  to  do  what  the  wliite  man  in  authority — 
in  this  ease  himself — may  think  to  be  best  for  them.  He  said : 
"  Dr.  Steck  wants  to  hold  councils  with  the  Navajoes !  It  is 
mockery  to  hold  councils  with  a  people  who  are  in  our  hands 
and  have  only  to  await  our  decisions.  It  will  be  bad  polit^^ 
to  hold  any  councils.  We  should  give  them  what  they  need, 
what  is  just,  and  take  care  of  them  as  children  until  they 
can  take  care  of  themselves.  The  Navajoes  should  never  leave 
the  Bosque,  and  never  shall  if  I  can  preveiit  it.  I  told  them 
that  that  should  be  their  home.  They  have  gone  there  M'ith 
that  understanding.  There  is  land  enough  there  for  them- 
selves and  the  Apaches.  The  Navajoes  themselves  are  Apaches, 
and  talk  the  same  language,  and  in  a  few  years  will  be  homo- 
geneous with  them."  He  was  pi'oven  to  be  mistaken  as  to 
the  two  tribes  becoming  homogeneous ;  whether  he  was  wrong 
in  other  regards  is  a  question  about  which  people  will  differ ; 
in  brief,  it  is  simply  the  question  whether  the  concentration 
policy  is  the  right  one — whether  it  is  better  to  place  Indians 
where  they  do  not  wish  to  be,  oblige  them  to  do  things  which 
they  do  not  wish  to  do,  and  force  them  to  abandon  the  pur- 
suits by  which  they  had  formerly  supported  themselves. 
General  Carleton  also  accused  Mr.  Steck  of  acting  from  inter- 
ested motives,  but  he  did  not  specify  in  what  regard. 

In  the  winter  of  1804-65,  the  Navahos  at  the  Bosque  were 
reduced  to. terrible  straits  through  the  destruction  of  their 
crops  by  cut-worms.  There  was  want  all  tiirough  that  por- 
tion of  the  country  from  various  causes.  Neither  the  War  nor 
the  Indian  Department  was  able  to  relieve  them  adequately. 
There  was  no  relief  from  natural  sources,  for  the  acorns,  ce- 
dar-berries, wild  potatoes,  palmillas  and  other  roots,  mescal 
and  mesquite,  on  which  they  could  rely  in  their  old  hotne  in 
times  of  famine,  were  not  found  at  the  Bosque.  Cattle  and 
sheep  were  issued  to  them  for  food,  "  head  and  pluck,"  and 
the  blood  of  the  slaughtered  animals  was  ordered  to  be  saved 
to  make  "haggis  and  blood-puddings"  for  the  orphan  chil- 
dren. To  add  to  their  distress  these  people,  who  make  the 
most  serviceable  blankets  in  tiie  world  and  usually  have  plenty 
of  them,  were  destitute,  by  the  ravages  of  their  enemies,  of 
both  blankets  and  clothing.    They  had  no  houses,  and,  as  sub- 


CASON   DE  CIIELLY   AND  BOSQUE   REDONDO. 


469 


stitutes,  holes  were  ordered  to  be  dug,  in  which  they  might 
be  sheltered  from  the  wind.  In  spite  of  all  his  efforts  and  in- 
genuity, General  Carleton  knew  that  they  nmst  suffer,  and,  on 
October  31,  1864,  he  directed  the  commandant  at  Fort  Sum- 
ner to  explain  his  good  intentions  to  the  Indians.  "  Tell 
them,"  he  said,  "to  be  too  proud  to  murmur  at  what  cannot 
be  helped.  We  could  not  foresee  the  total  destruction  of  their 
corn  crop,  nor  could  we  foresee  that  the  frost  and  hail  would 
come  and  destroy  the  crop  in  the  country ;  but  not  to  be  dis- 
couraged; to  work  hard,  every  man  and  woman,  to  put  in 


NEAR   TilK   HEAU-WATKI18   OK  TIIK    NAVAllO. 


large  fields  next  year,  when,  if  God  smiles  upon  our  efforts, 
they  will,  at  one  l»ound,  be  forever  placed  beyond  want,  and 
independent.  Tell  them  not  to  believe  ever  that  we  are  not 
their  best  friends;  that  their  enemies  have  told  them  that  we 
would  destroy  thom ;  that  we  had  sent  big  guns  there  to  at- 
tack them ;  but  that  those  guns  are  only  to  bo  used  against 
tiieir  enemies,  if  they  continue  to  behave  as  they  have  done." 
With  all  his  good  intentions,  General  Carleton  was  inex- 
cusable, under  analogy  of  the  laws  that  are  daily  administered 
in  every  state  and  territory  of  the  Union.     There  is  no  excuse 


470 


MASSACRES  OF  THE   MOUNTAINS. 


known  for  failure  under  snch  circumstances.  When  a  man  is 
restrained  of  his  liberty,  or  deprived  of  any  right,  for  tlie  pur- 
pose of  benefiting  him,  there  is  no  extenuation  except  he  be 
in  fact  benefited,  or,  at  least,  not  injured.  Good  intentions 
never  excuse  a  wrong ;  and  thongli,  as  a  war  measure,  placing 
the  Navahos  at  the  Bosque  may  be  justified,  keeping  them 
there  against  their  will,  in  time  of  peace,  is  clearly  an  infringe- 
ment of  natural  right.  Our  government  must  actually  bene- 
fit the  Indians  by  the  reservation  system  in  order  to  justify 
itself.  Still,  General  Carleton  stuck  to  his  theory,  and  said 
that  if  the  Navahos  were  moved  from  the  Bosque  at  all  they 
oiight  to  be  sent  to  Kansas  or  the  Indian  Territory.  In  18G5 
the  worms  destroyed  the  crops  again,  and  on  July  18,  after 
giving  directions  for  husbanding  all  food,  Carleton  instructed 
the  officer  in  command:  "You  should  tell  the  Indians  what  a 
dreadful  year  it  is,  and  how  they  must  save  everything  to  eat 
which  lies  in  their  power,  or  starvation  will  come  upon  them." 
The  Indians  had  been  slipping  away  from  the  place  in  small 
parties  since  midwinter  of  1864-05,  and  in  July  a  large  party, 
under  Ganado  Blanco  (White  Cattle),  broke  away  forcibly,  but 
tliey  were  pursued  and  driven  back.  In  August  Carleton  con- 
cluded to  let  the  few  Coyotero  Apaches  on  the  reservation 
return  to  their  own  country,  as  they  desired.  In  the  summer 
of  this  year  a  commission,  consisting  of  Senator  Doolittle, 
Vice-President  Foster,  and  Representative  Ross,  visited  New 
Mexico,  and  made  a  full  investigation  of  the  Indian  affairs 
there,  but  nothing  resulted  from  it. 

In  18G5  Felipe  Delgado  succeeded  Mr.  Stock  as  Superin- 
tendent; he  was  in  harmony  with  General  Carleton,  and  re- 
ported that,  "It  is  fair  to  presume  that  next  year  their  [the 
Navahos']  facilities  will  be  greater,"  etc.  He  had  the  good 
sense  to  recommend  the  purchase  of  sheep  for  them.  In  186G 
the  crops  failed  again — this  time,  as  Superintendent  A.  B. 
Norton  and  their  agent  reported,  from  bad  seed,  improper 
management,  and  overflows  of  the  Pecos.  There  were  re- 
ported to  be  7000  Indians  on  the  reservation,  and  the  cost 
of  keeping  them  was  estimated  at  $1,500,000  annually.  In 
1867  the  crops  failed,  from  bad  management  and  hail-storms, 
as  reported ;   the  Comanches  attacked  and  robbed  the  Na- 


CASON  DE   CHELLY  and  BOSQUE    REUONDO. 


471 


valios  several  times ;  and  many  of  tlieir  liorses  died  from 
eating  poisonous  weeds.  There  were  7300  Indians  reported 
as  on  tlie  reservation,  and  their  property  liad  become  reduced 
to  550  horses,  20  mules,  940  sheep,  and  1025  goats.  In  18G8 
Superintendent  Davis  reported :  "  The  Navahos  were  lo- 
cated several  years  ago  upon  a  reservation  at  the  Bosque 
Redondo,  by  the  military,  and  after  expending  vast  sums 
of  money,  and  after  making  every  effort  for  more  than  four 
years  to  make  it  a  success,  it  has  proved  a  total  failure. 
It  was  certainly  a  very  unfortunate  selection  for  a  reserve; 
no  wood,  unproductive  soil,  and  very  unhealthy  water,  and 
the  Indians  were  so  much  dissatisfied  they  planted  no  grain 
last  spring,  and  I  verily  believe  they  were  niaking  prepara- 
tions to  leave  as  the  Apaches  did." 

Fortunately  for  all  concerned.  General  Sherman  and  Col- 
onel Tappan,  Peace  Commissioners,  reached  New  Mexico  in 
j\fay,  1808.  They  satistied  themselves  that  the  Xavalios 
would  never  become  self-supporting  or  contented  at  the 
Bosque  Kedondo,  and,  on  June  1,  entered  into  an  agreement 
with  the  tribe  by  which  they  were  to  be  removed  to  their  for- 
mer country.  The  reservation  then  given  them  was  included 
between  parallel  37°  of  north  latitude  and  a  parallel  drawn 
through  Fort  Defiance,  for  north  and  south  lines,  and  parallel 
of  longitude  109°  30'  and  a  parallel  drawn  through  Ojo  del 
Oso,  as  east  and  west  lines.  The  Indians  were  to  receive  five 
dollars  annually,  in  clothing,  for  each  member  of  the  tribe,  and 
ten  dollars  for  each  one  engaged  in  farming  or  mechanical 
pursuits.  Each  head  of  a  family  was  entitled  to  select 
one  hundred  and  sixty  acres  of  land,  if  he  desired  to 
hold  in  severalty,  and  in  njch  case  he  was  to  receive  one 
hundred  dollars  in  seeds  and  implements  the  first  year,  and 
twentv-five  dollars  each  for  the  second  and  third  years. 
Buildings  of  the  vahie  of  $11,500  M-ero  to  be  erected,  and 
the  Navahos  pledged  themselves  to  com|)el  all  their  chil- 
dren between  the  ages  of  six  and  sixteen  to  attend  school.  A 
separate  school-house  and  teacher  was  to  be  provided  for  every 
thirty  pupils;  $150,000  was  to  be  appropriated  at  once  to  the 
Indians,  part  of  which  was  to  be  expended  in  the  purchase  of 
15,000  siieep  and  goats  and  500  cattle,  and  the  remainder  to 


472 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


be  used  for  the  expenses  of  their  removal  and  in  snch  other 
■ways  as  should  appear  most  beneficial. 

Under  this  liberal  treaty  the  tribe  was  removed  in  1868, 
and  since  then  there  has  been  a  continuous  improvement  in 
their  condition.  They  had  very  bad  luck  with  tlieir  crops 
for  several  years,  but  their  herds  increased  steadily.  By 
1873  they  were  reported  to  have  10,()U0  horses  and  200,000 
sheep  and  goats.  In  1872  an  Indian  police  force  was  or- 
ganized at  the  agency,  on  recommendation  of  Captain  Ben- 
nett, and  placed  under  command  of  Manuelito,  tiieir  war- 
chief,  providing,  for  the  first  time  in  their  history,  for  a 
control  vf  offenders  by  tribal  authority.  It  was  discon- 
tinued in  1873  for  a  short  time,  but  was  soon  put  in  force 
again,  with  beneficial  results.  A  few  years  later  the  Indians 
abandoned  it  on  account  of  the  small  pay  given  to  the  police- 
men. About  fifteen  men  are  now  employed,  and  they  appear 
to  be  all  that  are  needed.  In  1876  the  Navahos  were  report- 
ed as  self-supporting,  notwithstanding  they  had  lost  -10,000 
sheep  by  freezing  during  the  past  winter.  In  1878  their 
agent  said :  "  Within  the  ten  years  during  which  the  present 
treaty  with  the  Navahos  has  been  in  force  they  have  grown 
from  a  band  of  paupers  to  a  nation  of  prosperous,  industrious, 
shrewd,  and  (for  barbarians)  intelligent  people."  They  were 
reported  at  that  time  as  numbering  11,800,  and  owning  20,000 
horses,  1500  cattle,  and  500,000  sheep ;  the}'  were  tilling  9192 
acres  of  land,  and  obtained  ninety-five  per  cent,  of  their  sub- 
sistence from  civilized  pursuits. 

In  fact,  they  were  increasing  so  rapidly  that  there  was  an 
urgent  call  for  more  room,  and,  as  there  was  desert  land  to 
spare  in  all  directions,  it  was  given  to  them.  By  executive 
order  of  October  29,  1878,  there  was  added  to  their  reserva- 
tion the  land  between  the  northern  line  of  Arizona,  parallel 
110°  of  west  longitude,  parallel  36°  of  north  latitude,  and  the 
western  line  of  the  reservation.  Still  there  was  a  call  for 
more  land,  and  on  January  6, 1880,  they  were  given  a  strip  fif- 
teen miles  wide  along  the  eastern  side  of  the  reservation,  and 
one  six  miles  wide  along  the  southern  line.  In  the  latter  year 
three  windmill  pumps  and  fifty-two  stock  pumps  were  put  in 
at  different  points  on  the  reservation,  M'hich   liave  stopped 


MOQl'I  I'UKBLO. 


CASION  1)E  f!UELLY   AND  BOSQUE  KEDONDO. 


475 


mucli  of  their  wandering  in  searcli  of  water,  and  added  great- 
ly to  tlie  value  of  their  graziiig-lands.  Their  inarch  of  im- 
provement had  not  stopped,  and  in  ISS-i  the  nation,  estimated 
at  17,000,  cultivated  15,000  acres  of  land  and  raised  220,000 
l)ushels  of  corn  and  21,000  bushels  of  wlieat ;  they  had  35,000 
horses  and  1,000,000  sheep.  In  1884  the  reservation  was  ex- 
tended west  to  111°  30',  and  the  northern  boundary  was  made 
the  Colorado  and  San  Juan  rivers.  By  this  addition  the 
reservation  encloses  the  Moqui  Pueblo  reservation  on  two 
sides,  and  the  agencies  for  the  two  have  been  consolidated. 
This  order,  increasing  the  reservation  by  1,700,600  acres  in 
Arizona  and  Utah,  was  supplemented  by  one  taking  away 
40,000  acres  in  New  Mexico;  the  reservation  as  now  estab- 
lished includes  8,159,300  acres,  mostly  desert  land. 

With  their  advancement  in  wealth  the  Navahos  have 
made  but  little  progress  in  civilization,  and  their  condition  is 
one  that  might  well  call  for  more  extended  mission  work 
than  has  been  done  among  them.  The  government  is  main- 
taining an  industrial  school  at  pvesent,  and  the  Presbyterian 
Church,  to  which  hey  were  assigned,  has  established  a  mis- 
sion school  two  or  three  times,  but  it  has  been  discontinued 
through  the  failure  of  Congress  to  furnish  a  suitable  build- 
iiig.  The  Xavahos,  however,  have  repeatedly  asked  to  have 
schools  established,  and  the  Presbyterian  Board  of  Foreign 
Missions  has  recently  decided  to  establish  a  school,  whether 
the  government  complied  with  its  promises  or  not.  There 
were  twenty-five  reported,  in  1884,  as  being  able  to  read,  but 
tlie  report  is  not  very  reliable;  only  five  were  reported  as 
able  to  speak  English  in  1SS3.  Their  manners,  customs,  and 
religion  are  practically  unchanged,  except  that  they  have 
adopted  civilized  clothing  to  a  large  extent.  They  still  plant 
with  sharpened  sticks,  but  this  has  been  conceded  by  farmers 
to  be  the  best  way  of  planting  in  their  country ;  seed  must 
be  planted  deep  in  order  to  obtain  moisture  to  insure  growth, 
and  ploughing  only  makes  the  ground  dry.  They  never  wash 
their  sheep,  and  still  chop  the  wool  from  them  with  case- 
knives,  pieces  of  tin,  or  anything  else  that  will  cut,  obtaining 
about  one  pound  from  each  animal.*    Their  horses  are  seldom 

*  A  large  number  of  slicep-sliears  were  sent  to  thcin  in  1885,  and  will 
probably  be  used. 


476 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


used  except  in  travelling;  three  fourths  of  them  nro  never 
broken,  and  are  of  no  use  whatever,  except  in  the  purchase 
of  wives.  Attempts  have  been  made  to  introduce  improved 
looms  among  them,  but  the  women  adhere  tenaciously  to 
their  old  modes.  About  fifty  of  the  men  were  induced  to 
build  houses,  in  1884,  but  the  vast  majority  still  adhere  to 
their  temporary  ^o^rm*,  and  desert  them  when  a  death  occurs. 
Their  morals  are  as  loose  as  ever,  except  that  the  consump- 
tion of  liquor  has  decreased  materially.  These  arc  the  chief 
signs  of  advancement,  atid  yet  it  has  been  said  repeatedly 
that  the  Navahos  afforded  the  best  material  for  civilization 
among  our  Indian  tribes.  After  forty  years  of  our  guardian- 
ship they  are  still  barbarians — self-supporting  while  kept  sep- 
arate from  the  whites,  but  as  helpless  and  as  easily  swindled 
as  children,  except  in  the  most  ordinary  business  dealings, 
aiid  scarcely  better  fitted  for  the  duties  of  citizenship  than 
when  we  first  knew  them.  They  were  always  among  thieves, 
and  thus  far  Christianity  and  civilization  have  passed  by  on 
the  other  side.  Possibly  that  is  why  they  are  now  so  pros- 
perous. 


CIIAPTIR  XV. 
FORT   PHIL   KEARNEY. 

Until  tlie  close  of  the  War  of  the  Ilebellior.,  the  great 
northeastern  triangle  of  the  mountain  country,  lying  between 
the  co'ilinontal  divide  and  the  plains,  had  been  subject  to  lit- 
tle encroachment  from  the  white  man,  but  civilization  had 
been  pressing  up  about  it  on  all  sides.  On  the  east,  the 
Sioux  had  been  pushed  back  gradually  until  the  great  out- 
break of  18G2,  in  Minnesota,  and  then,  by  one  stroke,  forced 
into  the  confines  of  Dakota.  At  the  south,  the  mining  settle- 
ments of  Colorado  had  grown  populous  and  strong  enough  to 
entirely  dispossess  the  Indian.  On  the  southwest,  the  Saints 
had  planted  themselves  immovably,  and  converted  what  hunt- 
ing-grounds there  were  in  that  section  into  farms.  On  the 
west,  the  gold-hunters  had  crowded  up  to  the  continental  di- 
vide and  were  moving  down  its  eastern  slope.  They  had  ad- 
vanced from  the  Pacific  coast,  passing  from  one  ]>oint  to  an- 
other in  wild  stampedes,  as  new  discoveries  of  the  precious 
metal  were  made,  but  always  growing  in  numbers  and  always 
pressing  towards  the  east.  The  discovery  of  the  Colville 
mines  was  followed  in  1857-58-59  by  the  Frazer  Kiver  excite- 
ment, which  carried  a  large  population  into  the  Korthwest. 
Then  came  the  rush  for  the  Salmon  River  mines  in  18(!l-02, 
sending  the  adventurers  into  Southeastern  (Vashington,  to  such 
an  extent  that  in  1863  Idaho  was  organized  as  a  territory,  in- 
cluding the  new  settlements.  The  overflow  from  the  Salmon 
River  country,  across  the  divide,  began  in  18G1,  and  the 
prospectors  soon  found  ground  that  was  worthy  their  time  and 
attention.  In  the  following  year  the  wonderful  placers  of  this 
section  became  known,  and  there  ensued  a  rush  for  the  new 
Golconda  that  surpassed  anything  ever  known  in  the  North- 
west.    The  richness  of  the  mines  justified  the  great  immigra- 


ft 


478 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


tiou ;  it  is  estimated  that  the  phicers  of  Alder  Gulcli  alone 
produced  §50,000,000  of  gold  in  the  four  jeiirs  following 
their  discovery.  Helena,  Virginia  City,  Bozeman,  and  otlier 
camps  sprang  up,  with  populations  that  produced  nothing 
but  gold,  and  which  must  be  supplied  with  everything  else 
from  the  outside. 

There  were  two  ways  of  reaching  the  Montana  settle- 
ments from  the  East :  one  was  by  following  the  established 


^'1^^£^^S0^ 


riiOSl'KUTOISS    IN    THE    ilOLNTAlNS. 


emigrant  road  through  the  South  Pass,  to  Fort  Hall,  and 
thence  north ;  the  other  was  by  boat,  on  the  Missouri  and 
Yellowstone  rivers,  to  the  head  of  navigation,  and  thence 
through  tiie  country  of  the  Crows  to  the  mines.  Hoth  these 
routes  were  very  circuitous,  l)eing  over  five  hundred  miles 
longer  than  the  direct  road  which  was  physically  practicable, 
from  Fort  Laramie  to  Bozeman,  along  the  eastern  base  of  the 


FOIIT   PHIL  KKAUNEY. 


479 


Big  Horn  Mountains.  Several  parties  liad  gone  into  Mon- 
tana by  this  route,  which  was  at  first  called  "  Bozenian's 
lioute,"  and  afterwards,  when  definitely  located,  "  the  Mon- 
tana lload."  Besides  the  extra  distance,  the  South  Pass 
route,  wiiich  was  virtually  the  only  road  used  by  emigrants 
with  teams,  required  crossing  and  recrossing  the  continental 
divide,  a  very  considerable  hardship  to  the  way-worn  emi- 
grant. For  these  reasons  it  became  desirable  to  open  a  di- 
rect road,  and  preparations  for  it  were  commenced  in  1865, 
by  negotiating  with  the  Indians  for  the  right  of  way. 

The  country  through  which  the  proposed  road  was  pro- 
jcjted  belonged,  when  rirst  known  to  the  whites,  to  the  Crows, 
or,  as  they  call  themselves,  Absaroka  or  Upsaroka.  It  is 
sometimes  called  by  the  same  name  wiiich  is  then  translated 
"the  land,  or  home,  of  the  Crows.'  The  tribe  is  a  branch 
of  the  Dakota  family,  numbering  about  three  thousand  five 
hundred,  and  is  in  three  divisions;  the  Ki-kat-sa,  or  Crows 
jjioper,  commonly  known  as  the  Mountain  Ciows;  the  Alla- 
ka-weah,  and  the  Ah-nah-a-ways,  who  live  farther  to  the  east, 
and  are  termed  the  River  Crows.  These  Indians  are  tall, 
well-formed,  expert  horsemen  and  good  hunters.  The  fur 
traders  liad  troul)les  with  them  at  times,  and  gave  them  the 
reputation  of  rascals  and  thieves,  but  of  later  years  they  have 
been  faithful  and  honorable  friends  of  the  whites.  They 
had  all  the  lighting  they  could  attend  to  fiom  their  cousins, 
ilie  SiouN".  who  waged  relentless  war  upon  them.  On  this 
account  tliey  cultivated  the  friendship  of  the  whites,  from 
whom  they  could  procure  arms  and  ammunition,  and  even 
had  several  reputable  white  chiefs,  among  whom  were  the 
celebrated  Bridger  and  Beckwith.  By  the  time  that  the 
early  emigration  to  the  mountains  began,  a  large  portion  of 
the  southern  aiul  eastern  parts  of  the  northeastern  triangle 
had  been  deserted  by  the  Crows  as  a  habitation,  though  still 
held  in  common  with  the  Sioux  as  a  battle-ground  and  hnnt- 
inj'-irround.  i>v  1805  the  Sioux,  with  their  allies  the  North- 
ern  Cheyetmes  and  Arapahoes,  had  gained  control  of  these 
sections,  and  the  Crows  were  virtually  expelled  from  the 
country  east  and  south  of  the  Big  Horn  Mountains. 

That  part  of  the  country,  thus  gained  by  the  Sioux,  which 


480 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


lies  between  the  Black  Hills,  the  Big  Horn  Mountains,  and 
the  Yellowstone  River,  was  known  as  the  Powder  River 
country,  from  its  principal  stream,  whose  valleys,  together 
with  those  of  the  Tongue  River  and  the  Rosebud,  constituted 
the  best  hunting-ground  remaining  to  the  Sionx.  For  over 
thirty  miles  north  from  Fort  Reno  this  country  is  much  like 
the  great  plains,  with  little  vegetable  growth  except  sage- 
brush ;  north  of  that  it  is  more  fertile,  covered  with  grass, 
and  abounding  in  all  the  vegetable  growth  of  the  latitude. 
The  monotony  of  evergreen  forests  is  broken  by  groves  of 
cottonwoods,  willows,  ashes,  and  red-birches.  All  kinds  of 
berries,  with  grapes,  cherries,  and  plums,  grow  wild,  in  pro- 
fusion. The  streams  are  clear  and  wholesome,  instead  of 
muddy  and  alkaline,  as  in  the  lower  country.  This  beautiful 
region  extends  along  the  eastern  and  northeastern  bases  of 
the  Big  Horn  Mountains,  in  a  strip  of  varying  width.  Off  to 
the  northeast,  at  an  average  distance  of  perhaps  twenty  miles, 
begin  the  "bad  lands,"  and  the  country  takes  on  a  dreary 
and  desolate  aspect.  In  this  entire  region  large  game  was 
still  abundant.  The  most  extensive  herds  of  buffalo  yet  re- 
maining pastured  there.  Elk,  deer,  and  antelope  were  to  be 
met  with  everywhere.  The  terraced  buttes  were  the  favorite 
home  of  the  big-horn.  Bears  rioted  among  the  fruits  and 
berries.  Of  small  game,  such  as  rabbits,  grouse,  and  water- 
fowl, there  was  an  abundance  that  can  scarcely  be  imagined. 
Naturally  enough,  the  Indians  did  not  desire  to  lose  this  sports- 
man's paradise,  but  the  government  did  not  appear  to  know  it. 
It  was  the  era  of  peace — in  Washington.  The  Indians, 
in  the  annual  reports,  were  doing  nothing  but  defending 
themselves  from  tht  encroachments  of  lawless  whites.  They 
were  ready  and  willing  to  do  anything,  if  they  could  only  se- 
cure schools  and  churches.  Mr.  Bogy,  the  Commissioner  of 
Indian  x\ffair8,  sat  back  and  smiled  sarcastically  at  reports  of 
hostilities.  The  peace  people  were  busy,  working  themselves 
into  a  white  heat  ove/  the  wrongs  of  the  Cheyennes.  The 
entire  country  looked  contemptuously  on  the  strength  of  the 
red  men.  What !  we,  who  had  just  put  down  the  greatest 
rebellion  the  world  ever  knew,  to  be  terrified  by  a  few  half- 
etarved  Indians?    Oh,  no  I    The  army  was  cut  down  to  its 


FORT  PHIL   KEARNEY. 


481 


lowest  possible  figure,  and  much  of  it  was  employed  in  the 
late  insurrectionary  states.  Its  arms  were  chiefly  old-fash- 
ioned muzzle-loaders,  notwithstanding  the  wonderful  im- 
provements that  had  been  made  in  weapons  during  the  war. 
The  Indians  were  better  armed.  On  one  occasion  a  cattle 
guard  excused  themselves  for  not  firing  on  Indians  who 
were  attacking  their  herds,  because  the  Indians  had  revolvers, 
while  they  had  nothing  but  muzzle- loading  muskets,  and 
would  be  at  the  mercy  of  the  Indians  if  they  discharged 
them.  "  Judicious  men "  were  sent  out  to  treat  with  the 
Sioux  for  the  right  of  way  through  to  Montana.  They  met 
at  Fort  Sully,  and,  from  October  10  to  October  28,  made  trea- 
ties with  the  Minneconjous,  Lower  Ernies,  Two  Kettles, 
Blackfoot  Sioux,  Sans  Arc&,  Oncpapas,  and  Ogallallas,  by 
which  these  Indians  agreed  to  "  withdraw  from  the  routes 
overland  already  established  or  hereafter  to  be  established 
through  their  country,"  and  not  to  interfere  "  with  the  per- 
sons or  property  of  citizens  of  the  United  States  travelling 
thereon."  The  chief  striking  features  about  these  treaties 
were  the  small  number  of  signatures  appended  to  them,  and 
the  absence  of  names  of  prominence  among  these.  The 
Ogallalla  treaty  had  but  three  signers — Long  Bull,  Cliarging 
Bear,  and  Man  that  Stands  on  a  Hill — neither  of  whom,  as 
was  notorious,  liad  any  control  over  the  tribe.  In  the  mean 
time  General  Connor  had  marched  into  the  Powder  River 
country  to  chastise  the  Indians  who  declined  to  treat,  but  he 
had  little  success,  and  was  forced  to  be  content  with  establish- 
ing Fort  Keno  on  the  head-waters  of  Powder  River. 

The  matter  drifted  on  through  the  winter,  the  opposition 
growing  somewhat  less  during  that  annual  period  of  starva- 
tion, when  the  presents  from  the  Great  Father  looked  so 
much  more  enticing.  The  leader  of  the  anti-cession  party 
was  Red  Cloud  (Mock-peah-lu-tah),  who  was  at  that  time 
known  oidy  as  the  chief  of  the  Bad  Faces,  one  of  the  three 
bands  into  which  the  Ogallallas  wero>  divided.  He  was  a 
warrior,  not  of  hereditary  rank,  who  was  raised  to  the  leader- 
ship on  his  merits,  and  was  already  exerting  a  wide  influence. 
His  influence  was  largely  due  to  his  medicine  powers,  which 
were  not  of  the  ordinary  stripe.     In  common  with  many 


482 


MASSACRES    OF  THE   MOUNTAINS. 


Other  Indians,  he  professed  the  power  of  seeing  spirits,  but,  in 
excess  of  them,  he  ehvimed  direct  comtnunication  with  tlie 
Great  Spirit,  who  guided  him  in  all  matters  of  importance. 
Shrewd  in  all  things,  he  was  especially  keen  in  his  foresight. 
He  realized  that  the  building  of  the  road  meant  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  game  in  their  best  hunting-ground,  and  the  reduc- 
tion of  his  people  to  the  beggarly  condition  of  the  Indians 
who  hung  about  the  government  posts,  lie  bitterly  opposed 
the  treaties  from  the  first.  An  able  second  was  found  in  Ta- 
shun-kah-Ko-ke-pah  (Man  Afraid  of  his  Horses),  the  warlike 
chief  of  the  Ilonc-pah-te-lah  i)and  of  Ogallallas.  The  name 
does  not  mean  that  he  fears  his  horses,  as  it  is  often  under- 
stood, but  that  he  is  fearful  of  losing  them.  It  was  given 
him  because,  on  occasion  of  an  attack  by  the  Shoshonees,  he 
abandoned  his  family  in  order  to  save  his  herd  of  ponies. 

The  most  influential  of  the  chiefs  that  favored  the  trea- 
ties was  Spotted  Tail  (Sin-ta-Gal-les-sea),  who,  like  Ked  Cloud, 
was  not  of  hereditary  rank,  but  a  warrior  who  had  risen  by 
his  courage  and  ability.  He  and  his  coadjutor  Standing  Elk 
(As- hah -kah-nah-zhe)  will  be  remembered  as  among  the 
Brules  who  surrendered  themselves,  for  the  safety  of  their 
tribe,  after  the  battle  of  Ash  Hollow.  When  a  young  man  of 
twenty,  Spotted  Tail  quarrelled  with  one  of  the  boldest  and 
fiercest  chiefs  of  his  tribe,  about  a  young  girl,  whom  both  ad- 
mired. Meeting  one  day  alone,  outside  the  camp,  the  chief 
demanded  of  him  that  he  should  abandon  his  pretensions  to 
the  lady,  on  pain  of  instant  death.  The  young  brave  did  not 
stop  to  bandy  words.  Burning  with  rage  and  hatred,  he 
snatched  his  knife  from  its  sheath  and  defied  his  rival's  prow- 
ess. The  chief's  keen  blade  had  flashed  in  the  air  as  quickly 
as  his  own  ;  with  a  bound  ho  was  upon  the  presumptuous 
youth,  and  they  were  in  the  struggle  for  life  or  death.  A 
few  hours  later  an  Indian,  who  passed  that  way,  found  them 
locked  in  each  other's  arms  and  covered  with  gaping  wounds; 
the  chief  was  dead,  and  Spotted  Tail  was  senseless.  He  soon 
recovered  from  his  wounds,  and  at  once  rose  to  prominence. 
It  is  pleasing  to  know,  also,  that  he  married  the  girl  for  whom 
he  fought  so  well,  and  through  life  treated  her  with  such 
kindness  and  afifection  as  are  rarely  known  among  these  In- 


SPOTTED  TAIL. 


FORT  PHIL   KEARNEY. 


483 


dians.  On  the  death  of  the  head  chief  tlie  tribe  put  aside  the 
hereditary  claitnunts,  and  elected  Spotted  Tail,  by  an  almost 
unanimous  vote,  to  the  highest  command.  lie  had  proved 
an  able  chief  and  remained  friendly  to  the  whites,  but  at  the 
])resent  juncture  the  sentiment  against  the  road  was  so  strong 
that  his  authority  was  reduced  to  a  nominal  control,  even  of 
his  own  tribe. 

In  the  spring  the  commission  located  itself  at  Fort  Lara- 
mie, being  still  engaged  in  efforts  to  get  signers  to  its  treaties, 
and  especially  to  conciliate  the  Ogallallas.  The  idea  preva- 
lent among  officials,  both  in  the  East  and  the  West,  was  that 
there  must  be  peace,  and  accordingly  it  was  said  with  assur- 
ance that  there  would  be.  According  to  the  statement  of 
Special  Agent  Chandler,  "  Commissioner  Taylor  repeatedly 
asserted  that  he  was  sent  there  by  the  government  for  the 
])urpose  of  making  a  treaty,  and  it  should  be  accomplished,  if 
made  with  but  two  Indians," as  could  be  "proved  by  numer- 
ous officers  and  citizens  at  and  near  this  post,  who  heard  him." 
Every  effort  was  made  to  induce  the  Indians  who  opposed  the 
road  to  consent  to  it,  but  in  vain.  Colonel  Taylor  promised 
"  that  the  travel  on  said  road  should  be  coniined  strictly  to 
the  line  thereof,  and  that  emigrants  and  travellers  generally 
should  not  be  allowed  to  molest  or  disturb  the  game  in  the 
country  through  which  they  passed  ;"  but  this  offer,  so  evident- 
ly impossible  of  performance,  did  not  deceive  the  Indians,  and 
they  still  refused  to  treat.  So  certain,  however,  were  all  par- 
ties that  the  right  of  way  would  be  granted,  that  the  military 
occupation  of  the  country  began  while  the  negotiations  were 
pending.  Colonel  H.  B.  Carrington  was  ordered  up  from 
Fort  Kearney,  with  about  two  thousand  men,  of  whom  eight 
companies  were  assigned  to  the  new  route.  They  numbered 
about  seven  hundred  men,  live  hundred  of  them  raw  recruits. 
This  command  passed  through  Laramie  in  June,  while  the 
negotiations  were  going  on,  and  marched  directly  for  the 
Powder  River  country. 

As  soon  as  the  destination  of  these  troops  was  announced 
to  the  Indians,  Red  Cloud,  Man  Afraid,  and  their  followers 
withdrew  from  the  council  and  refused  to  return.  The  only 
ones  of  the  Prairie  Sioux  who  remained  and  agreed  to  abide 


vov 


MASSACRES   OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


l)y  the  treaties  were  the  Lower  Briiles,  with  a  few  stragglers 
from  other  tribes.  At  that  time  they  miinbered  about  two 
thousand  five  hundred,  but  a  year  hiter  Spotted  Tail,  Stand- 
ing Elk,  and  Swift  Bear,  the  treaty  chiefs,  iiad  with  them  only 
one  hundred  lodges,  mostly  of  old  women  and  squaws,  the 
young  men  having  gone  to  swell  the  ranks  of  Red  Cloud. 
Included  among  the  Indians  that  treated  was  the  mixed  band 
under  Big  Mouth  and  Blue  Nose,  which  had  lived  about  Fort 
Laramie  so  long  that  they  were  known  as  the  "  Laramie 
Loafers."  They  numbered  about  six  hundred,  but  less  than 
a  hundred  of  them  were  men,  and  more  tlian  a  hundred 
were  half-breed  children.  So  rapid  was  the  defection  of  war- 
riors to  the  hostile  camps,  that,  within  two  weeks  after  the 
passage  of  the  troops.  Spotted  Tail  and  Standing  Elk  told  the 
whites  that  their  young  men  had  left  them  and  gone  to  tiie 
Powder  River  country,  and  that  parties  who  went  far  from 
home  had  best  "go  prepared,  and  look  out  for  their  hair." 

The  commissioners  were  right  in  insisting  that  a  treaty 
should  be  made  and  the  road  opened.  There  was  no  existing 
treaty  with  the  Sioux  by  which  the  United  States  relinquished 
the  right  ot  opening  roads  through  their  country,  as  has  some- 
times been  stated.  Tlie  United  States  does  not  often  make 
treaties  of  that  kind  with  Indians,  and  it  is  doubtful  whether 
it  ought  at  all.  The  reason  for  the  law  of  eminent  domain 
extends  to  the  right  of  way  over  Indian  lands,  whether  re- 
served or  not,  as  it  does  to  that  over  tiie  property  of  the  citi- 
zen, and  the  Indian  should  submit  to  it  as  the  white  man  does. 
After  land  is  reserved  for  the  use  of  Indians,  however,  the 
law  of  eminent  domain  comes  in  conflict  with  another  dojrina 
of  public  policy,  which  is  that  tlie  Indians  should  be  kept 
separate  from  the  whites  until  they  become  civilized.  The 
damage  done  by  the  intrusion  is  hold  superior  to  the  benefit 
resulting  from  the  road,  but  in  siich  cases  right  of  way  is  al- 
most invariably  obtained  by  treaty.  When  a  new  railroad  is 
to  be  built,  it  is  pushed  through  the  country  with  very  little 
regard  for  the  feelings  of  property  owners.  It  may  spoil  the 
old  spring,  ruin  the  orchard,  and  wipe  the  beloved  homestead 
out  of  existence,  and  this  although  i»»  fact  the  road  may  be  a 
mere  speculation,  and  not  a  necessity  at  all.     To  this  the  white 


FORT   PHIL  KEARNEY. 


485 


tiiiin  imist  submit ;  wliy  then  sliould  a  much-needed  road  be 
loft  unmade  for  fear  of  spoiling  the  hunting-preserves  of  the 
red  man  ?  Certainly  the  Montana  road  ougiit  to  have  been 
opened ;  the  wrong  done  was  in  failing  to  report  the  actual 
feelings  of  the  Indians  to  the  government.  If  we  may  judge 
by  the  letters  of  Commissioner  Bogy,  he  was  in  absolute  igno- 
rance of  the  condition  of  affairs.  It  was  understood  in  Wash- 
ington that  the  treaties  were  properly  mnde  and  that  every- 
thing was  going  on  smoothly.  The  troops  received  assurances 
to  that  effect. 

The  detachment  for  the  Powder  River  country  was  mov- 
ing on.  The  soldiers  were  splendidly  furnished  with  ever}'- 
thiiig  except  arms,  ammunition,  and  horses.  iS'early  all  of 
them  were  armed  with  old,  muzzle-loading,  Springfield  mus- 
kets; though  the  regimental  band  had  Spencer  breech-loading 
carbines,  and  a  few  of  the  officers  had  Henry  r'fles.  Of  am- 
munition only  a  small  amount  was  taken  from  Fort  Kearney, 


UN    THK    UU^KMAN    TKAIL. 


48e 


MASSACRES  OF  THE   MOUNTAINS. 


in  the  expectation  that  a  supply  could  be  obtained  at  Fort  Lara- 
mie, but  un'fortunately  there  was  none  there  of  proper  make 
and  calibre.  There  was  no  cavalry  in  the  command,  and  only 
two  hundred  horses  available  for  cavalry  purposes.  On  these 
two  hundred  infantrymen,  armed  with  muskets,  were  mounted. 
Verily  this  expedition  was  on  a  strictly  peace  basis.  The  In- 
dians were  proceeding  on  a  different  theory.  On  the  morning 
after  the  command  reached  Fort  Ileno,  one  hundred  and  sixty- 
seven  miles  northwest  of  Fort  Laramie,  the  peaceful  Sioux 
ran  off  all  the  sutler's  horses  and  mules.  They  were  pursued, 
but  none  of  the  stock  was  recovered ;  the  only  thing  the  pur- 
suers captured  was  a  pony,  so  heavily  laden  with  the  presents 
recently  distributed  at  Fort  Laramie  that  he  could  not  keep 
up  in  the  chase.  On  July  14  the  troops,  who  had  then 
reached  Piney  Creek,  received  notice  from  the  Indians  that 
they  must  leave  the  country ;  that  Fort  Reno  would  not  be 
disturbed,  but  that  no  new  forts_ could  be  built.  On  the  next 
morning  the  new  fort  was  located  at  the  mouth  of  Little 
Piney  Creek.  It  was  named  Fort  Phil  Kearney,  in  honor  of 
the  distinguished  cavalry  officer,  though  the  orthography  does 
not  indicate  it.*  Preparations  for  defence  were  at  once  be- 
gun by  mowing  the  parade-ground  and  putting  up  signs  to 
"  Keep  off  the  grass." 

On  the  morning  of  the  17th,  at  daybreak,  part  of  the  post 
herd  were  stampeded,  and  the  party  that  went  in  pursuit  was 
surrounded  by  a  large  force  of  Indians,  who  killed  two  and 
wounded  three  of  the  soldiers.  Later  in  the  day,  the  same 
party  of  Indians  came  upon  the  travelling  trading  establish- 
ment of  Louis  Gazzous,  commonly  known  as  "  Frencli  Pete," 
an  old  trader  with  a  Sioux  wife,  and  killed  all  the  men,  six  in 
number.  From  that  day  until  the  29th,  five  emigrant  trains 
were  attacked,  fifteen  men  killed,  and  much  stock  run  off,  part 
of  it  from  Fort  Reno.  On  the  29th  Carrington  appears  to 
have  awakened  to  the  fact  that  the  hostile  Indians  were  doing 
some  damage.  He  telegraphed  the  Adjutant-general  of  the 
army,  on  that  day,  for  Indian  auxiliaries  and  additional  force. 
On  the  31st  he  requested  reinforcements  of  General  P.  St. 

*  Tlie  fumily  name  is  Kearny,  but  both  the  Nebraska  post,  which  was 
named  after  Stephen  W.,  and  this  one,  are  universally  spelled  Kearney. 


FORT  PHIL  KEARNEY, 


487 


In- 


was 


(leorgo  Cooke,  commanding  in  tlmt  district.  On  August  3, 
Fort  C.  F.  Sinitli  was  located  on  the  liig  Horn,  ninety-two 
miles  northwest  of  Phil  Kearney,  by  two  companies  sent  from 
the  latter  point.  During  August  the  hostilities  were  chiefly 
horse  and  cattle  stealing.  Only  three  men  were  killed  on  the 
line,  one  of  them  being  Grover,  the  artist-correspondent.  In 
the  latter  part  of  August  General  Ilazen  visited  and  inspected 
the  post.  He  stated  that  two  companies  of  regular  cavalry 
had  been  ordered  up  from  Fort  Laramie,  and  a  regiment  of 
infatitry  was  on  the  way  from  St.  Louis.  In  September  more 
than  a  dozen  men  were  killed  on  the  line,  about  five  hundred 
horses,  mules,  and  cattle  were  run  off,  and  five  mowing-ma- 
chines, with  much  other  property,  were  destroyed. 

During  all  this  time  active  work  was  continued  on  the 
fort,  which  was  being  constructed  on  an  extensive  and  elabo- 
rate plan.  Large  parties  of  men  were  kept  busy  cutting  tim- 
ber and  hauling  it  in ;  others  were  working  on  the  stockades 
and  buildings;  saw-mills  were  running  at  full  speed  ;  hay  was 
being  cut  and  stored  for  the  coming  winter.  The  timber  was 
cut  about  seven  miles  from  the  fort,  f.nd  the  men  detailed  to 
cut  and  bring  it  in  were  called  "the  wood  train."  It  was 
used  in  such  enormous  quantities,  and  so  much  of  their  time 
was  consumed  in  Indian  attacks  and  alarms,  that  from  seventy- 
five  to  one  hundred  men  were  employed  almost  constantly  in 
this  branch  of  the  work.  By  the  last  of  October  the  fort  was 
enclosed.  It  stood  on  a  little  plateau,  elevated  fifty  or  sixty 
feet  above  the  surrounding  bottom  lands,  in  the  point  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Little  Piney.  Its  length  was  sixteen  hundred 
feet,  northwest  and  southeast,  parallel  to  the  Big  Piney.  The 
northwestern  part  of  it,  or  fort  proper,  was  eight  hundred 
feet  in  length  by  six  hundred  in  width,  and  surrounded  by  a 
stuckade  of  heavy  pine  logs,  which  were  eleven  feet  long  and 
planted  three  feet  in  the  ground.  The  logs  were  hewn  to  a 
touching  surface  of  four  inches,  loop-holed,  and  pointed.  At 
the  eastern  and  western  angles  were  block-houses.  Enclosed 
in  this  stockade  were  quarters  for  the  troops,  cavalry  stables, 
store-houses,  and  a  few  other  buildings.  The  southeastern 
half  of  the  fort  was  of  the  same  length,  and  of  nearly  equal 
width,  where  the  two  parts  joined,  but  narrowing  to. about 


488 


MA8SACUi:.S   OF   TIIK   MorNTAINS. 


fctnr  liuiulrod  feet  at  the  sontlicaatorn  end.  It  was  enclosed 
in  a  r(tu<i;li  cottoinvood  stockade,  and  was  nscd  for  a  corral, 
teamsters'  (inarters,  stables,  shops,  and  similar  purposes.  The 
amount  of  work  in  all  this  was  very  great,  there  l)ein<;  forty- 
two  distinct  buildiiiiis  in  the  fort  proper,  while  the  stahlesand 
other  huildings  of  the  e(»rral  extended  entirely  around  it,  ex- 
cept at  the  <jates,  ahuttinj^  on  the  stockade. 

The  cf>untry  about  the  fort  is  hilly.  Some  six  miles  west 
of  it  tlie  r>ii;  I'iney  comes  tlown  in  a  northeast  course,  till  it 
passes  i'iney  Island;  then  it  turns  to  the  southeast  and  Hows 
in  a  direct  line  for  over  six  miles,  to  the  mouth  of  Little  I'iney, 
where  it  swerves  and  flows  away  almost  due  east.  North  of 
the  fort,  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  I5i<j^  I'iney,  is  Lodge  Trail 
liidge,  trending  iu)rthwest  and  6(»utheast,  and  forming  the  di- 
vide between  I'iney  and  I'eno  creeks.  The  latter  is  a  tri'Mi- 
tary  of  Goose  Creek,  which,  in  turn, Hows  into  Tongue  Iliver. 
East  of  the  fort  is  Little  I'iney  Creek,  then  a  few  low  hills, 
then  Starling  Creek,  and  beyond  it  Lake  De  Smet.  South- 
east of  the  fort  is  an  island  of  seven  or  eight  acres  in  Little 
Piney,  and  beyond  the  creek  rises  a  high  knoll  called  I'ilot 
ITill,  which  was  used  for  a  lookout  station.  South  of  the  fort 
are  two  or  three  hills,  and  then  the  i'ig  Horn  Mountains,  ris- 
ing in  successive  ridges  till  they  culminate  in  Cloud  Peak, 
miles  to  the  south.  To  the  west  is  Fort  Kidge,  seven  hundred 
feet  above  the  valley,  separating  the  head-waters  of  the  Pig  and 
Little  I'iney.  It  is  so  called  from  the  supposed  remains  of  an 
Indian  fort  on  its  summit.  Just  to  the  northwest  of  the  fort 
begin  the  Sullivant  Hills,  'vhich  extend  awav  in  that  direction 
to  the  Pig  Piney.  I'eyond  them  the  creek  is  divided  by  the 
large  islaiul  called  Piiioy,  which  was  the  jirincipal  place  for 
cuttinr  tind)er.  ]»eyond  the  creek  in  this  direction  are  Peno 
J  lead  ami  llocky  Face  Kidge,  two  branches  of  a  spur  of  the 
Big  Horn.  Petween  these  and  Lodge  Trail  liidge  are  the 
head-waters  of  Peno  Creek.  The  Montana  road  crosses  the 
country  described  from  southeast  to  northwest,  runnirig  south 
of  Lake  De  Smet,  north  of  Pilot  Hill  and  the  fort,  crossing  the 
Big  Piney  just  above  the  fort,  swinging  around  the  north- 
eastern slopes  of  Lodge  Trail  Ridge,  and  down  Peno  Creek. 

The  amount  of  work  done  by  the  force  at  Phil  Kearney 


FORT  rillL    KEARNEY. 


489 


was  astonnditig,  ])ut  the  Iiuliaii  fiirliting  was  limited,  and  of  a 
(lofciisivc  nature.  In  one  sense  it  was  rij^lit  enough  that  such 
shoiihl  liave  been  the  case,  for  Carrington  was  sent  out  to 
liuild  forts,  and  tlie  work  he  did  was  in  the  line  of  his  duty ; 
liiit  he  might,  at  least,  have  kept  scouts  enough  out  tr>  have 
known  when  thousands  of  warriors  were  in  his  inimediato 
vicinity.  The  men  were  obliged  always  to  go  armed  to  their 
work,  and  accompanied  by  an  escort  guard.     The  wood  trains 


TOKTUKK    UV    ritAlUlK    INDIANS. 

were  attacked  repeatedly,  in  the  woods  and  or?  the  road,  and 
several  men  were  killed  in  these  assaults.  Private  Johnson 
was  cut  off  from  his  party  and  no  trace  of  him  found  after- 
wards, which  was  almost  conclusive  evidence  that  he  had  been 
taken  alive  and  reserved  for  torture.  The  Sioux  have  an  un- 
pleaspnt  method  of  torture.  They  fasten  a  man,  naked,  to 
the  ground,  lying  on  his  back,  with  arms  and  legs  stretched 
out  and  fastened  to  pegs  ;  then  they  build  a  fire  on  his  stomach, 


490 


MASSACRES   OF  THE   MOUNTAINS. 


and  keep  it  up  till  he  dies,  occasionally  touching  a  burning 
brand  to  other  portions  of  his  body,  gouging  out  an  eye,  or 
otherwise  adding  to  the  agony  of  the  victim.  Private  Smith 
was  scalped  and  left  for  dead  in  the  pinery,  but  recovered  suf- 
ficiently to  drag  himself  to  the  block-house,  built  for  the  pro- 
tection of  the  axe-men,  there  to  die.  Two  other  private  sol- 
diers were  cut  off  near  the  same  place,  and  scalped  before  the 
eyes  of  their  comrades.  The  men  grew  impatient,  and  longed 
for  the  time  when  they  might  quit  carpenter-work,  and  seek 
revenge.  The  Indians  grew  bolder.  Sometimes  they  con- 
tented themselves  with  attacking  the  wood  train ;  sometimes 
they  rode  tp.ntalizingly  near  the  fort  and  challenged  the  sol- 
diers to  fight;  two  or  three  times  they  charged  the  picket 
that  was  kept  on  Pilot  Hill  to  watch  their  movements.  On 
these  occasions  a  shell  or  a  canister  would  be  dropped  among 
them,  and  the  guard,  which  was  on  duty  with  horses  saddled 
and  bridled,  would  rush  to  the  relief  of  the  threatened  watch- 
men. The  simple  expedient  of  placing  a  block-house  or  a 
small  stockade  on  the  hill,  which  would  have  made  the  picket 
perfectly  secure,  did  not  occur  to  any  one.  Carriiigton  said 
he  desired  to  assume  tlie  offensive,  but  wanted  reinforcements, 
and  these,  though  long-promised,  were  slow  in  coming.  The 
only  ones  that  reached  the  fort  at  all  were  sixty  men  of  Com- 
pany C,  2d  cavalry,  armed  with  Springfield  muskets  and  old- 
fashioned  Star  carbines,  who  arrived  in  November. 

Among  those  at  the  fort  who  were  impatient  for  a  fight  was 
Brevet  Lieutenant-colonel  William  J.  Fetterinan,  a  soldier  by 
birth,  instinct,  and  profession,  who  joined  the  command  at  the 
fort  in  November.  lie  had  his  first  opportunity  on  December 
6.  The  wood  train  was  attacked  two  miles  from  the  fort,  and 
forced  to  corral  for  defence.  Fetterinan  was  sent,  with 
thirty-five  cavalry  and  a  few  of  the  mounted  infantry,  to  re- 
lieve the  wood  party,  and  drive  the  Indians  across  Lodge  Trail 
Ridge,  in  which  direction  they  usually  withdrew,  while  Car- 
rington,  with  twenty-five  i^iounted  infantr}',  crossed  the  I3ig 
Piney,  to  intercept  the  Indians  on  Peno  Creek.  Fetterman's 
party  put  the  Indians  to  flight  and  chased  them  for  about 
five  miles,  when  they  faced  about  and  attacked  the  troops. 
Nearly  all  the  cavalry  fled,  leaving  Fctternian,  assisted  by 


FORT  PHIL   KEARNEY. 


491 


Captain  Brown  and  Lieutenant  Wands,  with  a  dozen  men,  to 
face  over  a  hundred  warriors.  They  stood  at  bay  until  Car- 
rington's  force  came  in  sight,  when  the  Indians  retired.  In  the 
mean  while  Lieutenant  Bingham,  joined  by  Lieutenant  Grum- 
luond,  with  two  or  three  men  from  Carrington's  command, 
jnirsued  a  single  dismounted  Indian  into  an  ambuscade,  two 
miles  from  the  remainder  of  the  troops,  where  Bingham  and 
Sergeant  Bowers  were  killed.  In  this  affair  Red  Cloud  com- 
manded in  person.  He  had  lookouts  on  all  the  neighboring 
hills,  signalling  the  progress  of  affairs,  and  it  is  probable  that 
he  had  planned  a  more  extensive  a:  buscade.  but  that  his 
plans  miscarried. 

The  Indians  made  their  arrangements  better  the  next 
time.  It  was  Friday,  Deeember  21,  1866.  The  morning 
was  bright  and  pleasant,  though  there  was  snow  on  the  hills. 
There  was  still  little  of  the  humdrum  of  army-post  life  about 
Fort  Phil  Kearney.  The  office  building  and  one  of  the  com- 
pany quarters  were  not  yet  finished,  and  there  were  touches 
to  be  added  -^t  many  points,  before  this  chief  architectural 
feature  of  the  Powtier  River  country  was  in  condition  to  ad- 
mit of  Indian  fighting.  A  force  of  some  ninetv  men  started 
to  the  pine  woods  for  more  material,  little  dreaming  that  the 
pine  woods,  the  ravines,  and  the  brush  coverts  all  around 
were  full  of  bloodthirsty  warriors.  About  eleven  o'clock  an 
alarm  was  given,  and  the  lookout  signalled:  "Many  Indians 
on  wood  road  ;  train  corralled  and  figliti:ig."  A  dotachmetit 
was  at  once  organized  for  tlu'ir  relief.  At  the  same  time 
Indian  pickets  v  ore  seen  on  the  neighboring  hills,  and  a  score 
or  more  appearc.l  at  the  crossing  of  the  Big  Piney,  but  these 
\.ore  quickly  dispersed  by  a  few  shells.  Colonel  Fetterman 
asked  permission  to  tak(  coiuMiand  of  the  relief  party,  which 
was  gra.ited.  Lieutenant  G/ummond  volunteered,  and  was 
])ut  in  charge  of  tlie  cavalry.  Captain  Fred  II.  Brown  joined 
of  his  ow;i  motion.  He  had  been  at  the  post  all  summer,  as 
regimental  (piartermastcr,  and  was  then  engaged  in  closing 
up  his  business  before  going  to  Fort  Laramie,  whither  he  had 
been  ordered.  He  was  an  enthusiastic  Indian-fighter,  and  was 
particularly  ambitious  to  gnt  Red  Cloud's  scalp.  Wheatley 
and  Fisher,  two  frontiersmen  who  were  at  the  post,  went 


493 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


with  Brown,  intiking  the  entire  party  eighty-four  men.  The 
soldiers  were  of  different  companies  ;  fifty  of  them  had  Spen- 
cer carbines  and  revolvers;  tlie  remainder  carried  Springtield 
muskets,  except  the  two  civilians  and  one  of  the  officers,  who 
had  Henry  riHes. 

The  corralled  train,  at  which  the  fighting  was  guing  on, 
was  south  of  tiie  Sullivant  Hills.  Instead  of  proceeding  di- 
rectly to  it,  the  command  took  a  course  back  of  these  hills, 
across  Big  Piney  Creek,  on  the  southwestern  slope  of  Lodge 
Trail  Itidge,  to  cut  off  the  Indians  who  were  attacking  the 
train.  As  they  moved  along,  Indians  appeared  on  their  front 
and  on  their  flanks,  retiring  before  them,  out  of  range,  aar  )S8 
Lodge  Trail  Ridge,  whose  crest  Fetternian  reached  tift-:^ii  • 
twenty  minutes  before  noon,  and  occupied,  with  his  nx'tn  de- 
ployed in  skirmish  line.  At  the  same  time  the  lookout  s'g- 
nalled  that  the  Indians  iiad  left  the  train,  which  hud  broken 
corral  and  moved  on  towards  Piney  Island.  The  train  re- 
turned to  the  fort  after  dark  witliout  having  been  subjected 
to  any  further  annoyance.  Fetterman's  halt  on  the  crest  of 
Lodge  Trail  Kidge  was  of  very  brief  duration.  His  men  dis- 
av)peared  over  the  summit  and  firing  began  soon  after,  which 
grew  more  and  more  rapid  until,  at  noon,  there  was  an  almost 
continuous  rattle  of  musketry.  This  was  heard  ])lainly  at  the 
fort,  and  conveyed  the  intelligence  that  a  hard  light  was  in 
progress  in  Peno  Creek  Valley.  The  people  at  the  fort  grew 
anxious.  Surgeon  Ilines,  with  one  man,  was  sent  to  the 
wood  train,  witii  instructions,  if  it  were  safe,  to  juin  Fetter- 
man.  He  found  the  wood  train  undisturbed,  and  started 
across  the  country  to  Peno  Creek,  but  found  iiia*!iy  Indians 
on  Lodge  Trail  llidge,  preventing  him  from  further  progress. 
He  went  back  for  reinforcements,  and  Captain  Ten  Eyck, 
with  seventy-six  men,  all  that  wore  considered  available,  was 
sent  out.  The  anxiety  of  all  who  were  on  the  fort  side  of 
the  ridge  was  intense.  Tlie  relief  party  galloped  on,  but  they 
seemed  to  crawl.  Instead  of  taking  the  road  they  went 
straight  to  the  ridge  and  ascended  it.  The  firing  was  he- 
coming  less  and  less  in  volume.  Who  was  giving  way? 
What  was  silencing  tiie  guns?  They  knew  at  the  fort  wliich 
side  had  a  small  supply  of  ammunition.      Just   before  Ten 


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FORT   PHIL   KEARNEY. 


495 


Eyck  reached  the  summit  of  the  ridge,  at  a  quarter  before 
one  o'clock,  two  or  three  straggh'ng  shots  were  fired  in  tlje 
valley  beyond;  after  that  came  silence.  The  struggle  was 
evidently  ended. 

The  relief  party  looked  from  the  summit  over  the  valley 
of  Peno  Creek.  No  soldiers  were  to  be  seen.  The  whole 
valley  was  filled  with  frenzied  savages,  who  shook  their  weap- 
ons at  the  new  arrivals,  and  challenged  them  to  come  down. 
A  sergeant  was  despatched  to  the  fort  to  report  the  situation 
and  ask  for  a  howitzer,  which  was  not  sent.  For  some  cause, 
probably  their  losses,  the  Indians  then  began  to  withdraw 
from  the  valley  of  their  own  accord,  and  the  relief  party  de- 
scended to  the  battle-field.  The  fight  had  taken  place  on  a 
little  ridge,  three  quarters  of  a  mile  in  length,  five  to  six  miles 
from  the  fort,  on  the  east  side  of  Per.  Creek,  running  parallel 
to  it  and  to  Lodge  Trail  llidge,  but  beyond  the  latter.  The 
road  runs  along  its  summit,  rising  to  it  opposite  the  north- 
western extremity  of  Lodge  Trail  Ridge.  Just  beyond  this 
point,  on  the  road,  a  large  number  of  Indians  had  been  closely 
grouped  when  Ten  Eyck's  party  first  came  in  view,  and  here 
was  the  first  intelligence  of  the  ill-fated  command  which 
rode  so  gallantly  from  the  fort  but  two  hours  before.  Clus- 
tered on  a  space  less  than  forty  feet  square  were  the  bodies 
of  Captain  Brown,  Colonel  Fetterman,  and  sixty-five  of  the 
men.  A  more  horrible  sight  could  not  be  imagined.  They 
were  stripped  naked,  scalped,  and  so  terribly  gashed  and 
mangled  as  to  be  almost  unrecognizable.  Years  afterwards 
tlic  Sioux  showed  a  rough,  knotty  war -club  of  burr -oak, 
driven  full  of  nails  and  spikes,  wliich  had  been  used  to  beat 
their  braitis  out.  It  was  still  covered  with  brains  and  hair, 
glued  to  it  in  clotted  blood.  But  with  all  the  mutilation 
there  were  no  signs  of  a  struggle  here.  No  empty  cartridge 
shells  were  found  around  the  bodies,  though  there  were  a  few 
full  cartridges.  A  few  yards  away  the  bodies  of  several  of 
their  horses  were  found,  all  heading  towards  the  fort.  All 
the  appearances  indicated  that  they  had  been  suddenly  over- 
whelmed by  a  rush  of  greatly  superior  numbers.  Bullet- 
lioles  through  the  left  temples  of  Colonel  Fetterman  and 
Captain  Brown,  from  weapons  held  so  close  that  the  powder 


496 


MASSACRES  OF  THE   MOUNTAINS. 


had  burned  into  their  faces,  showed  that  tliesc  officers  had 
"saved  a  shot  for  themselves,"  as  they  liad  often  said  they 
would  do,  rather  than  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  Indians. 

A  messenger  was  sent  to  the  fort  tor  wagons,  and  his  re- 
port, thongh  meagre  and  indefinite,  caused  the  hearts  of  the 
garrison  to  sink.  After  dark  Ten  Eyek's  party  returned, 
bringing  forty-nine  of  the  bodies,  and  the  announcement  that 
all  were  killed.  No  advance  had  been  made,  however,  be- 
yond the  point  where  the  bodies  lay  grouped,  so  that,  while 
reasonably  certain  of  the  deatii  of  the  others,  there  was  no  ab- 
solute assurance.  The  painfulnet;s  of  the  uncertainty  was  in- 
creased by  the  fact  that  among  the  bodies  still  unaccounted 
lor  was  that  of  J.,ieutenant  (Jrunimond,  the  only  married  man 
of  the  detachment,  whose  wife  was  at  the  fort  and  in  delicate 
health.  The  iiiglit  of  mourning  and  suspense  pas.sed  away, 
and  morning  came.  A  party  went  out  to  learn  the  fate  of 
the  remaining  members  of  Fetterman's  command.  They  ad- 
vanced cautiuusly  to  the  point  gained  on  the  day  before,  and 
then  on  down  the  ridge.  On  the  road,  a  quarter  of  a  mile  or 
more  beyond  the  first  j)ile  of  bodies,  was  found  the  corpse  of 
Lieutenant  (irummond.  Still  beyond,  where  the  road  made 
its  abr"pt  descent  to  I'eno  Creek,  were  found  the  remains  of 
half  a  dozen  of  the  oldest  and  most  experienced  soldiers,  with 
many  empty  cartridge  shells  scattered  about  them  ;  and  a  lit- 
tle to  one  side,  behind  a  pile  of  rocks,  were  the  bodies  of 
Wheatley  and  Fisher,  with  more  than  fifty  empty  shells  by 
their  sides,  telling  that  they  had  not  died  tamely.  Within  a 
few  hundred  feet  in  front  of  this  position  were  found  ten 
dead  ponies  aiul  sixty-five  great  gouts  of  blood,  which  had 
flowed  from  the  death -wounds  of  as  many  Indians.  No 
ponies  and  no  blood-spots  were  found  elsewhere.  The  bodies 
here  were  scalped  and  mutilated  as  the  others,  the  mutilations 
being  so  shocking  that  they  have  never  been  made  public, 
further  than  the  general  announcement  that  the  bodies  were 
gashed  with  knives,  chopped  with  hatchets,  and  shot  full  of 
arrows;  the  rest  is  covered  up  in  the  statement  that,  "  Xo 
such  mutilation  is  on  record."  The  bodies  were  brougiit  in, 
and  lay  in  glu^ptly  array  until  the  ne.\t  Wednesday.  The 
weather  turned  so  intensely  cold,  on  the  night  after  the  mas- 


ill  of 
Xo 

it  in, 
The 
mas- 


FORT  rillL  KEARNEY. 


499 


sacre,  that  tlie  men  who  were  digging  the  great  grave  for  this 
lieap  of  slain  had  to  be  relieved  every  half- hour,  and  the 
work  went  but  slowly.  On  Wednesday  they  were  laid  away 
in  their  common  resting-place,  fifty  feet  long  and  seven  feet 
deep,  in  the  little  cemetery  at  the  foot  of  Pilot  Hill. 

Just  what  happened  after  Fettcrman's  command  passed 
tiie  top  of  Lodge  Trail  liidge  no  one  can  say,  for  no  man 
lived  to  tell  it.  The  movement  was  in  disobedience  of  or- 
ders, a.s  directions  were  given,  at  least  twice,  not  to  pass  the 
ridge.  No  one  is  left  to  tell  why  those  orders  were  disobeyed, 
or  how  the  snare  was  closed  about  the  gallant  band,  or  who 
attempted  to  fly,  or  who  fought  doggedly  to  the  death.  As 
read  in  the  position  of  corpses,  the  record  of  cartridge  shells, 
and  the  register  of  blood -stains,  and  confirmed  i)y  the  In- 
dians, it  would  seem  that  Fetterman  moved  down  to  the  road 
with  little  resistance;  that  he  advanced  up  the  ridge  beyond 
Peiio  Creek,  leaving  a  part  of  his  force  at  the  crest  to  guard 
his  rear,  and  followed  down  the  road  with  the  remainder; 
that  at  the  farther  end  of  the  ridge  the  battle  raged  for  al- 
most an  liour ;  that  "intime  a  large  force  of  the  Indians, 
who  numberv-d  about  two  thousand,  gathered  in  his  rear  at  the 
other  end  of  the  ridge;  that  the  ammunition  of  the  majority 
of  the  soldiers  became  exhausted ;  that  a  retreat  was  deter- 
mined on  ;  that  Wheatley,  Fisher,  and  five  or  six  of  the  older 
soldiers  decided  to  remain  where  they  were,  either  from  the 
knowledge  that  retreat  under  such  circumstances  was  certain 
death,  or  from  a  voluntary  determination  to  stay  behind  and 
"stand  off"  the  Indians  until  the  others  escaped;  that  the 
remainder,  as  they  rode  back,  found  themselves  suddenly  con- 
fronted by  a  force  that  made  escape  impossible;  that  Brown 
and  Fetterman  shot  each  other,  and  the  rest  were  cut  down 
by  the  savages.  Only  six  of  the  entire  commar.d  appeared 
to  have  been  killed  by  bullets,  a  fact  which  indicates  that 
their  ammunition  had  been  expended,  and  that  the  Indi..ns 
could  not  be  kept  from  coming  to  close  quarters. 

The  Indians  say  that  this  massacre  was  accomplished  by  a 
special  expedition,  organized  among  the  Minneconjous,  under 
the  direction  of  their  head  chief.  High  Back  Bone.  It  was 
their  intention  to  kill  all  of  the  garrison  and  destroy  the  fort, 


500 


MASSACRES  OF   THE   MOUNTAINS. 


their  hope  being  to  decoy  nearly  all  of  the  soldiers  out,  and,  hav- 
ing massacred  them,  to  attack  the  great  stockade  on  all  sides, 
as  a  small  force  would  be  unable  to  defend  it.  In  addition 
to  the  Minneconjons,  nearly  all  the  warriors  of  the  Upper 
Brules,  Ogallallas,  Sans  Arcs,  Oiicpapas,  Two  Kettles,  Black- 
foot  Sioux,  Northern  Clieyennes,  and  Arapahoes,  and  strag- 
glers from  several  other  tribes,  were  on  the  war-path  at  the 
time,  but  only  a  part  of  them  engaged  in  this  affair.  The 
party,  as  stated  by  the  Indians,  was  composed  of  350  lodgc^ 
of  Minneconjons,  100  lodges  of  Cheyennes,  100  of  Arapahoes, 
3  of  Crows,  and  a  part  of  the  Ogallallas  and  I'rulus,  num- 
bering in  all  about  2000  warriors.  It  will  be  observed 
that  the  percentage  of  warriors  to  a  lodge,  in  a  war-party,  is 
much  greater  than  under  ordinary  circumstances.  When 
out  for  war  the  old  men  and  women  are  left  at  home  with  the 
younger  children.  Only  active  squaws,  and  children  old 
enough  to  be  of  service,  accompany  a  war-party  at  any  time, 
and  very  frequently  only  warriors  go.  The  Indians  say  that 
Red  Cloud  was  not  in  the  attack,  but  had  gone  towards  Fort 
Buford  with  his  own  band,  the  Oncpapas,  and  the  others. 
They  concede  a  loss  of  four  Minneconjons,  three  Brules, 
three  Ogallallas,  one  Cheyenne,  and  one  Arapaho,  killed,  and 
about  sixty  wounded,  of  whom  several  died  and  many  were 
permanently  maimed.  They  lost  twelve  horses  killed,  and 
Hfty-si.\  so  severely  wounded  that  they  died  within  twenty- 
four  hours.  This  estimate  is  unquestionably  below  the  real- 
ity. There  is  scarcely  a  doubt  that  each  of  the  sixty-five 
blood-spots  on  the  field  meant  a  dead  Indian.  Wounded  In- 
dians leave  a  battle-field  with  wonderful  celerity,  and  one  who 
cannot  move,  until  he  has  bled  freely,  may  safely  be  counted 
as  dead  or  mortall}'  wounded. 

The  tragedy  was  over,  but  who  was  to  be  blamed  for  it. 
There  was  a  murmur  from  all  the  land,  partly  of  rage  against 
the  Indians,  and  partly  of  disapproval  of  the  military  mis- 
management that  had  made  such  a  slaughter  possible.  A 
thorough  investigation  was  ordered  by  General  Grant.  Tlio 
off-hand  impression  was  that  the  officer  commanding  at  the 
post  was  in  fault.  He  was  at  once  superseded  by  Brevet  Brig- 
adier-general Wessels,  then  commanding  at  Fort  Reno,  wlio 


I'OUT  I'HIL  KEAliNEY. 


5U1 


Iiatl  orders  to  investigate.  There  was  much  said  about  Car- 
rington  at  the  time  tiiat  was  unjust  and  absurd — so  much  that 
it  enabled  liini  to  po.se  us  a  martyr  later  on.  The  most  re- 
markable statement  was  made  by  Indian  Comniissiouer  Uogy, 
who  hastened  to  explain  the  affair  without  waiting  to  learn 
the  facts,  lie  demonstrated  that  the  Indian  force  must  have 
been  small ;  that  the  only  hostiles  in  that  part  of  the  country 
were  a  part  of  the  Ogallallas,  under  lied  Cloud,  with  a  few 
individuals  from  other  tribes;  that  the  idea  of  the  wood  train 
being  attacked  by 
three  hundred  war- 
riors, on  December 
C,wa8  preposterous ; 
that  the  statement 
that  they  chal- 
lenged the  troops 
to  light  was  a  wild 
absurdity ;  that  the 
only  things  that 
made  the  report 
credible  at  all  were 
the  corpses  of  the 
soldiers,  which 
seemed  to  be  in 
conflict  with  his 
theory.  He  ac- 
counted for  them 
thus:  "These  In- 
dians, being  in  ab- 
solute want  of  guns  and  ammunition  to  make  their  winter  hunt, 
were  on  a  friendly  visit  to  the  fort,  desiring  to  communi  .u 
with  the  commanding  officer,  to  get  the  order  refusing  .:  .  i,i 
guns  and  ammunition  rescinded,  so  that  they  might  be  en- 
abled to  procure  their  winter  supply  of  buffalo.  ...  I  regret 
the  unfortunate  death  of  so  many  brave  soldiers,  yet  there 
can  be  no  doubt  that  it  is  owing  to  the  foolish  and  rash  man- 
agement of  the  officer  in  command  at  that  post." 

The  matter  of  guns  and  ammunition  was  referred  to  be- 
cause, in  the  preceding  autumn.  General  Sherman  had  or- 

32* 


llED   CLOUD. 


502 


MASSACKES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


doi'cd  Indian  traders  to  diseontiiuiu  the  ealu  of  weapons  and 
ammunition  to  tlio  Indians.  This  procedure  raised  tiio  wrath 
of  the  Indian  riiij^,  for  the  greatest  profit  in  the  Indian  trade 
is  from  this  source.  Commissioner  Boj;y  exphiined  how  cruel 
atjd  unnecessary  the  order  was,  as  follows:  "Xo  Indian  will 
buy  two  guns.  One  he  absolutely  needs ;  and  as  he  has  no 
means  of  taking  care  of  powder,  he  necessarily  will  take,  when 
offered  to  him,  but  a  very  limited  (puuitity.  It  is  true  that 
formerly  they  hunted  with  bows  and  arrows,  killing  butlalo, 
antelope,  and  deer  with  the  same;  but  to  hunt  successfully 
with  bows  and  arrows  requires  horses,  and  as  the  valleys  of 
thai  [the  Powder  liiver)  country  are  now  more  or  less  tilled 
with  white  men  prospecting  for  gold  and  silver,  their  means 
of  subsisting  their  horses  have  passed  away,  and  they  now 
have  but  few  horses.  I  mention  these  facts  so  as  to  place  be- 
fore the  country,  as  briefly  as  possible,  the  condition  as  well 
as  the  wants  of  the  Indians."  This  statement,  made  so  • 
tively  by  Mr.  Bogy,  needs  some  correction.  At  that 
and  for  years  before  and  afterwards,  every  plains  Indian  wo..iU 
buy  as  many  guns  and  revolvers  as  jjossible,  and  would  take 
all  the  ammunition  he  could  get.  Bows  and  arrows  were  still 
their  favorite  weapons  for  hunting  buffalo,  and  were  always 
carried,  no  matter  how  well  armed  they  were  otherwise. 
There  were  no  white  men  prospecting  in  either  the  valleys 
or  hills  of  the  Powder  River  country,  and  the  Indians  had 
as  many  horses  as  ever,  besides  what  they  had  stolen  from 
the  whites.  Otherwise  Mr.  Bogy's  statement  appears  proper 
enough.  Ills  theories  about  the  Fetterman  massacre  are 
equally  correct.  His  proposed  remedy  for  any  evil  that  might 
exist  was  to  send  out  "a  commission  of  judicious  men." 

The  press,  as  usual,  gave  circulation  to  numerous  wild  sto- 
ries concerning  the  affair,  and  made  impossible  pictures  of 
the  massacre.  One  even  went  so  far  as  to  report  that  the 
massacred  men  fell  at  the  gates  of  the  fort,  begging  for  as- 
sistance, while  the  people  on  the  inside  dared  not  open  the 
gates  for  fear  the  Indians  would  rush  in.  The  commission 
which  investigated  the  matter  exonerated  Carrington  alto- 
gether, and  the  responsibility  drifted  over  to  his  superior  of- 
ficer, General  Cooke,  commanding  in  the  Department  of  the 


FORT  IMIIL   KEAUNEV. 


503 


I*Iatte  ;  at  least,  the  latter  was  relieved  by  General  Aiignr 
Booii  afterwanis.  (Harrington  was  a  good  enough  civil  engi- 
neer, but  he  was  a  dress-parade  style  of  officer,  who  would 
have  been  more  in  place  as  a  teacher  in  a  military  school. 
He  built  a  very  nice  fort,  but  every  attack  made  on  him  and 
his  men,  during  the  building,  was  a  surprise.  There  is  noth- 
ing to  indicate  that  he  ever  knew  whether  there  were  a  thou- 
sand or  oidy  a  hundred  Indians  within  a  mile  of  the  fort, 
lie  seems  to  have  disapproved  of  Indians.  Perhaps  he  would 
have  ostracized  them  st)cially,  if  he  could  have  had  his  way. 
It  is  no  excuse  for  this  want  of  watchfulness  to  say  that  he 
liad  asked  for  reinforcements  and  not  received  them.  He 
might  have  spared  men  enough  from  some  of  the  ornamental 
work  about  the  fort  to  have  attended  to  that.  Besides,  ho 
had  been  authorized,  on  August  11,  to  enlist  fifty  Indian 
scouts,  on  cavalry  pay  and  allowances.  The  fact  is,  that  re- 
inforcements were  not  asked  for  the  purpose  of  defending 
the  fort  and  the  work  about  it,  but  for  an  expedition  of  of- 
fence that  had  been  instructed  by  General  Cooke.  There  is 
nothing  to  show  that  Carrington  apprehended  any  danger 
near  the  jiost.  On  December  19  he  telegraphed  Fort  Lara- 
mie: "No  special  news  since  last  report.  Indians  appeared 
to-day  and  fired  on  wood  train,  but  M'ere  repulsed.  They  are 
accomplishing  nothing,  while  I  am  perfecting  all  details  of 
the  post  and  preparing  for  active  movements."  That  was  all 
lie  said — no  call  for  reinforcements ;  no  worry  about  arms ; 
all  complacency  and  promise.  Two  days  later  he  telegraphed  : 
"  Do  Stud  me  reinforcements  forthwith.  Expedition  now  with 
my  force  impossible.  ...  I  Iiear  nothing  of  my  arms  that 
left  Leavenworth  September  15.  The  additional  cavalry  or- 
dered to  join  me  has  not  reported.  ...  I  need  prompt  rein- 
forcements and  repeating  arms.  I  am  sure  to  have,  as  be- 
fore reported,  an  active  winter,  and  must  have  men  and  arms. 
Every  oflicer  of  this  battalion  should  join  it.  .  .  .  Give  me 
officers  and  men  ;  only  the  new  Spencer's  arms  should  be 
sent;  the  Indians  are  desperate;  I  spare  none  (!)  and  they 
spare  none."  No  more  complacency;  no  more  promise;  only 
a  recollection  that  he  had  asked  for  arms,  ammunition,  and 
reinforcements  long  before.     It  is  but  fair  to  say  that  no  one 


501 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


full}'  realized  and  understood  tlic  feelings  and  intentions  of 
the  Indians;  the  news  of  the  massacre  came  like  a  thunder- 
bolt in  the  night,  waking  the  whole  nation  from  a  sleep.  ]5iit 
Carrington  should  have  known  more  about  the  Indians  in  his 
immediate  vicinity,  and  probably  would,  if  he  had  paid  more 
attention  to  them  than  firing  shells  into  the  woods  to  scare 
them  away.  There  was  fault  everywhere.  The  Indian  agents 
were  wrong  in  misrepresenting  the  feeling  of  the  Indians;  so 
were  the  treaty  commissioners.  Carrington  and  Cooke  were 
wrong  in  permitting  the  troops  to  go  into  a  hostile  country 
equipped  as  they  were.  Cooke,  and  otHcers  higher  up,  were 
wrong  in  not  seeing  that  arms,  ammunition,  and  reinforce- 
ments were  furnished  when  regularly  called  for. 

After  Cxciienil  Wccscls  took  command  at  Phil  Kearney,  he 
undertook  a  winter  caivipaign  against  the  hostiles,  but  the 
weather  was  so  intensely  cold  that  it  had  to  be  abandoned. 
Neither  side  was  able  to  make  any  movements  of  importance 
for  several  months.  It  was  known  that  the  Indians  had  at- 
tacked Fort  Buford,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Yellowstone,  live 
days  after  the  massacre  at  Phil  Kearney,  and  for  two  months 
it  v.-as  commonly  believed  that  the  garrison  had  all  been 
killed.  Then  messengers  came  through  with  the  glad  news 
that  the  one  company  of  soldiers  stationed  there  had  bcate?i 
Red  Cloud's  army  off,  and  held  them  back,  until  the  cold 
drove  them  to  their  winter  camps.  In  the  spring  a  i)eace 
commission  was  sent  out.  It  met  j*,[an  Afraid  of  his  Horses 
and  others  on  June  12.  They  all  said  they  had  reformed,  and 
were  going  to  join  Spotted  Tail's  Brulcs ;  they  wanted  am- 
munition for  hunting.  They  got  no  powder,  and  they  fell 
from  grace,  if  they  had  ever  attained  it.  Hostilities  were 
ke])t  up  all  summer,  with  sucli  vigor  that  the  frontier  was  in 
continual  alarm.  The  troops  on  the  line  of  the  Montana  road 
had  actually  to  fight  for  their  wood  and  water,  but  they  had 
one  day  of  bloody  revenge.  On  August  2  Major  Powell,  of 
Fort  Phil  Kearney,  was  guarding  a  wood  train,  on  the  road 
to  the  pinery,  around  the  south  side  of  the  Sullivant  Hills. 
Ho  had  divide  J  his  force,  keeping  thirty  men  in  reserve  in  a 
little  fortress,  made  of  fourteen  iron  wagon-beds  placed  in  a 
circle;  the  remainder  were  to  retreat  to  this  if  attacked.    Sud- 


'if 


i 


If 

'4 


fell 


FORT   PHIL   KEARNEY. 


507 


denly  800  Indian  warriors  swept  down  from  the  hills.  The 
forces  of  the  soldiers  were  separated ;  all  fled  to  the  fort 
except  the  reserve,  in  the  corral  of  wagon -beds.  At  this 
the  Indians  rode,  but  the  errors  of  1866  had  been  reme- 
died. The  soldiers  had  breech-loading  arms  and  plenty  of 
ammunition.  The  Indians  broke  under  their  rapid  and  deadly 
tire,  and  drew  off.  Back  in  the  hills  were  1200  more  of 
Red  Cloud's  warriors,  who  joined  with  the  first  attacking 
party  and  charged  again,  led  by  the  great  chief  in  person. 
The  corral  was  a  blaze  of  fire  from  the  moment  they 
came  within  five  hundred  yards,  and  the  fire  was  far  more 
effective  than  the  Indians  were  used  to,  because  they  were 
massed  together  and  hard  to  miss.  Closer  and  closer  they 
came,  but  there  was  no  sign  of  giving  way  at  the  corral,  and 
no  cessation  of  that  awful  fire.  The  nerve  of  the  Indians 
gave  way,  and  they  fled  again.  For  three  hours  they  kept  at 
it,  their  courage  always  failing  at  the  critical  moment.  Then 
they  withdrew,  and  soon  the  little  garrison  was  relieved  by  a 
party  from  the  fort.  They  had  lost  but  tiiree  killed  and  two 
wounded.  The  loss  of  the  Indians  was  very  heavy.  A  chief 
told  Colonel  Dodge  that  they  had  1137  killed  and  wounded — 
but  this  is  incredible.  The  Indians  called  it  the  "  medicine 
tight,"  suspecting  that  their  white  friends  had  worked  in 
some  supernatural  assistance. 

In  the  fall  the  commission  made  up  its  report,  and  decided 
that  the  government  had  no  right  to  put  a  road  through  the 
Powder  River  country.  It  cited  Supreme  Court  decisions 
that  have  no  bearing  on  the  case,  and  made  of  importance 
ancient  treaties  that  never  existed.  Nevertheless,  their  ideas 
prevailed.  The  country,  and  particularly  the  army,  was  an.\- 
ious  to  have  the  Pacific  Railroad  completed,  and  the  Indians 
would  agree  not  to  interfere  with  it,  in  consideration  for  our 
surrendering  the  Powder  River  country.  With  the  railroad 
built,  Montana  would  be  more  accessible  from  the  south  than 
from  any  other  direction,  and  the  Bozeman  road  would  l)e  of 
comparatively  little  use.  Accordingly  a  treaty  was  made,  at 
Fort  Laramie,  on  April  29,  1868,  relinquishing  all  claims  to 
the  country  east  of  the  Big  Horn  Mountains,  in  which  all  the 
chiefs  joined,  though  the  wary  Red  Cloud  did  not  affix  his 


508 


MASSACRES   OF  THE    MOUNTAINS. 


name  until  Xoveinber  6,  when  he  had  satisfactory  assurance 
that  the  wliito  man  would  keep  his  promises.  In  the  summer 
of  18G8  the  troops  abandoned  the  Montana  road,  whose  open- 
ing had  cost  so  much  money  and  life,  aiid  the  Sioux  burned 
down  the  forts  which  had  been  planned  with  such  mathemati- 
cal nicety,  and  constructed  in  such  architectural  perfection. 
We  gave  up  an  unquestionable  right,  though  perhaps  not 
then  worth  asserting.  A  few  years  later  we  broke  our  faith 
and  reasserted  it.     Then  the  work  had  to  be  done  again. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 
PUNISHING   THE   PIEGANS. 

Of  all  the  tribes  within  the  liocky  Mountain  region,  the 
people  of  the  Sakitapix  or  Blackfoot  nation  are  most  like  the 
Eastern  tribes,  and  this  similarity  is  natural,  for  they  are  most 
probably  an  offshoot  of  the  Algonquin  family,  and  formerly 
lived  much  farther  east.  Tiiere  are  traces  of  their  migration 
from  above  the  sources  of  the  Mississippi  to  the  Upper  Sas- 
katchewan country,  in  which  they  lived  when  the  era  of  cred- 
ible history  began  with  them.  The  two  great  branches  of  the 
Saskatchewan  (Kisiskachewan — a  Crce  word,  meaning  swift 
current)  rise  in  the  Rocky  Mountains,  one  about  fifty  miles 
and  tiie  other  one  hundred  and  eighty  miles  north  of  our  line; 
they  unite  near  longitude  105°  West,  and  the  main  stream 
flows  thence  two  hundred  miles  east  to  Lake  Winnipeg.  The 
home  of  the  Blackfoot  nation  was  betwt.-'n  and  about  the  two 
forks  of  the  stream,  when,  before  the  whites  had  any  acquaint- 
ance with  them,  the  nation  was  separated  by  a  great  feud  that 
arose  on  the  death  of  their  head  chief,  in  battle  with  the  As- 
sinaboines.  The  older  warriors  followed  the  black  banner  of 
the  hereditary  claimant  to  the  chieftaincy,  but  the  younger 
ones  generally  ranged  themselves  under  the  red  or  bloody  flag 
of  a  warrior  who  claimed  succession  by  reason  of  prowess  aiid 
ability.  The  supporters  of  the  black-flag  interest  were  de- 
feated, and  moved  south  to  the  Missouri.  The  migration  was 
in  the  fall,  after  tiie  prairies  had  burned  over,  and  the  black 
color  received  by  their  moccasins  and  leggings  caused  them  to 
be  called  Satsika  (Siksika),  or  Bhickfeet,  by  the  Crows.  The 
victorious  portion  received  the  name  of  Kcna  (Kanaans)  or 
Bloods.  The  Blackfeet  were  again  divided  through  the  ambi- 
tion of  a  chief  named  Piegan  (the  Pheasant)  who  claimed  the 
position  of  chief.     He  was  defeated,  and  separated  from  the 


510 


MASSACRES  OF   THE   MOUNTAINS. 


tribe,  with  liis  adlierents,  who  were  tiiereafter  called  Piegans 
(Peigans,  Pagans,  Pecaiieaux).  Later,  the  Gros  Ventres  of  tiie 
North  confederated  witli  the  Blackfeet.  They  were  a  band 
of  Arapahoes  wlio  seceded  from  their  tribe  early  in  the  current 
century,  and  after  some  ten  years  of  wandering,  during  which 
they  suffered  severely  at  the  hands  of  the  Crows  and  Koote- 
nays,  they  were  relieved  and  taken  into  friendship  by  the 
Blackfeet,*  In  1853  the  numbers  of  these  tribes  were  vari- 
ously estimated  as  follows:  Blackfeet,  250  to  500  lodges; 
Bloods,  350  to  400  lodges;  Gros  Ventres,  3G0  lodges;  or  a 
total  of  from  6500  to  12,000  souls.  Tiie  lower  estimates  are 
probably  more  nearly  correct.  Their  nuinber  at  present  is 
not  definitely  kn()\  :i,  owing  to  the  fact  that  they  are  partly 
in  British  America,  but  the  most  recent  estimates  ara  from 
6000  to  7000.  Those  now  in  the  United  States  are  reported 
at  2300,  and  are  consolidated  under  the  name  of  Piegans ; 
for  comparison  with  the  earlier  population,  1100  Gros  Ven- 
tres, who  are  now  separated  from  the  Piegans,  must  be 
added  to  this  number. 

These  Indians  were  of  high  reputation  as  warriors,  and 
esteemed  themselves  superior  to  the  surrounding  tribes,  with 
whom  they  waged  continual  war.  The  men  are  tall  ApoUos, 
with  large  eyes  and  straight  black  hair.  They  pluck  the  beard 
from  the  face,  and  often  remove  the  hair  from  the  head,  ex- 
cepting the  scalp-lock.  Usually  they  were  well  clothed  in 
garments  made  of  dressed  skins.  The  women  are  short  and 
inclined  to  corpulency.  The  organization  of  the  nation  is 
quite  complicated.  Each  tribe  is  divided  into  bands,  and  each 
band  has  a  chief  and  a  7mna  maska,  or  priest  of  the  sun.  Each 
tribe  has  a  general  council,  called  the  Exkinoya,  which  meets 
once  a  year,  when  the  tribe  is  assembled  for  the  sun-dance 
and  other  religious  ceremonies  and  festivities.  The  men  are 
divided  into  seven  ranks  or  degrees,  according  to  their  prow- 
ess, their  skill,  and  their  wisdom.  Only  members  of  the 
seventh  or  highest  class  are  allowed  in  the  Exkinoya,  in  which 
the  legislative  and  judicial  power  of   the  tribe  are  centred. 


•  The  Blnckfoot  Sioux  have  no  connectiou  with  this  nation.     The  simi- 
larity of  name  is  purely  accidentul. 


PUNISHING  THE   PIEGANS. 


511 


The  sixth  class  includes  tlio  band  chiefs,  and  cntnince  to  it 
requires  both  valor  and  statesmanship.  It  is  charged  with  the 
execution  of  the  tribal  laws.  In  enforcing  orders,  use  is  made 
of  t!ie  entire  police  or  "  soldier"  force  of  tlie  tribe,  including 
all  unmarried  warriors.  The  fifth  class  has  charsje  of  hnntinj; 
and  the  moving  of  camps.  The  four  lower  classes  mark  merely 
the  advancement  of  the  warrior,  as  evinced  by  his  deeds  and 
ability.  Four  years  is  the  ordinary  time  of  probation  required 
in  each  class,  but  this  rule  is  sometimes  broken  over.  Their 
chiefs  are  to  some  extent  elective,  but  they  have  much  regard 
for  hereditary  rank,  especially  if  coupled  with  ability.  In 
religion  they  are  sun-worshippers,  their  deity  being  personified 
under  the  name  of  Napea.  To  this  god  they  formerly  offered 
annually  a  sacrifice  of  a  young  virgin,  but  this  practice  was 
long  since  abandoned,  and  of  later  years  they  have  satisfied 
themselves  with  the  mutilations  of  the  sun-datice.  Their  re- 
ligious nature  is  well  developed,  and  their  men  have  that  pe- 
culiar dignity  that  is  characteristic  of  the  Indian  in  his  wild 
state. 

The  Blackfeet  have  long  had  the  reputation  of  being 
among  the  most  treacherous  and  bloodthirsty  of  our  savages, 
but  it  came  chiefly  from  the  statements  of  the  tribes  with 
wiiom  they  fought.  This  reputation  has  been  widely  extended 
through  the  "yellow-backed  novel,"  that  generally  condemned, 
and  more  generally  read,  school-book  of  American  youth,  in 
which  the  Blackfeet  are  always  at  war  and  always  very  dan- 
gerous. As  a  matter  of  fact  there  was  never  any  general  or 
formal  war  between  these  people  and  the  Americans.  Their 
relations  have  been  of  a  very  friendly  nature,  Appleton's 
Encyclopaadia  to  the  contrary  notwithstaiiding.  In  the  earl}' 
days  of  the  fur  trade  they  often  fougl..  ith  American  trap- 
pers, but  at  that  time  they  had  no  treaty  witii  us,  and  consid- 
ered the  trapper  an  invader  of  their  country,  who  was  no 
better  than  a  thief,  for  he  came  to  Uikc  the  furs  which  they 
were  accustomed  to  gather  and  sell  to  the  Hudson's  Bay 
Company.  In  the  struggle  for  supremacy  between  the  rival 
fur  companies,  the  Americans  formed  associations  with  the 
Nez  Perces,  Crows,  and  other  enemies  of  the  Blackfeet,  and 
the  latter,  witii  other  tribes,  naturally  fell  under  the  influence 


512 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


BLACKKKKT   AND   TUAPPERS, 

of  the  British  company,  though  there  is  little  to  show  that 
they  preferred  the  English  personally  to  the  Americatis.  The 
light  recounted  by  Irving,  between  them  and  Sublette's  and 
other  trappers,  including  Wyeth's  party,  which  was  brought  on 
by  the  treachery  of  a  Flathead  and  a  half-breed,  allies  of  the 
Americans,  is  a  good  example  of  the  manner  in  which  they 
were  almost  forced  into  a  hostile  attitude.  Their  early  hostil- 
ity to  the  trappers  was  also  increased  by  the  killing  of  one  of 
their  warriors  by  Mr.  Lewis,  of  Lewis  and  Clarke's  expedition. 
From  similar  causes,  and  from  the  fact  that  in  stealing  horses 
the  Blackfeet  made  little  distinction  in  owners,  the  unfriendly 
feeling  became  such  that  the  American  Fur  Company  was 
obliged  to  maintain  a  force  of  sixty  or  seventy  men  at  its  post 
on  the  Marias  River. 

The  Blackfeet  were  cruel,  in  the  manner  of  Indians,  but 
not  more  so  than  their  neighbors.  An  illustrative  instance  of 
this  fact  is  recorded  by  Mr.  Cox,  who  happened  ainoiig  the 
Flatheads  at  a  time  when  they  were  torturing  some  Blackfoot 
J  risoners.  He  says:  "  Having  been  informed  that  they  were 
about  putting  one  of  their  prisoners  to  death,  1  went  to  their 
camp  to  witness  the  spectacle.  The  man  was  tied  to  a  tree ; 
after  which  they  heated  au  old  barrel  of  a  gun  until  it  became 


PUNISHING  THE   PIEGANS. 


)13 


red-hot,  with  which  they  burned  Iiim  on  tlic  legs,  thijjlis,  neck, 
cheeks,  and  belly.  They  then  commenced  cutting  tiie  flesh 
from  about  the  nails,  which  they  pulled  out,  and  next  sepa- 
rated the  fingers  from  the  hand,  joint  by  joint.  During  the 
performance  of  these  cruelties  the  wretched  captive  never 
winced,  and  instead  of  suing  for  mercy,  he  added  fresh  stimu- 
lants to  their  barbarous  ingenuity  by  the  most  irritating  re- 
proaches, part  of  which  our  interpreter  translated  as  follows: 
'^[y  heart  is  strong.  You  do  not  hurt  me.  You  can't  hurt 
me.  You  are  fools.  You  do  not  know  how  to  torture.  Try 
it  again.  I  don't  feel  any  pain  yet.  We  torture  your  relations 
a  great  deal  better,  because  we  make  them  cry  out  loud,  like 
little  children.  You  are  not  brave ;  you  ha.ve  small  hearts, 
and  you  are  alwaj'S  afraid  to  fight.'  Then,  addressing  him- 
self to  one  in  particular,  he  said,  '  It  was  b}'  my  arrow  you 
lost  your  eye;'  upon  which  the  Flathead »d a r ted  at  him,  and 
with  a  knife  in  a  moment  scooped  out  one  of  his  eyes ;  at  the 
satne  time  cutting  the  bridge  of  his  nose  nearly  in  two.  This 
did  not  stop  him  ;  with  the  remaining  eye  he  looked  sternly 
at  another,  and  said,  'I  killed  your  brother,  and  I  scalped 
your  old  fool  of  a  father.'  The  warrior  to  whom  this  was 
addressed  instantly  sprang  at  him  and  separated  the  scalp  from 
his  head.  He  was  then  about  plunging  a  knife  in  his  heart, 
until  he  was  told  by  the  chief  to  desist.  The  raw  skull,  bloody 
socket,  and  mutilated  nose  now  presented  an  horrific  appear- 
ance, but  bv  no  means  chauijed  his  tone  of  defiance.  '  It  was 
I,'  said  he  to  the  chief,  '  that  made  your  wife  a  prisoner  last 
fall ;  we  put  out  her  eyes ;  we  tore  out  her  tongue ;  we  treated 
her  like  a  dog.  Forty  of  our  young  warriors — '  The  chieftain 
became  incensed  the  moment  his  wife's  name  was  mentioned  ; 
he  seized  his  gun,  and,  before  the  last  sentence  was  ended,  a  ball 
from  it  passed  through  the  brave  fellow's  heart,  and  termi- 
nated his  frightful  sufferings.  Shocking,  however,  as  this 
dreadful  exhibition  was,  it  was  far  exceeded  by  the  atrocious 
cruelties  practised  on  the  female  prisoners;  in  which,  I  am 
sorry  to  sa}',  the  Flathead  women  assisted  with  more  savage 
fury  than  the  men." 

On  the  oilier  hand,  while  the  Blackfeet  were  savages,  they 
occasionally  performed  acts  of  unexpected  generosity.  Shortly 

33 


5U 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


before  the  arrival  of  Governor  Steveiis's  party  in  the  Black- 
foot  country,  in  1853,  a  fend  had  arisen  between  the  IMackfeet 
and  (Jros  Ventres,  on  acconnt  of  tlie  murder  of  a  (iros  Ventre 
warrior  by  a  member  of  tlio  former  tribe,  Tiie  (Iros  Ventres 
retaliated,  and  oi)en  war  r'esidted,  dnring  which  several  Gros 
Ventres  were  captured  by  the  enemy.  They  expected  death 
by  torture,  but  the  Jilackfeet  fed  them,  treated  them  kindly, 
gave  them  horses,  and  sent  them  to  their  homes.  This  humane 
action  paved  the  way  for  the  reconciliation  of  these  tribes,  and 
a  treaty  between  them  and  the  tribes  west  of  the  main  range, 
wliich  Governor  Stevens  was  desirous  of  effecting,  and  the 
Indians  ail  agreed  to  meet  him  in  council  two  years  later.  At 
this  time,  also,  it  was  made  apparent  by  the  testimony  of  white 
men  who  had  been  among  them,  that  the  reports  of  their  evil 
disposition  had  arisen  from  their  hostile  attitude  towards  the 
tribes  with  whom  the  Americans  had  been  on  terms  of  friend- 
ship. Mr.  Doty  summed  up  their  feeling  in  1853,  thus: 
"Their  present  disposition  towards  the  whites  is  unquestion- 
ably friendly.  Undoubtedly  a  party  of  white  men  may  travel 
through  this  country  in  perfect  safety.  The  only  danger 
would  be  that  the  Indians  might  take  them  for  Indian  enemies 
and  rush  upon  them  in  the  night.  Their  horses  might  be 
stolen,  unless  under  the  protection  of  a  chief  or  an  influential 
white  man,  one  who  is  friendly  and  well  known  to  them.  The 
only  white  iniiabitants  of  this  country  are  the  traders  and  em- 
ployes at  the  American  Fnr  Company's  post,  Fort  Benton,  and 
at  Mr.  Harvey's,  or  the  opposition  fort.  These  are  on  friendly 
terms  with  the  Indians,  as  is  evidenced  by  the  fact  that  they 
are  constantly  sending  traders  with  large  quantities  of  goods 
to  remote  points  in  the  Blackfoot  country,  who  are  not  only 
{permitted  to  go  and  come  without  molestation,  bnt  are  treated 
with  much  kindness  and  hospitality  at  the  camps.  The  horses 
at  this  post  [Benton]  are  always  turned  out  to  pasture  without 
a  guard,  and  are  seldom  or  never  stolen.  So  far  as  has  been 
ascertained,  their  present  relations  with  the  Hudson's '  Bay 
Company  are  simply  those  of  a  lin)ited  trade,  which  is  en- 
tirely confined  to  a  portion  of  the  Blackfeet  and  Blood  bands. 
These  Indiana  procure  in  the  northern  part  of  their  territory 
a  considerable  number  of  small  peltries,  and  in  the  summer— 


PUNISHING   THE   PIEGANS. 


515 


at  whicli  season  they  go  farthest  north — trade  them  at  one  of 
the  Hudson's  Bay  Company's  posts  on  the  Saskatchewan  liiver 
— 'Chesterfield  House,'  I  think.  This  trade  is  carried  on  for 
two  reasons :  First,  because  tiio  Indians  are  paid  there  a 
liiglier  price  for  tlieir  small  peltries  than  is  given  by  American 
traders.  Secondly,  they  procure  at  that  post  an  abundance  of 
whiskey;  and  it  is  undoubtedly  this  latter  consideration  that 
induces  them  to  go." 


TKAUKU  S   CAMP. 


At  this  time  the  Bloods  and  Blackfeet  occupied  the  coun- 
try about  tlie  liead-waters  of  tlie  ISfarias  and  Milk  rivers,  as  far 
north  as  latitude  50° ;  the  Piegans  were  in  the  country  be- 
tween Milk  River  and  the  Missouri,  on  the  Marias  and  Teton 
rivers;  the  Gros  Ventres  occupied  the  country  between  Milk 
River  and  the  Missouri,  from  the  mouth  of  the  former  to  the 
country  of  the  Piegans.  All  tliis  region  was  well  supplied 
Mith  game,  and  the  natural  growth  of  grass  afforded  ample 


516 


MASSACRES    OF   THE    MOUNTAINS. 


pastnraj^o  for  the  horses,  of  which  those;  trihcs  owned  many — 
about  ton  to  each  hnlgc.  In  character  tho  hind  is  much  the 
same  as  tho  ordinary  foot-hill  country  on  the  eastern  slope 
of  tho  lluckies,  refjuirinj^  irriij^ation  for  successful  cultivation. 
The  names  given  to  its  natural  formations  are  usually  (^anadian 
French,  instead  of  Enj^lish  or  Spanish,  as  at  the  South.  A  di- 
vide or  watershed  is  called  a  coteau ;  a  tableland,  or  mesa,  is 
always  a  plateau  ;  a  hill  is  a  butte;  a  i^ulch,  ravine,  or  arroyo 
is  a  coulie.  The  name  teton  (a  breast)  is  also  sometimes  <i;iven 
to  hills,  and  the  probability  is  that  the  Teton  tribes  had  their 
name  from  the  French  fur-traders. 

Jn  October,  1S55,  Governor  Stevens  met  with  tlie  tribes 
on  the  I'pjxjr  Missouri,  near  the  mouth  of  Judith  River.  The 
Indians  attended,  as  they  had  promised  two  years  before. 
There  wore  represented  the  I'loods,  Blackfeet,  Piegans,  Gros 
Ventres,  Fhitheads,  Pend  d'Oreilles,  Kootenays,  and  Nez 
Perces.  Comnion  auiity  was  de-lared  by  the  United  States 
and  these  tribes,  and  tho  Indians  also  agreed  not  to  make  war 
against  any  other  tribe  except  in  self-defence.  A  great  com- 
mon hunting-ground  was  agreed  upon,  east  of  the  main  range, 
between  tho  Mussel-shell  and  the  Vel'owstone,  to  which  all 
the  tribes  were  to  have  access,  but  in  which  none  were  to  re- 
side. White  men  wore  given  the  right  of  iravelling  unmo- 
lested everywhere,  and  the  government  was  conceded  tho 
privilege  of  making  roads  of  any  description,  through  any 
part  of  the  country.  All  Mjo  land  north  of  the  Mussel-shell 
and  Missouri  rivers,  betwee;'.  the  main  range  and  a  lino  drawn 
north  from  the  mouth  of  Milk  liiver,  was  declared  to  be  "  tho 
territory  of  the  Blackfoot  nation,  over  which  said  nation  s)  ill 
exercise  exclusive  control."  In  consideration  for  •  o  riu 
reliiwjuishod,  the  government  was  to  pay  th'  '  '  >t  nation 
^20,(XM)  annually  for  ten  years;  the  forth  .  uf  ^ir..(lO(> 

annually,  for  ten  years,  was  to  bo  oxpendeu  i  esta'  Ushing 
and  instructing  thom  in  agricultural  pursuits,  ai.  i  in  •  iicating 
their  children,  and  in  any  other  respect  pronjoting  tiioir  civil- 
ization and  Christianization." 

Under  this  treaty  tho  Indians  preserved  a  strict  peace  with 
the  whites,  though  there  was  a  disposition  to  carry  or.  ».»;• 
with  tlie  Crows  and  Assinaboines.     The  Bloods  were  at  first 


I'UNISHINC     "HE   I'lEOANS. 


617 


(lotonniiH'd  to  pay  no  attontion  to  tlieir  promises,  as  to  tlioso 
Indians;  but  on  finding  tliat  tho  Piogans  afid  Gros  Ventres 
wore  standing  firmly  by  tlie  treaty,  tiiey  abandoned  tlieir  de- 
signs, and  tiiereafter  tlie  only  troni)le8  i)etween  the  tribes  were 
oecasioned  l)y  young  men  wiio  would  not  listen  to  tlie  advice 
of  their  chiefs  and  older  warriors.  These  gradually  decreased 
in  frequency,  and  faith  with  the  government  was  so  admirably 
|)reserved  that,  in  lsr»0,  the  Hlackfeet  were  pronounced  "the 
most  peaceable  nation  on  the  ^lissouri  River."  Tlieir  annui- 
ties were  brought  up  on  boats  each  year,  and  distributed  to 
them.  Farm".  ;g  was  tried  by  the  agency  people,  but  without 
success.  The  climate  was  too  dry  to  permit  successful  farm- 
ing without  irrigation,  and  there  was  no  money  to  be  applied 
to  making  ditches.  The  money  promised  for  schools  might 
well  have  been  used  for  that  purpose,  for  they  had  no  schools 
and  no  missions.  It  would  be  interesting  to  know  what  be- 
came of  that  $150,000.  The  Indians  subsisted  as  before, 
wholly  by  the  chase.  One  chief  tried  to  cultivate  eight  or  ten 
acres,  but  his  crops  failed,  and  be  quit  in  disgust.  This  appears 
fiom  the  official  records  to  have  been  the  only  step  made  tow- 
ards that  education  for  which  §15,000  annually  was  agreed 
to  be  expcnde  1.  Just  at  the  close  of  the  ten  years,  in  October, 
1805,  the  agent  for  the  Blackfeet  reported:  "  The  moral  con- 
dition of  the  Indians  in  this  country  is  truly  lamentable.  Xot 
one  spark  of  civilization  appears  to  have  dawned  upon  their 
ignorant  minds,  and  their  capacity  for  improvement,  if  they 
ever  had  any,  seems  to  have  risen  and  set  in  total  darkness." 
And  yet  he  closes  the  same  paragraph  with  the  following  sen- 
tence, which  is  one  of  the  most  touching  expressions  extant  of 
the  fervent,  unconquerable  faith  of  the  average  Indian  agent: 
"Let  us  hope  that  success  will  yet  crown  our  efforts  to  ame- 
liorate the  condition  of  these  unfortunate  and  degraded  savages, 
and  place  them  and  their  children  on  the  road  to  a  better, 
brighter,  and  more  glorious  future."  There  has  been  a  sorry 
crown  for  all  the  efforts  made  thus  far. 

During  our  civil  war  even  the  state  of  peaceful  savagery 
into  which  the  Blackfeet  had  lapsed  was  disturbed.  Tlie 
troubles  with  the  Sioux  prevented  the  Blackfoot  annuities 

from  reaching  their  destination..    The  tribes  fell  out  among 

33* 


618 


MASSAL'KIiS  OF  THE   MOl'NTAINS. 


tli'jinselvcs  atid  fouii^ht  one  aiiotlior.  Tlie  Sun  River  fanii,:i8 
t).e  a<^riciiltur:il  cxpLM'iineiit  in  tlicir  country  was  called,  fell 
into  decay,  hut  the  ajjrency  fanner  made  a  cotnfortaltlo  livinijj 
by  keepinj^  hotel  and  tradini;  witli  the  Indians.  The  <^old 
discoveries  of  18(t2  <!3  attracted  a  Iar<j;e  white  population  to 
the  southern  borders  of  the  IJlacUfoot  counti-y,  and  the  new- 
coniers  furnished  the  Indians  with  all  the  wi>iskev  thev  wouhl 


iav  for. 


Tl 


lere  was  still   no  war  with   the  whit 


es,  wlio  ran 


throui^h  the  country  at  will,  without  molestation.  Jn  the  spring 
of  18(54  the  I'lackfeet  showed  their  good-will  by  otfering  to 
aid  (teneral  Sidly  in  lighting  the  Sioux.  In  May  of  this  year 
the  white  population  had  so  increased  that  ^Montana  was  (Mit 
otf  from  Idaho  and  organized  as  a  se|Kirate  territory.  In  De- 
cember, 18<»4,  trouble  arose  with  the  I'looils.     A  band  of  foin-- 


teon  of  them  stole  the  horses  of  twenty  white  tr 


ipjie 


rs.  Who 


were  hunting  near  the  Little  Rocky  ^lountains.  Nine  of  the 
trappers  followed  them,  overtook  them  at  daylight,  killed  two 
of  them,  ami  recovered  the  horses.  From  that  time  on,  bad 
feeling  iiu-reased  among  the  I'loods.  In  April,  18»;5,  they 
stole  forty  horses  from  Fort  !j«,'nton.  On  May  1(>  they  stole 
all  the  horses  and  mules  from  Sun  River  farm,  and  that  school 
f(tr  agricultural  instruction  was  abandomjd.  On  May  22  a 
party  of  drunken  white  men  at  Fort  Renton  attacked  a  party 
of  I'loods,  who  came  there,  and  killed  three  of  them.  Three 
davs  later  a  large  party  of  I'loods  attacked  ten  white  men. 
who  were  cutting  logs  on  the  Marias,  and  killed  every  one  of 
them.  These  hostilities  were  all  confined  to  a  small  jMjrtinM 
of  the  Filoods,  whose  homes  werw  properly  in  ISritish  America. 
The  Rlackfeet  proper,  the  (Iros  Ventres,  and  the  Piegans  all 
rei.iained  at  peace,  a  matter  of  no  little  iniixirtance  at  that 
time,  on  acc(»unt  of  the  large  amount  of  freighting  that  was 
being  done  froiii  the  mouth  of  Milk  River  to  Fort  Rentori, 
there  being  tv.'o  iiutidred  ami  lifty  wagons  steadily  engaged 
in  tiiiS  busines.s. 

In  the  fall  of  ISC')  Agent  Upson  made  a  iu!w  treaty  with 
the  Sakitapix,  which  whs  tiever  ratified,  the  Indians,  it  was 
claimed,  having  gone  to  war  before  the  treaty  reached  Wash- 
ington. There  was  not,  in  fact,  any  war,  except  one  between 
the  Piegans  and  Gros  Ventres,  resulting  fnuu  reciprocal  horsc- 


/CI 


iXS 


i  m'' 


m 


M 


oof 


f 
f 

I 

t 
f 

n 

V 

i 

(i 
t 
ii 
t 
II 
s 

V 

ii 

ti 
\i 

1' 

tl 

1 


rUNISIllNG   THE    TIKGANS. 


521 


Stealing.  Tliore  were  no  troops  in  the  country  to  protect  any 
one  or  enforce  any  order.  Tlic  country  contained  many  law- 
less white  men.  The  better  class  of  whites  formed  vigilance 
committees  to  protect  themselves  against  both  white  and  In- 
dian nmraudors.  The  (iros  Ventres  had  ])rcserved  a  closer  in- 
timacy with  the  whites  than  the  Piegans  had,  and  in  January 
two  wliitf?  men  who  happened  to  be  in  compatiy  with  Gros 
Ventres  were  killed  by  I'iegans.  With  horse-stealing,  inter- 
tribal war,  occasional  raiding  by  the  Bloods,  and  no  troops, 
things  went  from  bad  to  worse  nntil  the  feeling  of  the  white 
population  was  that  tbe  IJlackfoot  nation,  excepting  the  (iros 
Ventres,  was  at  war,  but,  in  truth,  the  JJlackfeet  proper  had 
gone  into  British  America  prior  to  the  treaty,  and  had  noth- 
ing to  do  either  with  the  treaty  or  the  subsequent  troubles. 
A  militia  organization  jf  live  or  six  hundred  men  was  made, 
for  the  protection  of  the  settlements,  but  they  never  took  the 
field  against  any  of  these  Indians.  In  iVpril,  lS<>(i,  a  party, 
supposed  to  be  North  Piegans,  burned  the  buildings  at  the 
Sun  lliver  farm.  In  June,  1S(5»!,  Little  Dog,  head  chief  of  the 
Piegans,  who  had  labored  faithfully  to  preserve  peace,  re- 
turned to  the  Indian  agent  twelve  horses  that  had  been  stolen 
from  the  whites.  As  he  was  returning  to  his  camp  he  was 
ambushed  by  some  of  his  own  warriors,  and  he  atid  ins  son 
were  killed.  There  were  several  other  acts  of  violence  dur- 
ing the  year,  but  hostilities  were  brought  t(»  a  close  by  the  or- 
ders stopping  the  sale  and  issue  of  ammunition,  on  account  of 
the  Siou.v  war  over  the  Montana  road,  coupled  with  the  non- 
issuanco  of  supplies  that  had  Ikjcii  expected  under  the  new 
treaty.  The  Indians,  with  their  usnal  improvidence,  had  made 
no  adequate  preparations  for  the  winter  of  ISHO-OT,  and  they 
snllered  much  from  want  in  that  season,  in  conseqnejice  of 
which  they  were  in  a  more  |)eaceablo  comlition  iti  the  follow- 
ing year.  Both  military  and  Indian  authorities  who  inves- 
tigated the  situation  in  ISC)!  pronounced  the  aiiprehensions  of 
war  without  foundation,  which  was  true  enotigh  then.  Peo- 
])le  were  travelling  the  road  from  Helena  to  Fort  I'cnton.and 
thence  to  Cow  Islaml,  witluuit  being  troubled  in  the  L'ast. 
There  was  a  party  of  ten  emigrants  killed  in  this  year,  but 
within  the  IJritish  line,  and  by  Ploods.     The  fact  is  that  no 


522 


MASSACRES   OF   THE   MOUNTAINS. 


considcrahlo  portion  of  the  Jjluckfoot  nation  had  been  liostile 
to  the  whites  since  1853,  nor  were  at  any  subsequent  period. 
In  1SG7  the  (rros  Ventres  were  separated  from  the  JJUickfoot 
nation  and  placed  with  tlio  Iliver  Crows,  where  tliey  have 
since  remained. 

The  years  1SG7  aiid  1808  passed  with  a  peaceful  condi- 
tion of  affairs  in  the  Jilackfoot  nation.  The  whiskey-trade 
flourislied  at  Fort  I'enton  as  it  had  never  flourished  before. 
Some  of  tlie  lUoods  and  Ulaekfect  stole  horses  and  sold  them 
to  the  Hudson's  Bav  ('ompanv,  but  the  southern  bands  re- 
turned  many  stolen  horses  to  the  whites,  so  that  a  reasonable 
balance  was  preserved.  Three  annual  appropriations,  of  ^7000 
each,  were  made  under  the  treaty  of  18(J5,  and  in  the  fall  of 
18G8  another  treaty  was  made,  which  was  not  ratiiied,  but  for 
several  years  appropriations  of  ^50,000  were  made  for  the 
education  iind  civilization  of  the  nation.  So  far  as  subsistence 
was  concerned,  they  were  supposed  to  be  taking  care  of  them- 
selves, but  in  reality  what  thev  did  receive,  which  was  not 
very  much,  was  in  supplies.  The  lawless  ]>art  of  tlie  white 
population  continued  to  act  in  a  way  that  would  brinjjj  on  war 
if  the  Indians  liad  any  spirit.  While  the  I*ie<rans  were  at 
Fort  I'enton,  in  isGS,  after  si^niuij  the  treaty,  two  white  men 
assaulted  and  shot  at  ^Mountain  Chief,  the  principal  chief  of 
the  tribe,  which  produced  a  very  angry  feeliiii;  among  them. 
Special  Commissioner  CuUen  tried  to  have  these  men  arrested, 
but,  rather  than  take  any  |)art  in  such  an  unusual  proceeding, 
the  sheriff  and  justice  of  the  peace  at  that  point  resigned 
their  otliiv's.  The  Indians  soon  after  stole  eighty  horses  from 
the,  whiti's  at  Diamoiul  City,  and  other  points,  on  account  (.f 
which  eighteen  Piegans  were  seized  l)y  CiiUen  and  held  UTitil 
the  horses  were  returned.  An  attempt  to  enforce  the  inter- 
course laws  was  repressed  in  a  most  effective  way.  The  prin- 
cipal witiu^ss  who  had  been  stibpu-naed  to  testify  in  tlie  mat- 
ter of  a  seizure  of  two  b;iles  of  buffalo  robes,  that  had  Ix'cn 
purciia-^ed  witii  whiskey,  was  followed  by  men  from  Fort  Hen- 
ton  and  hung  until  he  was  nearly  dead,  in  consideration  of 
which  Ik;  agreed  to  leave  the  country  in  sih^nee. 

The  yi-ar  1S(I'.»  was  nsheretl  in  with  a  iiad  state  of  feeling. 
which  had  been  produced  I>y  the  evil  deetls  of  bad  men  on 


rUNlSHlNG  TIIL   I'lEGANS. 


523 


botli  sidus,  and  this  feelint]j  grew  worse  during  the  summer. 
That  part  of  the  Indians  were  stealing  horses  was  not  even 
questioned  by  tlic  tribes.  The  chiefs  said  it  was  done  by  men 
wiioni  they  could  not  control,  and  that  they  could  not  return 
tiie  horses,  because  they  were  run  off  into  J}ritish  America 
and  sold.  Edmonton  House  and  Mountain  House,  both  on 
the  Saskatchewan,  were  the  two  posts  of  the  Hudson's  liny 
Company  at  which  this  traHic  was  carried  on  principally.  It 
was  siiown  by  the  atlidavits  of  half  a  dozen  white  men,  who 
had  lived  in  the  vicinity  of  these  posts,  that  the  trade  was  a 
regular  and  notorious  one.  It  was  shown  that  the  factors  of 
the  company  well  knew  that  the  horses  were  stolen,  and  that 
Ilickland,  the  chief  trader  at  the  Mountain  House,  encouraged 
the  thievery,  and  told  the  Indians  what  kind  of  horses  he 
wanted  them  to  get  for  him.  All  of  the  best  of  these  horses 
uere  kej)!  by  the  officers  and  employes  of  the  company. 
Wells,  Fargo,  ife  Co.  involuntarily  supplied  our  neighbors  over 
the  line  with  seventy-three  animals  during  1S08  and  1SG9. 
An  officer  of  the  company  drove  a  fine  pair  of  grays,  bearing 
the  '"  W.,  F.,  vfe  Co."  brand,  and  another  pair  was  ;ised  in  one 
of  the  company's  grist-mills.  From  other  ])arties  there  were 
re[)orted  stolon,  during  the  summer  and  fall  of  IStJO,  two  hun- 
dred and  twenty-seven  horses  and  tnulcs,  nearly  all  of  which 
went  into  I>ritish  America.  It  was  also  sliown  that  the  com- 
j)any  sold  the  Indians  arms  and  ammunition,  in  any  (piantity 
desired.  The  oidy  way  in  which  our  government  could  reach 
this  evil  was  by  punishing  the  Indians,  but  there  was  another 
evil  which  miglit  have  been  mitigated,  at  least,  if  proper  at- 
tention had  been  given  to  it. 

The  misconduct  of  white  men  still  continued,  and  gave  the 
Indians  a  ready  excuse  for  their  misdeeds.  In  fact,  nearly  all 
of  the  horse-stealing  occurred  after  barbarities  which  had  been 
committed  by  these  lawless  people.  All  of  the  government 
authorities  saw  this  wrong,  and  tried  to  have  it  righted,  but 
the  force  which  was  authorized  was  directed  against  the  In- 
dians, and  the  settlements  were  left  to  purge  themselves  by 
natural  progress,  (leneral  Sully,  Superintendent  of  Indian  af- 
fairs, wri>te,  on  August  3,  ISOO:  "There  is  a  white  element  in 
this  country  which,  frouj  its  rowdy  and  lawless  character,  can- 


524 


MASSACKES  OF  THE  MOrXTAlNS. 


not  be  excelled  in  any  section,  and  the  traffic  in  whiskey  with 
Indians  in  this  territory  is  carried  on  to  an  ahiriiiin<^  extent. 
Thisfrc(juently  causes  altercations  between  whites  and  Indians, 
resultin<5  often  in  bloodshed  ;  aiid  as  they  occur  in  sections 
where  the  civil  authorities  acknowledge  themselves  to  be  pow- 
erless to  act,  nothing  but  military  force  can  at  present  i>ut  a 
stop  to  it.  .  .  .  From  reliable  reports,  that  increase  daily,  it  is  a 
wonder  to  me  that  open  war  with  the  Indians  has  not  broken 
out  already.  .  .  .  Nothing  can  be  done  to  insure  peace  and 
order  till  there  is  a  military  force  here  strong  enough  to  clear 
out  the  roughs  and  whiskey-sellers  in  the  country."  General 
Ilardie,  who  was  sent  out  by  (Jencral  Sheridan  to  investigate, 
testified  to  tlie  same  thing,  in  these  words  :  "  There  are  un- 
principled and  unscrupulous  men  of  all  classes  who  speak  and 
act  without  reference  to  tlie  truth  and  right,  in  pursuit  of  their 
private  ends  or  the  gratification  of  their  passions.  .  .  .  There 
are  plenty  of  lawless  and  unprincipled  men  upon  the  border 
who  sujiply  Indians  with  whiskey  surreptitiously,  if  not  open- 
ly, in  defiance  of  the  law."  General  De  Trobriand,  command- 
ing in  Montana, said  :  "There  is  in  the  territory  a  certain  num- 
ber of  people  whose  pecuniary  interest  is  intimately  connected 
with  the  Indian  trade,  licit  or  illicit.  Tlierefore  they  arc 
averse  to  any  Indian  policy  which  can  hurt  their  purse." 

Witli  these  surroundings  in  view,  the  rise  of  tlie  I'iegan 
troubles  of  1S09  are  sim])le  of  explanation.  The  Picgans  of 
Mountain  Chiefs  band,stil!  smarting  under  the  attack  on  him, 
were  openly  hostile;  and  they  were  aided  and  abetted  by  the 
baiids  o^  liear  Chief,  Red  Horn,  and  .some  others.  On  'luly 
10,  1809,  some  of  these  Indians,  while  stealing  horses,  killed 
two  white  meti  near  Fort  I'enton.  In  retaliation  the  whites 
there  hung  two  suspected  Picgans,  and,  a  few  days  later,  mur- 
dered an  (lid  man  and  his  nephew,  who  were  generally  known 
to  be  innocent  and  inoffonsive  people.  Depredations  at  once 
grew  numerous.  Horses  were  stolen  ever^'where.  A  freight 
train  was  attacked  on  Eagle  Creek;  one  man  and  twenty  oxen 
were  killed  before  the  Indians  were  driven  olT,  with  a  loss  of 
four  of  their  warriors.  On  August  17  great  excitement  was 
caused  by  the  murder  of  Malcolm  C'larkc,  and  the  wounding  of 
Jiis  son,  at  their  ranch,  twenty  miles  above  Helena.     It  was  re- 


po 
nil 
ii'r( 
iiu 
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of 
tlu 
l)n 
\vl 
Cli 

yo 

tli< 
dif 

C0( 

by 

po 
do 
cri 
rcj 
hit 
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th: 
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re  I 
Lil 
be) 
we 
pel 
tht 
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tin 


by 

iin 
fill 
sto 
del 


PUNISHING   THE  PIEGANS. 


627 


portci'  that  the  place  had  been  attacked  by  liostiles,  and  wild 
niinors  of  war  prevailed  for  a  time,  but  the  opinion  soon  gained 
••round  that  the  murder  was  due  to  a  family  quarrel.  Clarke 
had  married  a  Piei^an  wonjan,  and  was  killed  by  a  nephew  of 
hers,  named  Peter,  a  notorious  ruffian,  of  a  very  quarrelsome 
disposition.  He  was  shunned  by  his  own  people  on  account 
of  having  killed  his  father-in-law.  Bear's  Head,  a  brother  of 
the  Chief,  Heavy  Runner.  There  were  some  twenty  Piegans 
l)resent  at  the  time,  among  them  Pal,  a  son  of  Mountain  Chief, 
who,  in  the  melee,  shot  one  of  Clarke's  sons.  Another  son  of 
Clarke  escaped  unharmed,  as  did  also  Miss  Clarke,  an  estimable 
young  woman,  who  leaped  through  a  window  and  fled  during 
the  quarrel.  Young  Clarke,  who  was  left  for  dead  by  the  In- 
dians, afterwards  recovered.  The  excitement  in  the  settlements 
cooled  down  for  a  time,  but  in  September  it  was  raised  again 
by  the  murder  of  James  Quail,  near  Silver  City.  It  was  re- 
ported at  the  time  that  he  was  scalped  and  mutilated,  and  no 
doubt  was  entertained  that  the  Piegans  were  guilty  of  the 
crime.  Later  reports  established  the  untruthfulness  of  the 
report  of  scalping  and  mutilation.  His  horse  was  found  near 
him,  and,  as  it  was  known  that  he  had  a  valuable  watch  and 
four  or  five  hundred  dollars  with  liim,  the  presumption  arose 
that  he  had  been  murdered  by  some  white  man.  Still,  many 
believed  that  Indians  had  committed  the  crime,  and  it  was 
reported  as  talked  among  the  Piegans  that  a  warrior  named 
Little  Eagle  was  the  murderer.  There  were  two  stage-rob- 
beries in  the  early  fall,. but  it  was  definitely  learned  that  they 
were  the  work  of  white  bandits.  The  horse-stealing  lessened 
perceptibly  after  the  Clarke  tragedy.  It  was  learned  later  on 
that  the  hostile  bands  had  left  the  vicinity  of  the  settlements 
about  September  1,  part  of  them  going  to  the  Yellowstone, 
and  part  to  the  North.  The  friendly  Piegans  remained  on 
the  Marias. 

The  military  authorities  had  been  called  on  for  assistance, 
by  the  Indian  Bureau,  in  August,  and  again  in  October.  They 
investigated  carefully  at  the  outset,  and  gave  General  Sully 
full  opportunities  to  have  the  murderers  surrendered,  and 
stolen  property  given  up,  before  taking  any  steps.  It  was 
determined  to  do  nothing  until  the  hostiles  returned  to  the 


52S 


MASSACRK8  OF  THE   MOUNTAINS. 


^[arias,  which  they  were  expected  to  do  iir.Ianuary  or  Feb- 
ruary, but  for  some  cause  they  came  back  about  tlie  middle 
of  December.  Witliin  ten  days  after  their  return  a  party  of 
ten  hunters  was  attacked  near  the  head  of  Sun  lliver  Valley, 
thirty  mules  were  stolen  from  a  pjovernnient  contractor  iit 
Dearborn,  and  the  cabin  of  a  wood-chopper,  near  Camp  (Jookc, 
was  robbed,  the  last  resultin<;j  in  a  tijjflit.  It  was  decided  to 
strike  them  at  once,  as  this  could  be  done  without  interferin<; 
with  the  peaceable  Indians.  The  I'lackfeet  were  all  in  J'ritish 
America.  The  IJloods  were  in  two  parties,  one  across  the 
liritish  line,  and  one  above  the  Ited  Coulie,  on  the  Marias. 
The  Piegans  were  on  the  same  stream,  i)Ut  lower  down,  and 
in  separate  bands,  the  hostiles  being  located  at  the  Big  I>end. 
The  camps  of  Heavy  Ilunner,  P.ig  Lake  (I5ig  Leg),  Little 
AVolf,  and  The  l*>oy  were  ordered  to  be  left  unmolested,  as 
these  chiefs  had  proven  themselves  friendly.  Only  the 
camps  of  ^Fountain  Chief,  I'ear  Chief,  and  Kcd  Horn  were 
to  be  struck.  The  expedition  was  put  in  charge  of  Colonel 
E.  M.  r.aker,  of  the  2d  Cavalry,  at  Fort  Ellis.  He  left  that 
post  on  January  <>,  with  four  companies  of  cavalry,  and  pro- 
ceeded to  Fort  Shaw,  at  which  point  he  was  reinforced  by 
two  conipanies  of  mounted  infantry,  and  departed  thence  to 
the  north  on  the  19th. 

The  weather  was  intensely  cold,  and,  as  the  success  of  the 
expedition  depended  largely  on  its  secrecy,  the  marching  was 
done  at  night  after  reaching  the  Teton  Kiver,  on  the  19tli. 
On  the  night  of  the  20th  the  command  proceeded  to  the 
mouth  of  Muddy  Creek,  a  tributary  of  the  Teton.  On  the 
night  of  the  2lst  they  marched  across  the  coutitry  towards 
tlie   I'isr  Uend  of  the  Marias,  but  were  unaijle  to  reach  it. 

CD  ' 

They  lay  all  that  day  in  a  ravine,  on  the  Dry  Fork  of  the 
Marias,  and  at  night  marched  on  again.  About  eight  o'clock 
on  the  morning  of  the  23d  they  reached  the  can)p  of  ]5ear 
Chief  and  lied  Horn,  consisting  of  thirty-seven  lodges,  in  the 
valley  of  the  Marias,  The  attack  was  a  complete  surprise. 
Smallpox  had  broken  out  among  the  Indians,  causing  them 
to  omit  even  the  slight  j)recautions  that  they  would  have 
naturally  observed  in  a  secure  winter  camp.  The  herd  of 
ponies,  over  300  in  number,  was  cut  off  and  secured.     173  In- 


I'l'.VISllING   TFlfc   l'!i:({AN.S. 


521> 


roKT    IIKMON. 


iliiuis,  incliuliiifij  Jved  Horn,  were  killed.  Only  9  escaped  from 
the  place.  All  the  rest,  men,  women,  and  children,  were  either 
killed  or  captured.  Leaving  Lieutenant  Doane  with  a  detach- 
ment to  destroy  tlie  camp.  Colonel  IJaker  hastened  down  the 
river  in  search  of  Mountain  Chiefs  camp,  which  was  said  to 
1)0  four  miles  away,  but  he  found  nothing  until  he  had  gone 
sixteen  miles,  and  then  oidy  seven  deserted  lodges.  These 
wi-re  destroyed,  and  the  command  then  marched  to  the  post 
(if  the  Northwest  Fur  Company,  near  the  lle<l  Coulie,  whore 
the  Blood  chiefs  were  summoned,  and  re<iuircd  to  give  up 
the  stolen  liorses  in  their  possessiim,  after  which  the  troops  re- 
turned to  their  quarters.  The  captives  that  had  been  taken 
were  released  at  once,  on  learning  that  the  smallpox  was 
iiinong  them,  and  found  their  way  to  other  camps.  Thus  far 
the  details  of  the  "  Piegan  War"  are  as  stated  above,  by  the 
concession  of  all  parties  concerned,  but  beyond  this  there  ie 
some  controversy,  and  the  matter  has  been  left  in  that  unde- 

34 


680 


MASSACRES  OF  TIIK  MOUNTAINS. 


cided  state  which  forces  a  recourse  to  the  calciilntioti  of  proh- 
ahilities. 

The  principal  point  in  dispute  was  the  age  and  sex  of  the 
persons  killed.  The  report  from  the  Indians  was  first  re- 
ceived, it  having  been  collected  from  them  by  J,ientenaiit 
Pease,  their  agent, and  was  as  follows:  "Of  the  17.'{  killed  on 
the  23d,  33  were  men  ;  of  these,  15  only  were  such  as  are  called 
by  them  young,  or  fighting,  men  ;  these  were  between  the  ages 
of  twelve  and  thirty-seven  ;  the  remaining  18  were  between 
the  ages  of  thirty-seven  and  seventy ;  8  of  the  latter  were 
between  the  ages  of  sixty  and  seventy  ;  90  were  women — 
35  between  the  ages  of  twelve  and  thirty  -  seven,  and  55 
between  the  ages  of  thirty-seven  and  seventy  ;  the  remain- 
i!ig  50  were  children,  none  older  than  twelve  years,  and  many 
of  them  in  their  inuthnrs'  arms.  Out  of  219  belonging  to  Ked 
Horn's  camp,  only  46  survived ;  among  them  are  9  young 
men  who  escaped  during  the  attack,  and  5  who  were  away 
hunting.  The  lives  of  18  women  and  19  children  (none  of 
them  more  than  three  years  of  age,  and  the  majority  of  them 
much  younger),  some  of  whom  were  wounded,  were  spared 
by  the  soldiers.  lied  Horn  himself  was  killed.  At  the  time 
of  the  attack  this  camp  was  sulTering  severely  with  small- 
pox, having  had  it  among  them  for  two  months,  the  average 
rate  of  deaths  among  them  having  been  six  daily."  The 
original  report  of  Colonel  I'aker  was  limited,  in  this  regard, 
to  the  statement:  "The  result  of  the  expedition  is  173  In- 
dians killed,  over  100  prisoners,  women  and  children."  lie 
never  furnished  a  detailed  report  of  the  sex  and  age  of  the 
killed,  such  as  (xencral  Sherman  said  was  "  proper  and  usual,'' 
any  further  than  the  following,  by  telegraph  :  "  I  am  satisfied 
that  the  following  tiumbers  approximate  as  nearly  to  the  ex- 
act truth  as  any  estimate  can  possibly  be  made.  That  the 
number  killed  was  173.  Of  these  there  were  120  able  men, 
53  women  and  children;  that  of  captives  (afterwards  re- 
leased), there  were  of  women  and  children  140."  At  least,  no 
further  report  was  submitted  to  the  House  of  Representatives, 
which  called  on  the  War  Department  for  all  paj)ers  and  cor- 
respondence connected  with  the  affair.  On  February  3. 
General  De  Trobriand   wrote,  presumably  from  the  infor- 


l'l'NI8IIlN(i  Till-:   l'Ii:(iAN8. 


531 


jiiation  he  had  bctri  able  to  acquire  by  that  time:  "The  exe- 
cution was  inado  a^'aitist  IH>  lodges,  and  there  17;5  were  l<illed  ; 
about  100  8(jua\v8  and  pappooses  were  eaptured,  and,  after  tlio 
action,  turned  loose  unhurt." 

It  is  apparent  that  botii  the  first  and  seeond  statements 
are  cxag<i[erated,  and  probable  that  the  information  on  which 
tiie  third  was  based  was  somewhat  colored.  As  to  the  tirst, 
if  the  Indians  had  been  dying  at  the  rate  of  six  a  day,  for 
two  months,  the  camp  would  have  been  completely  depopu- 
lated before  the  tr(Mq)8  reached  it.  As  to  the  second,  the  esti- 
mate of  120  al)le  men,  out  of  a  total  of  'Mo,  is  a  proj)ortion 
that  was  never  known  to  exist  in  any  winter  camp  in  the 
country.  A^  .-*"blished  by  all  preceding  and  succeeding  es- 
timates and  censuses  of  the  Blackfoot  nation,  the  ordinary 
proportion  of  warriors  was  two  to  each  lodge,  a  lodge  being 
estimated  at  seven  people.  The  variations  from  this  propor- 
tion in  any  recorded  enumeration  are  very  slight.  We  would 
therefore  naturally  expect,  in  a  village  of  37  lodges,  L'59  j)eo- 
plc,  of  whom  74  would  bo  warriors.  ^Mnailpox  migiit  have 
decreased  this  total  to  219,  as  stated  by  the  Indians,  but  there 
is  scarcely  a  possibility  that  there  should  have  been  only  29 
fighting  men  belonging  to  the  band.  :id  stated  by  them,  i.  e., 
I  ■)  killed,  9  escaped,  and  5  absent.  The  fair  inference  from 
all  considerations,  it  being  remembered  that  Colonel  J}aker's 
statement  purports  to  be  an  estimate  only,  and  that  the  exam- 
ination of  a  camp  in  which  there  was  smallpox  would  proba- 
l)ly  be  brief,  is  that  about  60  of  the  killed  were  warriors, 
and  113  women  and  children.  The  number  of  nominal  cap- 
tives was  not  probably  more  than  85. 

The  attack  on  the  Piegans  created  a  sensation  in  the  East, 
or,  more  properly,  a  sensation  was  created  by  a  letter  of  Vin- 
cent Colyer'p,  concerning  it,  which  found  its  way  into  print. 
What  Lieutenant  Pease  had  reported  merely  as  the  statement 
(if  the  Indians,  this  letter  stated  as  fact,  in  these  direct  terms: 
"The  facts  were  received  to-day  from  Lieutenant  W.  I>. 
I'ease,  United  States  Army,  the  agent  of  the  IJlackfeet,  and 
is  endorsed  by  General  Sully,  L'nited  States  Army."  This 
was  a  palpable  misrepresentation.  Lieutenant  Pease  ex- 
presslv  stated   the  sources  of  his  information,  and  General 


MASSACKKiS  OF   TllK   MOINTAINS. 


Sull) 


\\:  eniloi'sciiicnt  .sail 


The  report  that  Liuutcnaiit  I'ea.-t; 


seiidrt  IS  entirely  what  the  Indians  say  of  the  allair,  and  u( 
coir.se  it  is  natural  to  suppose  it  is  prejudiced  in  their  o'vii 
favor.     It  is  the  Indians'  side  of  the  (piestion,  and,  as  1  am 


h 


lere  as  their  only  re])rese"  tative,  1  consider  it  niy  iluty  to 


trive 


them 


a  lieariiiij. 


On  Mr.  ("olver's  letter  the  action  ot" 


the  troops  was  severely  criticised  in  ( 'oiijjress,  as  it  wmild 
prohahly  have  been  also  on  t!ie  facts,  for  the  criticism  was 
addressed  to  the  inainn'i-  of  making;  war  which  invidved  tlie 
killini;  of  women  and  children.  Said  Mr.  N'oorhees;  "  When 
the  Indians  v>ere  a  power  in  this  land  wi;  niade  war  on  them 
accordin<;  to  civilized  warfare.  We  struck  them  in  manly 
l)attle.  Now,  when  they  are  poor,  l)ri>ken,  and  miserai)lc 
rcPinants,  corrupted  and  demoraliz(;(i,  it  is  proposed  to  chantry 
our  mode  of  warfare,  aiul  smite  not  merely  the  warrior,  hut 
the  woman  and  the  habe  in  her  arms.  1  have  thoinjht  much 
on  this  suitject.  and  the  more  I  think  of  it  the  more  it  tills 
me  with  horror.  If,  however,  we  are  to  chan;^ft;  the  policy  of 
the  government,  let  it  go  forth  to  *.he  country  now;  ...  if 
the  administration  is  to  call  home  its  peaceful  agents  who  arc 
endeavoring  to  civilize  the  Indians,  and  to  send  instead  the 
sword  and  the  fagot  into  their  mid>t,  when  tliey  are  in  their 
lodires,  in  the  dead  of  winter;  to  strike  them  when  dviii!'  of 
di.sease,  sparing  neither  mother  nor  hahc,  till  the  scream  of 
the  last  expiring  infant  shall  he  heard  in  its  helpless  agony 
on  the  gale,  tlun  avow  it,  avow  it  here,  avow  it  boldly,  and 
say  that  Indian  warfare  in  these  days  means  extermination — 
exterm.iiation  witiiout  regard  to  age,  sex,  condition,  or  health, 
anything    else    that   iisnally   protecls  non-combatants  in 

Mr.  Mtingen  said:  "In  K)oking  at  the  ac(!ounts  of  the 
inhuman  sacriliccs  of  those  'savages'  who  wen;  women  and 
children,  I  cannot  see  in  it  any  mercy,  or  justice,  or  ]iuinaiMt\. 
or  (.'hristianity,  or  any  godlike  attribut»;s.  As  for  the  sav- 
ages who  murder  anil  destroy  our  women  and  children.  1 
would  tight  them  to  the  last,  but  I  would  not  torture'  even 
them:  and  I  certainly  would  not  jump  upon  a  little  Indian 
child,  having  the  smallpox,  and  kill  it."  The  debate,  which 
was  in  Committee  of  the  Whole,  resulted   in  nothinir  but  a 


or 
war. 


rrNisiiiNo  Tiiic  i'ii:(iAN.s. 


688 


call  for  the  corrcspoinlctu'o  from  tlic  War  am]  Fiitcrior  di'part- 
iiiciits,  it  liaviriij  heeii  shrewdly  treatinl  as  a  Democratic  at- 
tack oil  (icncral  Sheridan,  hy  the  friends  of  the  admiiustra- 
tioii,  although  ii  ilepiihlicaii  heirati  the  critici-iu  and  others 
aided  in  it.  There  was  an  attempt  made  also  to  interpose 
i  ieneral  Ilane(»ck,  then  eommanding  the  Department  of  I)a- 
kota,  as  till'  respotisihle  supi  i^r  otlicer.  lii  tnilli.  (Jeueral 
Sheridan  was  the  respotisihle  iiiperidf.  he  having  sent  Iiispec- 
ttir-(  ieneral  ilardii!  to  Montana  to  inve>ligate,  and,  on  receiv- 
ing his  report,  having  issiieil  instrtictioiis  to  him,  on  .lanuarv 
!.">.  in  these  words:  "If  the  lives  and  property  (d"  citi/.eiiH 
<d'  Montana  can  hest  i>e  protected  hy  striking  the  Indians,  1 
want  liienj  struck.     Tell  I  laker  to  strike  tiiem  hard," 


*^ 


lirKnTKNANT-OKMEKAL    P.    H.  MI»:itl|l«N. 


)U 


MASSACUKS    OF  Till:   MOINTAIN.S. 


Neitlior  (ioneral  Siieriilaii  luir  aii}'  other  officer  advocated 
or  defended  any  lumecessary  killing  of  women  and  children, 
altlioni^li  they  jnstilleil  the  attack.  C"oh>nel  I'aker  reported: 
"I  believe  that  every  etfort  was  made  iiy  officers  and  men  to 
save  non-comhatants,  and  that  sneh  women  and  diihhxMi  ass 
were  killed  were  killed  accidentally.'  General  De  Trobriand 
ri'porteil  :  "  (.Jnarft-r  was  iriven  to  all  known  in  time  as 
women  and  chihlrcn."  (ieneral  Sheridan,  after  referririiij  to 
women  and  childrfn  who  save  them.-elves  diirin<^  the  bom- 
bardment tif  cities  by  hidin<^  in  cellars,  said  :  '•Should  any  of 
the  women  and  children  of  the  I'icijans  have  lo.st  tlniir  livee, 
1  sincerely  regret  that  th  -y  had  not  similar  places  of  refuije. 


tl 


lonirli 


I  d 


onlit   11   tiiey    vo 


wld   1 


lave   availed    tlicmselvcs   o 


f 


them,  fur  tli(y  fi^rht  with  m  »re  fury  than  the  men."     (ii'iieral 


Kl 


lermaii  said 


Tl 


lere  is  no  question  at  all  of  responsibilit 


save  and  except  only  as  to  whether  Colniie!  I'.aker  wantonlj, 
and  t-nu'lly  kille<l  wcniien  and  children  iinresi?-tiii;;,  and  this  I 
never  believed."'  With  all  this  unanimity  of  sentiment,  and 
thoii<rh  Maker  may  not  haxc  directed  it.  it  seems  imp<»ssi- 
ble  that  so  many  women  and  children  i-hoiild  he  Jiecessarily 
killed,  whether  the  number  was  ol],  as  estimated  liy  the  mili- 
tary, or  140,  as  claimed  by  the  Indians,  or  a  metJium  between 
tliese  extremes,  as  is  most  probable.  l~'.)  Iiulians  are  too 
many  to  be  neccs.><arily  killed  out  of  tliirty-sev«>n  lod;;cs,  es- 
])ecially  when  the  only  casualty  to  the  attacking  J'SH'ty  was 
one  man  killed.  Whether  the  re.-ults  jiistilied  it  is  another 
•juestioii,  hut  there  is  hardly  room  fi>r  donbl  that  Init  for  the 
determined  stand  of  all  tlie  officers  in  defence  of  the  action, 
the  attack  on  the  l'iei;an  villaj^c'  would  have  rested  in  the 
same  c:ite:L,^ory  with  Sand  Creek. 

'lo  the  cotiservative   mind   the  justice  of  the  criticisms 
made  will  depend  largely  on  the  (juestion  whether  there  was 


or  was  not  existiiiijr  a  state  of  war 


If  tl 


lere  were 


tl 


i<    mili- 


tary \  iew  that  a  sin>j;le  eiTectivi;  blow  is  the  most  humane 
way  of  eiidini;  u  war,  is  certainly  worthy  of  consideration. 
If  not.  the  niovenient  should  have  been  confined  to  the 
arrest  of  criminals.  Ah  to  this  there  was  a  difTerenee  of 
opinion.  On  Auj^ust  IS,  when  the  (list  rep«(rts  of  the  kill 
iiig  of  Clarke  leached  him,  (Ieneral  Sully  teli'^raphed :  "I 


I'l'NiHUiNG  Tin;  riKUANs. 


585 


fpar  we  will  have  to  consider  the  Ulackfeet  in  a  state  of  war." 
With  snbsequont  reports  his  opiniotis  ehann^od,  and  on  .lanu- 
aiT  K5  he  tlmnirht  tliat  all  dilllciiltics  luiglit  be  ended  !)}•  the 


t^eiziire  o 


f  M 


oiin 


tain  Chief  and  half  a  doze 


)f  1 


n  or  ins  warriors. 


( >n  ( )etol)er  ♦!.  (leneral  1  >>'  Tmhriand  said:  "The  lirst  fact, 
which  1  think  must  he  admitted  In-  all.  is  that  there  is  actu- 
ally no  Inditin  uuir  in  the  territory,"  and  he  then  favored  the 
arrest  of  a  few  men,  as  an  idequate  measure.  With  the  dep- 
r('(haions  in  Deeemher  his  opinions  changed,  and  in  .lanu- 
arv  he  favored  chastising  the  hostile  hands,  (ieneral  Ilardie, 
at  the  latter  period,  thought  a  single  severe  blow  "would 
he  more  s])aring  of  blood,  and  better  on  all  accounts,"  but  he 
reported  the  facts  ami  the  opinions  of  both  sides  impartially, 
with  the  question  :  "  Fmler  all  the  circumstances,  how  far 
-liould  the  ()|)inion  of  (Jeneral  Sullv,  as  to  scope  of  operations, 
goveiii  the  military  f  To  this  (rcneral  Sheridan  replied 
by  the  telegraphic  instructions  above  tpioted,  and  the  attack 
was  made  in  pursuance  of  his  order.  In  connection  with  the 
question  as  to  the  propriety  (»f  indi.scriininate  attack,  it  is  to 
be  remembered  that  Mountain  Chief  and  the  worst  of  the  of- 
fenders, as  conceded  by  all,  escaped  altogether.  It  is  also 
noteworthy,  as  a  probal)le  result  of  the  criticism,  that  there 
h;i--  not  occurreii  since  that  time  any  such  indiscriminate  at- 
t;M-k.      However  jur.t   may   be  the   feeling  of  some  that  this 


mttiiod    IS   the  moii' 


■iTcct 


ive. 


11(1   therefore   the   more  hi 


mane,  the  general  sentiment  of  the  country  is  against  it.  As 
-Mr.  Voorhees  said  :  "  It  cannot  be  justified  here  or  before  the 
country ;  it  cannot  be  justified  before  the  civilization  of  the 
age,  or  in  the  sight  of  (Jod  or  man." 

Since  the  inllictioii  of  this  severe  |)unishment  there  has 
been  no  trouble  reported  from  the  I'iegans,  though  they  have 
had  ample  cau>e  for  it.  While  this  result  is  to  some  extent 
attributal)le  to  that  putiishment,  it  is  more  largely  explained 
by  other  things.  Indians  are  usually  ob(>dieiit  to  their  own 
laws:  the  lawlessness  that  whitt*  nu'ii  object  to  arises  from  the 
fact  that  their  laws  dilTei'  from  ours,  and  from  tin;  fact  that 
"iir  laws  have  not  covered  olTences  committed  among  them. 
The  Indian  tribes  have  been  left  to  regulate  their  own  behav- 
ior so  loii^  as  they  did  not  interfere  with  tho  whiles.     If  a 


530 


MAS.SACKKS   OF   THK    MOrNTAINS. 


tribe  hud  fjjood  laws  tlio  rosults  were  always  hoiiofieial,  but  with 
those  whoso  laws  were  of  a  barl>arotis  type  there  have  occuiTed 
inauy  crimes,  from  our  stand,  for  wiiich  there  was  no  redress. 
The  I'llackfeet,  as  has  Iteeii  mentioned,  had  a  remarkaldy  com- 
plete tribal  orj^anization,  and  when  this  was  supplemcnteil  l)y 
a  code  of  jjood  laws,  which  they  were  indiici'd  to  adopt  in 
1875,  a  nnist  admiralile  state  of  (jnietude  resulted.  Their  code 
prohibits  intemperance,  poty<.famy,  sal(!  of  women,  theft,  and 
assault.  Murder  is  punisheil  by  death.  Their  p(/li<!e  force 
has  executed  these  laws  effectively.  Not  only  this,  Itut  they 
have  arrested  a  number  of  Indian  and  white  criminals,  who 
had  committed  crimes  in  the  settlements  and  undertaken  to 
escape  across  the  reservation. 

The  Sakitapix  have  not  advanced  much  in  civilization,  but 
what  advance  they  have  made  has  beeti  due  to  their  own 
efforts.  They  were  assigned  to  the  Methodist  ("hurch  for 
missionary  work,  but  none  has  been  done  amoiii;  them.  An 
all(':^ed  government  school  has  been  reported  as  being  in  oper- 
ation at  their  ageiu'y  for  some  fifteen  years,  at  an  expense  of 
^I'JOO  a  year,  paid  out  of  their  appropriations,  and  satis- 
factory results  have  been  reported  from  year  to  year;  iuit 
in  l!HS4  conujs  the  statement  that  sixteen  of  the  J51ackfout 
nation — think  if  it,  sixteen  ! — can  actually  r(!a(l,and  that  four- 
teen of  these  have  learned  all  of  that  (luring  the  past  year. 
We  have  then,  j)resumalily.  two  children  taught  to  read  as  the 
result  of  the  work  of  the  fourteen  years  previous,  and  an  out- 
lay of  some  ^17,()<'(».  It  is  a  great  achievement  to  get  ^S5(M) 
Worth  of  readinir  into  one  child's  head,  lie  ou'dit  to  become 
an  clocutioni.-t  of  high  degree — an  ornament  to  any  reserva- 
tion. The  chances  are  ai)out  one  hundreil  to  one  tiiat  the  In- 
dians have  been  roblu^d  by  their  agents,  but  it  is  also  evident 
that  the  aid  given  them  iiy  die  government  has  been  iiiade- 
fpiate.  It  is  a  fact  that  ought  to  be  considered  a  reproach  to 
the  nation  that  peaceable  tribe^%  as  a  rule,  have  received  little 
assistance,  no  nuitter  what  their  needs  may  be  or  their  services 
have  been.  As  to  this  narion,  the  statistical  tables  have  fur- 
nished information  which  on  its  face  is  unreliable,  but  still  i:> 
enough  to  show  something  of  their  sull'erings  from  want.  The 
deaths  liavc  repeatedly  been  in  excess  of  the  births,  and  in  1884 


I'UNI.SIILNU  TlIK  rii:uAN.s. 


537 


the  terrible  disproportion  was  rciiched  (if  247  dc.itliF,  cliiofiy 
from  starvation  and  its  concomitant  illh,  against  l(i  births. 
It  lias  not  needed  ptatistical  tables  to  prove  their  wretched 
lot;  again  and  again  the  news])api'rs  have  lurolished  the  item: 
"The  I'iegans  are  reported  to  Ik-  starving,  notwithstaiui'ng 
the  assistance  furnished  them  by  the  governmeni,"  and  simi- 
lar brevities.  It  is  notorious  tiiat  we  have  been  starving  these 
pi'Oplc,  and  it  is  true  that  ( "ongress,  wiiich  waxed  so  furious 
over  the  slaughter  of  a  few  dozens  of  women  and  childien.  is 
largely  responsilile  for  the  death  (.f  a  iniich  greater  number, 
by  the  more  lingering  and  more  cruel  mode. 

There  has  been  no  cxcnso  for  tiiis  neglect.  The  matter 
has  been  calknl  to  the  attention  of  ("ongress  several  times,  in 
the  most  urgent  language,  and  Congress,  in  response,  has  cut 
down  their  ai>propriation.  Fiom  1S71  to  iS7S  the  appropria- 
tion was  ^r)0,()riO  annually;  in  the  latter  year  it  was  cut  to. 
84(»,(IUO;  in  ISSl  it  was  cut  again  to  ,^y:),(!i)0.  All  the  ex- 
])ense8  of  the  reservation,  including  the  pay  of  from  six  to 
eight  employes  and  teachers,  wore  paid  out  of  this  sum.  At 
the  same  time  their  other  sources  of  support  liavi'  been  decreas- 
ing even  more  rapiv'ly.  The  buffalo,  which  was  formerly  their 
nniin  reliance,  is  entirely  gone,  and  other  ganii-  has  so  de- 
creased that  it  can  no  longer  br;  coutited  on  for  material  sup- 
port. The  sitiuition  has  been  growing  worse  constantly  until, 
in  1S81,  K.  A.  Allen,  who  took  charge  of  the  agency  on  .\piil 
1  of  that  year,  reportetl  as  follows:  '•When  I  entered  upon 
the  duties  of  agent  I  found  the  Imlians  in  a  deplorable  condi- 
tion. Their  supplies  had  been  limiteil,  and  many  of  them 
were  gradually  «lying  of  starvation.  I  visited  a  large  number 
of  their  tents  .nnd  cabins  the  second  day  after  they  had  re- 
ceived their  weekly  rations,  looked  through  them  carefully, 
and  found  no  pr'.>visions,  except  in  two  instances.  All  boro 
marks  of  sulTeririg  frouj  lack  of  food,  but  the  little  children 
<»'emed  to  have  sulfered  most;  they  were  so  emaciated  that  it 
ilid  not  seem  possil)le  for  them  to  live  long,  and  many  of  them 
have  since  passed  away.  To  feed  tlu'so  Indians,  about  23(>0 
in  numlK'r,  from  April  1  to  June  30.  I  had  11>,0S()  pounds 
^.u'on.  44,7U(>  pounds  beef,  and  (»2,r)((5  ]iounds  llour,  being 
vtdy  li  ounces  bacon,  3^  ounces  beef,  and  less  tiian  5  ounces 


538 


MASSACKIvS  OF   TMIO   MOl'NTAINS. 


llniir  per  thxy  for  cadi  iiulividiiiil.  J  had  no  beiuis,  rice,  hoiu- 
iiiy,  salt,  nor  any  otlier  articles  of  food,  exct'|)t  siiijar,  tea,  and 
cofTi'C  ((if  wliicli  I  had  only  enouf^h  for  the  sick  and  intinii)  to 
^ivo  thfni,  tilt"  supply  of  such  articles  Living  been  exhausted 
bofuie  this  time,  nor  have  I  yet  |  An<;iist  14|  received  any.  In 
the  fore  part  »>f  May  I  was  reduced  to  such  a  strait  that  I  was 
compelled  to  issue  over  2(M)(»  jxiunds  of  bacon  which  hail  been 
comlemned  by  a  board  of  survey  the  past  winter,  but  which 
I  fcuml  not  to  be  in  as  bad  condition  as  had  been  8nppose<l. 
lu  the  latter  part  of  iJunc  and  fore  part  of  July,  so  jjreat  was 
their  (h'stitutioii  that  the  Indians  stripped  the  bark  from  the 
8apliiii^>i  tiiit  irrow  alnn^  \he  creeks  and  ate;  the  inner  portion 
to  apjicase  tin'ir  <;!ia\vinf;  liunjjcer."  Do  you  f;rasp  the  dread- 
ful iuipijrt  <jf  these  words  ^  Here,  in  free  America,  in  the 
year  ;if  ^race  lS8-i,  when  a  surplus  of  so  many  niillious  had 
accuMiidati  <l  in  the  national  treasury  that  financiers  were 
ftii^htened,  tliis  occurred,  and  nothini;  was  done  to  relieve 
their  sulTeriniis.  U  the  people  had  understood  this,  and  had 
know?i  hiw  to  reacii  the  I'iej^ans,  they  would  doiibtless  have 
responded  as  cheerfully  and  as  liliendly  to  their  cry  of  (h'stress 
as  they  have  to  the  calls  of  the  famine-stricken  elsewhere,  but 
they  dill  not.  We  have  been  trustin^ij:  our  authorized  repre- 
sentatives to  look  after  sucih  tliin<^h,  and  they  have  not  done  it. 
We  ou<jht  to  huve  known  it,  or  rather  it  oiiyht  never  to 
have  ocearred.  There  is  Hunethin;;  radically  and  horribly 
wronj;  in  the  manajrement  of  Indian  alTairs  to  make  such 
a  thin};  pos6ii)le.  The  Boanl  of  Indian  ("ommissioners 
ewj^ht  to  assume  the  responsibility  of  callin<;  on  the  peoj)le 
ft>r  aid  in  eucdi  a  case  and  it  would  be  well  if  standing  com 
mittees  were  appointed  in  each  state  and  territory  where  In- 
diane  live,  to  see  that  such  destitution  is  promptly  reported  to 
the  IkMwd. 

An  Hde<juate  relief  of  these  Indians  is  not  merely  a  matter 
of  humanitr  and  charity.  We  owe  it  to  them  to  put  a  stoj) 
to  this  w«»rM!  th.in  inqiii.-itorial  cruelty.  We  eonlirnu'd  to 
them  l»y  treaty,  in  IHrto,  all  the  Uind  north  (»f  tlie  Mussel-shell 
and  MissfHiri  rivers,  from  the  waHoutli  of  Milk  kiver  to  the 
main  ran<;e  of  the  U(»ckiw.  a«id  to  tiietn,  'm  common  with 
other  tribes.  huntitJir-fjrouud*  betweiM  ti»e  VuUowstone  and 


till 
I'l 

ti\ 
tr( 
ria 
tri'i 
all 
till 
iIh 
to 
wa 
lot 

CXI 

wa 

i;5, 

tlu 
it 

\ns 
liii 

SU] 

fft 

ilVi 

till 

res 

pit 

llU^ 


till 

is; 

(•hi 
wo 

the 
Iho 
nut 
anc 
ten 
hill 
ami 


I'UMSHINd  TIIK   IMIMiANS. 


541 


tlic  Musscl-sliell,  froiri  the  Kockies  to  Twctity-fivo  Yard  (Jreek. 
riuler  the  iiiinitilitHl  troatii's  of  18t!<5  and  ISOH,  and  the  execu- 
tive orders  of  .Inly  5,  1S73,  and  Aiii^ust  ll>,  ls74,  we  tuok 
from  them  all  the  land  between  the  Mussel-shell  and  the  ^la- 
rius.  as  well  as  their  hiintin^-j;ronnds  hel(»w — the  host  hiintiii<;- 
irroiinds  they  had  — for  whieii  we  j^ave  them  nothinij  hnt  the 
annuities  mentioned.  l>y  Act  of  Congress  cd"  April  15,  1874, 
the  reservation  was  made  to  include  only  the  land  north  of 
the  Missouri  and  the  Marias,  from  the  western  line  oi'  Dakota 
to  the  main  raiij^e  of  the  liockies,  and  the  eastern  part  of  this 
was  reserved  for  the  (iros  Ventres  and  liiver  Crows,  who  are 
located  there.  It  is  true  that  the  reservation  was  increased  l»y 
executive  order  of  April  i;5,  1S75.  hut  nearly  all  the  increase 
was  restored  to  the  piihli*  <lomain  i)y  executive  order  of  July 
i;{,  ISSO.  We  took  their  land  because  we  had  jxiwer  to  do  so; 
they  were  the  wards  of  the  nation,  and  the  nation  could  do  as 
it  pleased.  If  an  ordinary  guardian  should  thus  appropriate 
his  ward's  property  tlu;  courts  would  not  be  slow  in  forcing 
him  to  disgorge,  but  there  is  no  (iourt,  except  the  people,  to 
supervise  the  doings  of  the  Indians'  guardian.  J)id  the  JJlack- 
fcet  object  to  thisJ  Certainly  they  did,  l>ut  their  protest 
availed  them  nothing.  Not  only  did  these  orders  take  away 
their  lands,  but  they  left  the  reservation  buildings  outside  the 
reservatioti,  and  new  ones  had  to  be  built  out  of  the  miserable 
liittance — four  cents  a  day  to  each  individual — provided  for 
their  education,  civilization,  and  supj)ort.  Woidd  not  justice 
have  been  better  here  than  the  humanity  that  was  exercised^ 
But,  it  may  be  asked,  why  do  not  these  Indians  do  some- 
thing for  themselves?  They  have  done  all  they  could.  In 
lS7i),  their  agent  reported:  "Some  of  the  most  inlluential 
chiefs  set  an  example  to  the  rest  l)y  going  into  the  field  and 
working  themselves,  instead  of  simply  standing  by  and  seeing 
their  stjuaws  work."  In  1882,  he  reported:  "In  all  the  work 
I  he  agency  refjuires  the  Indians  are  an  efHcient  help,  sxich  as 
cutting  and  hauling  firewood,  also  saw-logs  from  the  mountains, 
and  hauling  in  hay  fron>  the  Jiearest  hay-field,  which  is  some 
ten  miles  from  the  agency.  Our  hay  crop  will  be  about  one 
hundred  tons.  The  Indians  use  their  own  ponies  in  hauling, 
and  soon  become  fair  teamsters."    The  trouble  is  that  there  is 


542 


MASSACKKS   «»r  Till':   MorN'lAINS. 


notliiiiiij  for  tliein  t(»<lo  Ity  which  tlicy  (tan  support  themselves. 
Tlioy  iire  in  an  isolated  position,  where  there  is  no  call  for  nn- 
skilled  labor  from  nei<;hi)orin<^  settlements.  Farmin«;  has  been 
tried  on  their  reservation  for  over  twenty  year>J.  and  it  has 
nsnally  failed  from  droui;ht  or  i^ra.^shoppers.  In  the  few  years 
liiat  crops  have  looked  hopeful,  the  Indians  have  been  driven 
l)y  starvation  to  eat  them  loni(  before  they  matured,  or  the 
Indians  from  the  I'ritish  side  of  the  liiu;  so  preyed  upon  thcMu 
that  they  were  forced  to  abandon  cultivation  and  come  in  t( 


tl 


le  aire 


i»ey. 


in  order  t(»  protect  their  few  remainiji<?  horses. 
Coni^ress  has  been  informed  a  number  of  times  that  farmiiii^ 
in  this  country  was  hopeless  without  irriifatioii,  and  that  no 
funds  had  been  provided  for  makinjj;  irrigation  ditches  or  pro- 
curinii;  implements,  but  ('ongress  has  just  as  often  failed  to  d(» 
anythin*^.  How  long  is  this  to  continue  ?  There  seems  to  be 
no  help  for  it  from  the  government.  A  deaf  ear  has  been 
turned  to  the  prayer  of  the  living  and  the  groaii  of  the  dying 
alike.  The  government  too  seldom  moves  until  accumulated 
wrongs  have  brought  on  bloodshed.  In  this  case  we  have  been, 
and  now  are,  writing  one  of  the  most  damning  jtages  in  our 
Indian  history.  We  are  making  either  spectres  to  haunt  our 
firesides,  or  demons  to  rtivenge  their  shameful  wrongs.  The 
time  may  come  when  they  will  light  the  frontier  with  the  red 
torch  of  war.  If  it  should,  will  any  white  man  be  able  to  say 
that  their  warfare  "cannot  bo  justified  before  the  civilization 
of  the  age,  or  in  the  sight  of  (lod  or  man"i* 


*  Siiico  llio  nbove  wns  written,  in  August,  \Hh'>,  it  was  reported  that 
some  of  till!  Piegans  (l>y  which  niinii'  (lie  I'nlire  liiacivfoot  nation  is  now 
l\n(i\vn)  liad  been  stealinir  liorses,  and  liad  foutdit  wilh  widle  iiiirsuers, 
Possibly  llie  rejuirt  was  false.  It  1^;  only  snrprisini,',  however,  thai  they 
have  not  otulen  everything  they  could  lay  ludd  of. 


riiAPTi:i{  xvii. 

THK  TUA(iKI)Y  OK   Tllh;   I.AVA    ItKDS, 

Xo  other  trilx;  <»f  Aiiieiictin  Indians  ever  leaped  into  no- 
toriety so  sudden))'  and  unexpectedly  as  the  ^lodocs,  and  no 
tribe  has  excited  more  interest  since  their  appearance  het'oro 
the  public.  They  were  almost  unknown  in  the  East  until 
1S7;{.  There  had  never  been  more  tiian  four  or  live  hundred 
of  them  since  the  whites  knew  them,  and  as  they  occupied 
a  country  wliich  was  lu^t  very  desirable,  and  were  known  to 
be  warriors  who  could  not  bo  bullied  or  intimidated,  they 
were  not  much  disturbed  by  adventurers.  They  were  jiecul- 
iar  ])eople;  good-natured,  as  ii  rule,  but  high-tempered;  in- 
dustrious, and  yet  as  haughty  as  the  laziest  Indians  on  the  con- 
tinent. They  liad  more  of  that  con\incndable  pride  which 
makes  men  desire  to  be  independent  and  self-sni)porting  than 
any  of  their  neighbors.  Tluiy  were  inclined  to  be  exclusive 
in  their  social  relations,  but  even  among  themselves  there  was 
little  merry-making.  They  took  a  more  serious  view  of  life 
and  its  duties.  StublKirnness  and  strong  will  were  tribal  chai'- 
a('teri8ti(!s.  In  feature  they  are  rugged  and  strong,  the  cheek- 
bones large  and  prominent,  the  hair  thick  and  coarse,  the  face 
heavy  and  not  much  wriid<led  in  old  ago.  Their  vitality  is 
remarkable.  The  tribe  lost  about  one  hundred  and  lifty  mem- 
l)ers  by  small-pox  in  1S47,  and  they  were  often  at  war  witii 
other  tribes  and  with  the  whites,  yet  they  innuber  now  about 
the  same  as  when  we  first  knew  them,  wliile  other  tribes,  for- 
merly stronger  than  they,  have  passed  almost  out  of  existence. 
There  was  no  troul)Ie  with  them,  of  any  consetpicnce,  from 
IS.-jO  to  1S72.  They  lived  in  comparative  j)eace,  and  the 
civilized  world  went  on  in  its  hurry  and  bustle,  all  uncon- 
scious of  tlieir  existence.  They  hunted  and  trapped  in  their 
mountain  wilds.     They  paddled  their  dug-out   canoes  over 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
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544 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


their  lakes  and  streams,  dragging  their  seines  or  seeking  for 
water-fowl.  In  these  same  eanoes  tliey  gathered  the  wocus, 
an  aquatic  plant  peculiar  to  tiieir  lakes,  with  a  pericarp  like  a 
poppy  capsule,  full  of  farinaceous  seeds.  This  they  threshed 
out  and  made  into  flour,  or  parched  entire.  They  dug  Icace 
and  cainas  and  other  roots.  They  dwelt  in  their  curious  coni- 
cal houses,  half  underground  and  half  covered  with  dirt,  un- 
molested and  unmolestiuir. 


/•>. 


x 


.  /  V-^    //■        !-,  /li<JACKSONVILL« 


(Klamath  Zake 


^i«ii^  -!^£^.i\  J:i£^ 


r.,«t  n.i 

"^Itnlllo  Nov.'  27, 


0 


DEL   >ro■UTT;-k;'^.'-^<iu■J•/r^sm•H«     ,    ,.r..\Vt  ,,      ■■^%%„     X.  I       ! V, 


1. 1! 


'A.TII 


URtKA      ST'S--~f*iWEAy5BVILLE/  .  ,        , 

■v       C  S,'     '^^  ~«      ^.Jli  l.-vnAf" 

IlumlAMtCiL    . 

HU.M  l!0i,I)T       /    M 


SHASTA  ""U  , 


MAP   OF  THE    MOnOC    COUNlllY. 


On  October  14,  ISCci,  a  treaty  was  made  with  the  Kla- 
niaths,  the  Modocs,  and  the  Ya-hoos-kin  band  of  Snakes,  by 
which  they  surrendered  all  their  lands  and  accepted  a  reserva- 
tion in  Lake  County,  Oregon,  in  the  military  district  known 
as  the  District  of  the  Lakes.  The  Wohl-pa-pe  Snakes  and  the 
O-che-o  Pi-iites  were  afterwards  placed  on  the  same  reserva- 
tion. In  the  ordinary  delay  of  Indian  business,  the  Senate 
did  not  ratify  the  treaty  until  July  2, 1806.  Two  amendments 
were  made  to  it  which  were  simply  grammatical  corrections, 
not  affecting  the  substance  in  any  respect.  It  was  then  turn- 
ed over  to  the  active  and  vigilant  Indian  Bureau,  in  whose 
care  it  reposed  for  three  years  and  a  half.  On  December  10, 
1869,  it  was  submitted   to  the  Indians   for  consent   to   the 


THE  TRAGEDY  OF  THE  LAVA  BEDS. 


645 


:n' 


1 

. 

r 

T  ) 

:  / 1 

•I'  If  ^ 

v-'  '^^ 

■XT 

amendments.  Bj*  that  time  tronblo  had  arisen  and  a  part  of 
tlio  Jiidians  had  become  suspicions.  Captain  Jack, or  Krent- 
poos  (Kient-poos),  thought  that  the  treaty  had  been  materially 
altered.  The  testimony  of  the  other  chiefs  satisfied  him,  how- 
ever, and  it  was  accepted  by  all  of  tliem.  On  February  17, 
1870,  it  was  proclaimed — only  live  years  and  four  months  after 
it  had  been  made.  Thus  do  we  attend  to  business  of  impor- 
tance. The  Indians,  in  the  mean  time,  had  all  moved  to  the 
reservation,  and  settled  down  to  work  in  good  earnest,  build- 
ing cabins  and  enclosing  plats  for  cultivation.  Annuity  goods 
were  issued  to  them  in  the  fall  of  18G7  and  thereafter,  though 
it  appears  that  Captain  Jack's  band  did  not  receive  their 
portion.  In  a  short  time  trouble  arose.  The  Klamaths  and 
Modocs  were  ancient  enemies.  The  former  were  in  two  di- 
visions, one  under  Captain  George,  and  one  under  La-Lake, 
called  respectively  the  Muck-a-lucks  and  the  La-Lakes.  The 
recognized  head  chief  of  the  Modocs  was  Schonchiu  ;  but  only 
a  small  portion  of  them  acknowleciged  his  authority,  and  his 
rank  was  contested  by  Captain  Jack,  on  grounds  of  lineage 
and  tribal  choice.  The  reservation  was  on  land  which  had 
formerly  belonged  to  the  Klamaths.  The  Klamaths  began 
to  devise  and  practise  petty  annoyances  on  the  Modocs.  They 
called  them  "strangers "and  " beggars,"  who  had  come  to  the 
land  of  the  Klamaths  for  support.  They  "  hectored  and  bul- 
lied them,  obstructed  their  fishing  operations,  insulted  and 
beat  their  women  whenever  they  could  do  it  safely,  and,  in 
short,  did  everything  that  savages  are  so  ingenious  in  doing  to 
make  another  tribe  miserable." 

The  Modocs  complained  to  the  agent,  but  the  annoyance 
was  not  stopped.  Schonchiu  endured  tlio  insults  with  the 
fortitude  of  a  Stoic,  but  Jack's  royal  blood  was  not  so  tame, 
lie  left  the  reservation,  taking  a  considerable  number  of  the 
tribe  with  hinj.  The  agent  then  undertook  to  remedy  the 
evil  by  moving  the  Modocs.  lie  put  up  new  reservation 
buildings  in  Sprague  River  Valley,  in  the  eastern  end  of  the 
reservation,  and  to  this  point,  known  as  Yainax  Agency,  Schon- 
chin's  Indians  removed.  Jack  and  his  Indians  were  also  in- 
duced to  return  to  th.e  same  place.  The_y  went  to  work  on 
their  new  location,  but  they  did  not  escape  their  tormentors. 

35 


540 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOl  NTAINS. 


By  some  l)lnnder  a  band  of  Klaniaths  was  located  at  the  same 
place.  After  enduring  the  old  annoyances  for  some  time, 
they  again  complained  to  the  agent  that  tlieir  treatment  was 
unbearable.  The  agent,  Captain  Knapp,  could  see  no  better 
remedy  than  to  move  them  again,  and  accordingly  selected 
another  location.  The  ALodocs  looked  at  it  atid  declined  to 
accept  it,  saying  it  was  nothing  but  a  trap  to  ))ut  them  in  tlie 
]iower  of  the  Jvlamaths.  They  had  lost  their  little  crops,  and 
failed  to  gather  enough  food  for  their  support,  on  account  of 
these  annoyances  and  tlieir  removals,  and  were  reduced  almost 
to  starvation.  As  no  other  relief  was  proposed,  Jack  an- 
nounced his  intention  of  leaving  the  reservation,  and  a  major- 
ity of  the  tribe  went  with  him.  They  went  to  their  old 
iiomes  on  Lost  liiver  and  al)out  Tule  Lake,  into  which  Lost 
River  empties.  The  lake  is  also  known  as  Ilhett  Lake  and 
Modoc  Lake.  Once  afterwards  they  were  induced  to  return 
to  Yainax  Agency  by  Agent  Meacham,  but  soon  after  a  mem- 
ber of  tlie  tribe  became  sick  and  died.  lie  was  attended  by 
a  Klamath  doctor,  whom  Jack  either  killed  or  caused  to  be 
killed,  as  is  common  with  the  Indians  of  the  North-west. 
The  Klamaths  insisted  that  he  should  be  arrested  and  tried 
for  this  otfenco,  in  consequence  of  which  he  again  left  the  res- 
ervation, and  was  followed  by  two-thirds  of  the  tribe.  After 
K  >me  negotiation  it  was  agreed  that  they  might  remain  oti 
the  reservation  so  long  as  no  complaints  were  made  of  them. 

Besides  Jack's  Lidians  there  was  another  l>and  of  Modocs 
off  the  reservation,  living  in  Northern  California,  and  known 
as  the  Hot  Creek  Indians,  who  had  little  to  do  with  any  of 
the  others.  They  numbered  about  forty-live.  There  was  also 
a  little  band  of  nine  or  ten  warriors,  with  their  women  and 
children,  led  by  the  Curly-headed  Doctor.  They  had  broken 
off  from  Jack's  band,  but  still  fraternized  with  its  members 
to  some  extent.  They  were  the  worst  of  the  Modocs,  and  paid 
very  little  attention  to  the  authority  of  any  one.  The  con- 
duct of  tlie  Modocs  off  the  reservation  has  been  a  matter  of 
some  controversy,  but  it  is  pretty  well  established  that  what- 
ever lawlessness  can  i)e  attributed  to  them  was  committed  by 
Curly-headed  Doctor's  little  band.  The  charges  of  bad  con- 
duct against  any  of  the  Modocs  off  the  reservation  finally 


THE  TRAGEDY  OF  THE  LAVA  BED8. 


549 


settled  down  to  these:  that  they  scared  women  and  cliildren 
by  boisterous  conduct  wlien  they  came  to  the  houses  of  the 
settlers;  that  they  killed  cattle;  and  that  they  used  and  car- 
ried off  hav  belonging  to  certain  settlers.  Major  Elmer  Otis 
investigatvid  these  charges  in  the  spring  of  1872.  It  was  tes- 
tified by  some  settlers  tliat  Jack  and  his  band  claimed  their 
old  home  on  the  theory  that  they  were  not  bound  by  the 
treaty,  and  demanded  compensation  from  thos'i  who  settled 
on  these  lands;  that  they  were  insolent  and  threatening;  that 
tliey  were  guilty  of  thefts  and  of  stealing  cattle.  On  the 
other  hand,  one  settler  testified  that  he  had  never  paid  any- 
thing for  settling  on  their  lands,  and  did  not  believe  that  any 
one  was  asked  to  pay  ;  that  the  Indians  were  no  more  insolent 
to  whites  than  whites  are  to  whites;  that  from  inspection  of 
the  trails  made  by  marauders,  he  believed  that  the  Klamaths 
were  the  parties  who  were  guilty  of  killing  the  cattle.  An- 
other settler  testified  that  he  had  lived  near  the  tribe  for  ten 
years,  and  did  not  consider  that  there  was  any  danger  to  set- 
tlers from  them  ;  that  the  parties  whose  hay  was  taken  had 
agreed  to  pay  the  Indians  for  cutting  hay  on  lands  claimed 
by  them  and  had  failed  to  do  so.  It  may  be  mentioned,  in 
this  connection,  that  the  general  charge  was  made,  all  through 
the  Modoc  troubles,  that  the  Indians  were  influenced  by  "low 
whites,"  who  advised  them  to  resist  removal  to  the  reserva- 
tion. This  position  is  hardly  tenable.  On  his  trial,  when 
there  was  every  inducement  to  state  anything  that  would  ex- 
cuse him.  Captain  Jack  solemnly  denied  that  he  had  ever  been 
advised  to  I'esist  by  any  white  man.  lie  denied  always  that 
he  or  his  tribo  had  been  guilty  of  wrong-doing,  and  said  that 
if  any  thefts  had  been  committed,  the  Klamaths  or  Curly- 
headed  Doctor's  men  were  the  guilty  parties.  Certain  it  is 
that  all  tiiese  Modocs  lived  off  the  reservation,  without  caus- 
ing any  serious  trouble  until  the  winter  of  1872.  They  roam- 
ed over  a  large  extent  of  country  at  will.  On  the  4th  of 
July  they  usually  turned  up  at  Yreka,  in  California,  where 
their  friends  and  advisers,  Judge  Roseborough  and  Judge 
Steele,  resided ;  and  on  the  national  birthday  in  1871,  when 
that  town  was  destroyed  by  fire,  the  Modocs  did  good  service 
at  the  engine  and  elsewhere,  in  aiding  to  fight  the  flames. 


650 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


No  complaints  were  made  of  tlieir  conduct  any wliere,  except 
those  mentioned,  which  were  by  some  of  tlie  settlers  near  their 
usual  liomes. 

During  all  this  time  aw  effort  was  being  made  by  the 
local  military  and  Indian  authorities  to  have  a  small  reserv^ 
tion  set  off  for  these  poo])le,  where  they  might  live  without 
the  conti'iual  annoyance  of  the  Klamaths.  It  was  their  desire 
to  have  their  lands  in  severalty  and  become  citizens,  though 
it  was  questionable  whether  all  of  them  were  sufficiently  ad- 
vanced in  the  white  man's  ways  for  that.  Tliey  had,  as  all 
Indians  had,  a  true  friend  in  Gen.  E.  II.  S.  Canby,  command- 
ing the  Department  of  the  Columbia.  He  had  served  con- 
tinuously in  the  army  since  1830;  had  won  notice  in  the 
Seminole  and  Mexican  wars;  had  stood  firmly  for  the  Union 
in  New  Mexico,  at  the  outbreak  of  the  civil  war,  when  his 
senior  officers  went  over  to  the  South ;  had  led  the  forces  that 
drove  the  T^xan  invaders  from  the  mountains;  had  com- 
manded at  the  capture  of  IMobile ;  and  had  compelled  the 
surrender  of  the  rebel  forces  in  the  Southwest.  During  his 
long  service  he  had  many  dealings  jvith  Indians,  and  had 
treated  them  with  uniform  fairness  and  honesty.  Oiie  tribe 
had  named  him  "the  Indian's  Friend."  He  said,  on  February 
7,1872,  "I  am  not  surprised  at  the  unwillingness  of  the 
Modocs  to  return  to  any  point  on  the  reservation  where  they 
would  be  exposed  to  the  hostilities  and  annoyances  they 
have  heretofore  experienced  (and  without  any  adequate  pro- 
tection) from  the  Klamaths;  but  they  have  expressed  a  desire 
to  be  established  upon  Lost  Iliver,  where  they  would  be  free 
from  this  trouble,  and  the  superintendent  informed  me  last 
summer  that  he  would  endeavor  to  secure  such  a  location  for 
them."  Tlie  land  they  wanted  was  a1)out  three  miles  long  by 
one  mile  wide,  bordering  on  Lost  River.  There  were  less 
than  two  thousat  1  acres  of  it,  and  it  was  not  occupied  by 
settlers.  In  addition  to  the  reasons  mentioned,  they  wanted 
their  reservation  on  Lost  River  because  that  stream  and  Tuld 
Lake  abounded  in  fish,  a  staple  food  of  theirs.  "There  are 
black,  silver-sided,  and  speckled  trout,  of  which  first  two  spc 
cies  specimens  are  taken  weighing  twenty-five  pounds;  buffa- 
lo fish,  from  five  to  twelve  pounds  ;  and  very  large,  fine  suck- 


THE  TRAGKDY   OK  TIIK   LAVA   BEDS. 


00  J 


MAJOn-OKNEBAL    K.   It.   S.   CANIIY. 


ors — siu'li  only  in  luiine  and  appciirance,  for  tlioy  are  not 
bonier  tlian  common  fishes.  In  spawninj^  time  the  fish 
school  up  from  the  lake  in  extraortlinary  nnmhers,  so  tliat 
the  Indians  have  only  to  put  a  sliixht  ol)struction  in  the  river, 
when  they  can  literally  shovel  them  out." 

Superintendent  Meacham  desired  and  urged  that  a  sepa- 
rate reservation  he  established  for  them,  but  in  the  spring  of 
1S72  he  was  relieved  by  F.  P).  Odeneid,  who  appointed  two 
agents  to  hold  a  council  with  the  Modocs  and  report.  lie 
accepted  all  complaints  against  them  as  true,  and  enlarged 
them,  without  seeing  the  tribe  himself;  he  reported  that  the 
loaders  of  the  Modocs  off  the  reservation  were  "  desperadoes," 
and  foes  to  civilization.     "As  well,"  says  this  eloqueiit  and 


552 


MASSACKES  OF  THE   MOUNTAINS. 


jiidicions  man,  "might  we  expect  our  own  youth  to  grow  np 
in  the  practice  of  Christian  virtues  under  the  tutorship  of 
tlie  'road-agents'  of  Montana,  or  the  guerillas  of  Mexico,  as 
to  think  of  instilling  any  good  into  the  minds  of  the  Modocs 
while  ui\der  the  exchisive  control,  as  they  have  been,^of  their 
present  leaders,"  lie  advised  that  the  leaders  be  arrested 
and  the  others  compelled  to  go  on  the  Klamath  reservation. 
This  advice  was  taken  by  the  Indian  Bureau,  although  (ien- 
eral  Canby  had  reported,  but  a  few  weeks  before,  that  the 
previous  Commission  had  "autliorized  the  Modocs  to  remain 
where  they  were  until  the  superintendent  could  see  them. 
This  has  been  understood  as  a  settlement  of  the  question  un- 
til some  permanent  arrangement  could  be  made  for  them  ; 
and  unless  they  have  violated  some  subsequent  agreement,  I 
do  not  think  that  the  immediate  application  of  force  as  asked 
for  would  be  either  expedient  or  just.  They  should  at  least 
be  notlHed  that  a  new  location  has  been  selected  for  them,  and 
provision  made  for  their  wants." 

Troops  had  already  been  placed  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Mo- 
docs, on  account  of  tlie  complaints  before  mentioned,  and  to 
them  was  assigned  the  task  of  bringing  the  Indians  to  the 
reservation.  The  instructions  from  General  Canby  to  the 
officer  commanding  the  District  of  the  Lakes,  were:  "If  the 
military  force  is  to  be  used,  it  will  only  be  in  aid  of  the  In- 
dian Department  and  after  peaceable  means  have  been  ex- 
hausted, but  you  should  be  prepared  for  the  possibility  that 
the  attenipt  to  remove  them  may  result  in  hostilities,  and  be 
able  to  act  promptly  in  that  event  for  the  protection  of  the 
frontier."  It  was  thought  necessary,  however,  by  the  com- 
manding officer,  to  surprise  their  camp,  which  was  on  Lost 
River — at  that  point  a  deep  stream  three  hundred  feet  wide. 
Jack's  Indians  were  located  on  one  side  and  the  Doctor's  on 
the  other.  In  the  night  of  November  2Sth,  Captain  Jackson 
with  forty  men  and  ten  citizens  quietly  made  their  way  to 
the  camp.  On  the  30th  the  captain  reported  concerning  the 
outcome  of  this  strategic  movement.  "I  have  the  honor  to 
report  that  I  jumped  the  camp  of  Captain  Jack's  Modoc  In- 
dians yesterday  morning  soon  after  daylight,  completely  sur- 
prising them.     I  demanded  their  surrender  and  disarming, 


THE  TKAGEDY  OF  THE  LAVA  BEDS. 


553 


;iii(l  asked  for  a  parley  witli  Captain  Jack.  Captain  Jack, 
Soar-faced  Cliarie}',  JJlack  Jiin,aiid  some  others,  would  neither 
lay  down  their  arms  nor  surrender,  and  some  of  them  coui- 
iiienced  making  hostile  demonstrations  against  us,  and  finally 
opened  lire.  1  immediately  poured  volley  after  volley  among 
the  hostile  Indians,  took  their  camp,  killed  eight  or  nine  war- 
riors, and  drove  the  rest  into  the  hills.  During  the  engage- 
ment I  had  one  man  killed  and  seven  wounded,  three  of  the 
last  severely  and  perhaps  dangerously.  The  band  that  I  at- 
tacked was  on  the  south  side  of  the  river;  another  small  band 
on  the  north  side  was  attacked  by  a  party  of  ten  or  twelve 
citizens,  and  their  surrender  demanded ;  but  when  the  firing 
commenced  in  Captain  Jack's  camp,  these  Indians  opened  on 
the  citizens  and  drove  them  to  the  refuge  of  Crawley's  ranch. 
One  citizen  was  killed  during  the  tight,  and  two  others  com- 
ing up  the  road,  unconseiotis  of  any  trouble,  were  shot;  one 
(Mr.  Nuss)  mortally  wounded,  and  the  other  (Joe  Pennig) 
l)adly.  My  force  was  too  weak  to  pursue  and  capture  the  In- 
dians that  made  off,  owing  to  the  necessity  of  taking  imme- 
diate care  of  my  wounded,  and  protecting  the  few  citizens 
who  had  collected  at  Crawley's  ranch.  . .  .  From  the  best  in- 
formation I  can  get,  Captain  Jack,  Scar -faced  Charley,  and 
Black  Jim  are  killed  or  mortally  wounded."  Neither  one  of 
them  was  killed,  but  the  Curl  v- headed  Doctor's  band  was 
made  furious.  The  leadership  of  this  band  was  shared,  to 
a  certain  extent,  by  Hooker  Jim  (Hooka,  Jooka,  Ilocker, 
Hawkey),  w-ho  was  probably  the  worst  man  of  the  lot.  There 
was  no  control  over  them  by  any  one.  They  acknowledged 
Jack  to  be  chief  of  the  tribe,  as  they  had  always  done,  but 
they  did  what  they  chose,  without  regard  to  his  orders. 
Tliey  at  once  began  attacking  the  scattered  settlers,  and  with- 
in forty-eight  hours  had  killed  twelve  men.  No  women  or 
children  were  killed  by  either  Indians  or  soldiers,  except  one 
Indian  child,  reported  as  accidentally  shot.  With  the  killing 
of  these  settlers  Captain  Jack  and  his  band  proper  had  no 
connection.  Judge-Advocate  Curtis  said,  at  the  trial,  "I  do 
not  accuse  Captain  Jack  of  any  participation  in  those  murders. 
I  acquit  him  of  them  entirely.  I  know  almost  to  a  demonstra- 
tion that  he  was  ignorant  of  their  occurrence  until  after  they 


554 


MASSACUKS  OF  TIIH   MOUNTAINS. 


liad  taken  place.  I  have  investigate*!  that  matter  soinewliat 
since  I  have  been  here,  and  I  do  not  believe  i»o  was  coiicernetl 
in  tlicm  or  knew  of  tliem  in  advance." 

It  was  at  once  realized  that  the  surprise  was  a  mistake. 
Lieutenant-colonel  Wheaton,  commanding  the  district,  jdacod 
the  blame  on  Superintendeiit  Odeneal  and  his  agents.  There 
is  no  room  for  doubt  that  the  lighting  qualities  of  the  ]\Io- 
docs  were  underestimated  by  the  military  as  well  as  by  the 
agents  of  the  In<iian  IJurean.  Captain  .lack's  band  moved  at 
once  to  the  Lava  BedvS,  on  the  south  side  of  Tnle  Lake,  where 
they  were  soon  joined  by  Hooker  Jim's  party,  who  had  added 
six  more  to  their  list  of  victims.  This  now  celebrated  stroiiir- 
hold  of  theirs  covers  about  fifty  scpiare  miles  of  countrv  m 
Northern  ('alifornia,  partly  in  Si^'kiyou  County  and  partly  in 
Modoc  County.  It  is  what  is  known  in  scieiitilic  parlance, 
as  also  locally  in  the  West,  as  a  pedregal  (pay-dray-gahl').  a 
name  adopted  from  the  Spanish,  meaning  a  stony  i)lace.  It 
is  impossible  to  give  any  aiie(piate  idea  of  the  place  by  words. 
The  rock  is  volcaiuc,  and  appears  to  have  been  broken  in  frag- 
ments again  and  again  by  explosions,  as  the  lava  was  cooling; 
after  each  explosion  the  fragments  drojipcd  back  into  the 
gradually  solidifying  lava,  to  be  again  thrown  up  and  again 
fall,  until  the  whole  became  cool,  and  the  explosive  element 
lost  its  force.  If  you  will  go  to  tiie  end  of  a  slag  dump  at 
a  blast-furnace,  wlicre  the  refuse  has  been  tumbled  from  the 
slag  pots,  chilled  outside  aiw'  molten  within,  bursting,  shoot- 
ing in  the  air,  hissing,  crackling,  rolling,  and  flowing,  there  to 
cool  and  solidify — if  looking  at  such  a  ragged  surface  you  can 
imagine  with  what  ease  an  ant  could  make  its  way  over  it, 
you  will  have  an  idea  of  the  ])rogress  of  a  man  across  the 
Lava  Beds — oidy  you  must  remcml)er  that  an  ant  has  three 
times  as  many  legs  as  a  man,  and  that  its  feet  have  the  power 
of  suction,  by  which  it  is  enabled  to  walk  as  easily  on  a  win- 
dow-pane or  a  ceiling  as  on  a  floor.  There  are  rocks,  from 
the  siiarp-edged  pebble  that  cuts  through  a  cowhide  boot,  to 
the  bowlder  as  large  as  a  church.  They  are  in  heaps,  of  all 
sizes  and  shapes.  This  is  the  surface;  but  it  is  cut  in  every 
direction  by  innumerable  chasms  and  crevices,  some  of  them 
a  hundred  feet  deep,  with  occasionally  a  wholly  subterranean 


THE  TRAfJEDY  OF  THE   LAVA   IJEDrt. 


i).),) 


])assa<?c,  through  wliich  a  man  can  pass  froiri  one  point  to  an- 
other. Snch  is  tliis  inij^lity  po(]ix'<jiil,and  in  the  northern  end 
(if  it,  near  Tnlu  liake,  the  ]\ro(h»c'rt  iuul  established  their  camp, 
in  wliat  were  called  the  ]\rodoc  Caves. 

Aifainst  the  Modocs,  in  this  (Tibraltar,  troops  were  soon 
prcparinj^  to  move.     In  the  middle  of  January  they  were  on 


A  VIKW    OK    THE   CAVES. 


the  ground,  anxious  for  the  attack.  There  were  four  hun- 
dred of  them,  two  hundred  and  twenl^'-five  regulars,  all  well- 
armed  and  equipped,  with  a  battery  of  howitzers.  They  were 
confident  and  determined.  Said  their  command"".  "If  the 
^[odocs  will  only  try  to  make  good  their  boast  to  whip  a 


656 


MASSACKE8  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


thousand  soldiers,  all  will  be  satisfied."  Over  in  the  chaotic 
heap  of  lava  were  fifty  Modoc  warriors,  and  about  one  hun- 
dred and  seventy-five  women  and  children.  They  were  armed 
with  muzzle-loading  rifles  and  revolvers.  On  the  morning  of 
the  17th,  the  advance  into  the  pedregal  was  begun  by  three 
hundred  of  the  troops,  including  twenty  Indian  scouts,  the 
remainder  being  employed  in  guarding  the  stores  and  as  a 
reserve.  The  advance  was  well  planned,  but  the  nature  of 
tl>e  country  had  not  been  realized.  It  is  impossible  to  real- 
ize it  without  going  over  the  ground.  The  movements  con- 
templated could  not  be  made.  The  junction  of  detachments 
was  prevented  by  deep  chasms.  The  troops  could  move  only 
at  a  snail's  pace.  Constantly  before  them  were  the  Modocs, 
picking  their  shots  and  firing  carefully.  They  were  not  ex- 
posed to  a  return  fii-e,  for  they  were  behind  lava  bowlders, 
shooting  through  crevices.  The  troops  had  no  targets  but 
puflEs  of  smoke.  After  hours  of  painful  creeping  they  would 
gain  the  place  of  the  smoke,  but  nothing  would  be  found. 
A  hundred  yards  away  would  be  another  puff,  spitting  out 
its  leaden  missiles.  All  day  the  troops  heroically  advanced 
under  these  difiiculties,  protected  to  some  extent  by  the  dense 
fog  that  rested  over  the  lake  and  the  Lava  Beds  until  two 
o'clock,  now  lifting  a  little  and  now  settling  again — an  almost 
constant  phenomenon  of  the  place.  At  evening  the  soldiers 
were  withdrawn.  They  brought  out  their  wounded,  twenty- 
eight  in  number,  but  ten  dead  were  left  behind,  after  strenu- 
ous attempts  to  bring  them  away.  Officers  and  men  now 
understood  that  they  had  a  serious  task  before  them,  and 
Colonel  Wheaton  reported:  "In  the  opinion  of  any  expe- 
rienced officer  of  regulars  or  volunteers,  one  thousand  men 
would  be  required  to  dislodge  them  from  their  almost  im- 
pregnable position,  and  it  must  be  done  deliberately,  with  a 
free  use  of  mortar  batteries.''  He  asked  for  three  hundred 
more  men  and  four  howitzers. 

On  receipt  of  reports  of  this  attack,  the  authorities  at 
Washington  decided  to  "give  the  peace  men  a  chance."  Pity 
it  had  not  been  done  three  months  earlier.  The  Modocs  were 
now  confident  and  well  supplied  witii  ammunition.  They 
obtained  powder  and  lead  from  cartridges  found  on  the  field. 


THE  TRAGEDY  OF  THE  LAVA  BEDS. 


559 


They  captured  also  sonic  breech-loading  guns.  They  swore 
afterwards  that  they  obtained  caps  from  the  Klaniaths.  They 
had  been  made  suspicious  by  the  surprise  of  their  camp  in 
November.  Tiiey  had  been  kept  in  a  continual  state  of  dis- 
trust by  tlie  people  in  their  neighborhood.  In  December  the 
band  of  Hot  Creek  Indians,  who  had  no  connection  whatever 
with  the  troubles,  had  started  for  the  Klamath  reservation, 
under  care  of  authorized  agents.  At  Link  River,  Oregon, 
they  were  met  by  an  Indiivn  agent,  who  informed  them  that 
the  citizens  were  collected  beyond,  to  mob  them.  On  hear- 
ing tliis  the  Indians  became  frightened  and  scattered  into  the 
mountains.  It  was  with  the  utmost  difficulty  that  a  portion 
were  gathered  and  placed  on  the  reservation.  The  remainder 
fled  to  the  Lava  Beds  and  joined  Jack's  Indians.  The  ^lo- 
docs  testiHed  that  whites  told  them  they  would  be  executed, 
and  that  one,  Nate  Beswick,  informed  them  that  the  commis- 
sioners wanted  to  get  them  out  to  kill  them.  They  swore 
(those  who  were  tried  and  others)  that  the  Klaniaths  encour- 
aged them  to  fight,  and  furnished  them  with  ammunition. 
(Jeneral  Gillem  says  he  learned,  on  what  he  considered  good 
authority,  that  Sam  Blair,  a  man  of  the  neighborhood,  sent 
word  to  them, "  That  he  had  an  order  in  his  pocket  from  the 
ii'overnor  of  Ore<;on  to  haui;  the  nine  Indians  enijaijed  in 
killing  the  citizens  as  soon  as  they  came  in."  Notoriously, 
almost  all  the  Pacific  slope  was  clamoring  for  their  extermi- 
nation, and  Governor  (irrover,  of  Oregon,  on  February  10th,  in 
a  pathetic  open  letter  to  the  commissioners,  protested  against 
any  settlement  of  the  matter  on  terms  which  did  not  include 
the  surrender  for  trial  of  the  men  who  massacred  white  set- 
tlers "on  the  29th  and  30th  of  November  last,"  although  they 
"  had  not  been  attacked  by  the  soldiery  or  otherwise  mo- 
lested." The  reader  will  remember  tiiat  Captain  Jackson's 
surprise  was  at  daybreak  on  the  29th. 

On  January  30th  instructions  were  given  for  the  suspension 
of  hostilities,  and  a  commisfeion  was  ordered.  It  was  made  up 
of  A.  B.  Meacham,  Jesse  Applegate,  his  nephew  Oliver  Apple- 
gate,  agent  at  Yainax,  and  Samuel  (yjiase.  They  were  all  men 
whom  the  Modocs  distrusted  and  disliked  except  Meacham. 
Nothinjr  could  bo  done  under  the  circumstances.     The  Mo- 


560 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


docs  were  afraid  to  meet  where  they  would  be  in  the  power 
of  the  whites,  and  the  cominissioners  declined  to  meet  where 
they  would  be  in  the  power  of  the  JModocs.  So  they  dawdled 
along  until  the  1st  of  March,  by  which  time  General  Canb)' 
had  arrived,  and  the  authorities  at  Washington  had  been  made 
to  understand  that  the  Commission  would  be  useless  until  its 
personnel  was  altered.  It  was  decided  to  change  it,  and  Judge 
Roseborough,  of  Yreka,  Rev.  E,  Tliouias,  of   Petaluma,  and 


TIIK   ItKV.  I)K.  THOMAS. 


L.S.Dyer,  of  the  Klamath  Agency,  were  substituted  for  the 
Applogates  and  Cliaso.  Tlie  (commission,  as  it  now  stood, 
was  unexceptionable  from  the  peace  people's  stand-point — also 
from  the  stand-point  of  unbiased  ))eo]>le;  the  Indian-haters 
did  not  like  it — "too  much  milk-and-water  and  all  that." 
Five  weeks  were  consumed  in  completing  these  changes,  and 
during  this  time  a  change  was  going  on  among  the  Modocs 


THE  TRAGEDY  OF  THE  LAVA  BEDS. 


561 


also.  This  statement  will  be  disapproved  both  by  those  who 
have  decided  that  all  the  Modocs  were  always  good,  and  by 
those  who  have  ordained  that  all  the  Modocs  were  always  bad  ; 
nevertheless  it  is  true.  There  were  in  the  Modoc  camp  eight 
men  known  as  "the  murderers,"  which  meant  that  they  were 
the  men  who  killed  the  settlers,  after  the  surprise  by  Captain 
Jackson.  These  men  knew  that  they  were  considered  guilty 
of  murder  by  the  white  people,  and  that  all  the  people  who 
lived  about  them  were  in  favor  of  trying,  convicting,  and 
hanging  them.  They  knew  also  that  if  they  made  peace,  and 
had  a  reservation  set  off  for  them  on  Lost  River,  it  was  very 
(juestionable  whether  the  United  States  could  protect  them. 
The  offences  had  been  committed  within  the  State  of  Oregon  ; 
Lost  River  was  within  the  State  of  Oregon  ;  and  the  people 
and  authorities  of  Oregon,  while  always  very  ready  to  claim 
monetary  recompense  from  the  General  Government  for  inju- 
ries by  its  "  wards,"  were  ever  jealous  of  any  interference 
with  its  jurisdiction  over  those  wards.  These  things  were 
explained  to  the  Lidians  by  the  Commission,  or  members  of 
it,  from  time  to  time.  Tiic  explanation  was  necessary  in  or- 
der to  try  to  induce  them  to  move  elsewhere.  It  was  pro- 
posed to  them  that  they  should  be  temporarily  located  on 
Angell's  Island,  in  the  Pacific,  and  subsequently  placed  on  a 
reservation  in  Arizona  or  Indian  Territory.  They  agreed  to 
this  at  first,  but  there  still  remained  the  trouble  that  they 
must  surrender  to  the  soldiers,  to  begin  with.  They  were 
afraid  to  do  this.  Tlxsy  knew  that  the  soldiers,  both  regulars 
and  volunteers,  "had  bad  hearts  towards  them,"  on  account  of 
the  deaths  of  their  conn-ades.  Consequently  "  the  murderers" 
'  bject'jd  to  surrender  :.:id  urged  war,  and  they  were  gradually 

^iiig  the  other  Indians  over  to  their  views. 

It  was  a  situation  where  two  parties  were  desirous  of  peace, 
on  a  basis  of  amnest}'  for  the  past  and  harmony  for  the  fut- 
ure, but  neither  dared  trust  the  other.  The  Indian-hater  may 
say  that  the  idea  that  they  were  afraid  to  trust  our  commis- 
sioners and  officers  is  preposterous,  but  it  is  not.  Just  around 
the  lake,  in  cotistant  view  when  the  fog  lifted,  was  Bloody 
Point,  where  Pen  Wright  invited  them  to  make  a  treaty,  and 
murdered  thirt^'-cight  of  them,  in  1852.     Just  there,  on  the 

36 


562 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


edge  of  the  Lava  Beds,  were  sons  and  nephews,  neiglibors  and 
friends  of  men  who  took  part  in  that  "  lesson  to  the  Modocs." 
In  command  of  a  part  of  those  vohinteers  was  General  John 
Koss,  who  led  the  Jacksonville  volunteers  that  operated  witli 
Ben  Wright.  It  is  idle  to  talk  of  the  Modocs  having  no  rea- 
son to  fear  bad  faith,  especially  in  consideration  of  the  fact 
that  a  part  of  them  were  afterwards  murdered  while  they 
were  prisoners.  On  March  Gth  Captain  Jack  sent  a  message 
to  the  commissioners  then  present  by  his  sister  Mary.  lie 
said,  "  I  am  very  sad.  I  want  peace  quick,  or  else  let  the  sol- 
diers come  and  make  haste  and  tight.  ...  I  am  nearly  well ; 
but  I  am  afraid  of  the  soldiers  on  the  road.  There  are  so 
many  soldiers  around.  There  are  soldiers  on  Lost  Kiver,  on 
Clear  Lake,  and  Bernard's  soldiers.  AVouldn't  they  be  afraid 
if  they  were  in  the  same  situation  ?  .  .  .  I  wish  to  live  like  tiie 
whites.  Let  everything  be  wiped  out,  washed  out,  and  let 
there  be  no  more  blood.  I  have  got  a  bad  heart  about  those 
murderers.  I  have  got  but  a  few  men  and  I  don't  see  how 
I  can  give  them  up.  Will  they  give  up  their  people  who 
murdered  my  people  while  they  were  asleep?  I  never  asked 
for  the  people  who  murdered  mj'  people.  I  only  talked  that 
way.  I  can  see  ho^v  I  could  give  up  my  horse  to  be  hanged ; 
but  I  can't  see  liow  I  could  give  up  my  men  to  be  hanged.  I 
could  give  up  my  horse  to  be  hanged,  and  wouldn't  cry  about 
it;  but  if  I  gave  up  my  men  I  would  have  to  cry  about  it. 
I  want  them  all  to  have  good  hearts  now.  I  have  thrown 
away  everything.  There  must  be  no  more  bad  talk.  I  will 
not.  I  have  spoken  forever.  I  want  soldieis  all  to  go  home. 
I  have  given  up  now  and  want  no  more  fuss.  I  have  said 
yes,  and  thrown  away  my  country.  I  want  soldiers  to  go 
away  so  I  will  not  be  afraid." 

Of  course  the  soldiers  could  not  be  sent  away.  It  would 
have  been  inconsistent  with  the  position  the  government  had 
taken — inconsistent  with  the  usages  of  every  civilized  nation 
— to  withdraw  its  forces  pending  a  treaty,  wliile  the  submit- 
ting force  remained  as  it  was.  Besides,  there  was  the  fear 
that  the  Indians  intended  treachery.  It  was  impossible  that 
the  Commission  should  overcome  these  obstacles,  but  it  hoped 
on.     If  the  Modocs  had  felt  that  they  were  whipped — if  they 


THE  TRAGEDY  OF  THE  LAVA  BEDS. 


563 


had  realized  the  hopelessness  of  their  struggle — they  might 
have  submitted  to  the  chance  of  life  or  death  that  they  saw 
in  a  surrender;  but  they  did  not.  They  had  more  and  better 
arms  and  more  ammunition  than  before.  Their  confidence  in 
the  strength  of  their  position  was  unbounded.  Tlie  Klamaths 
were  promising  to  assist  them.  It  was  reported  that  the  In- 
dians of  Washington,  Oregon,  and  Idaho  were  on  the  verge 
of  declaring  war.  It  was  evident,  however,  that  the  Modocs 
were  not  united ;  that  there  was  a  war  party  and  a  peace  par- 
ty. Jack  and  part  of  his  followers  wanted  peace ;  the  mur- 
derers wanted  war,  and  Schonchin  John,  Scar-faced  Charley, 
and  others  leaned  towards  them.  The  commissioners  were 
satisfied  that  Jack  was  under  duress ;  that  he  was  in  fear  of 
the  others.  Others  thought  that  he  was  trying  to  gain  time ; 
but  he  had  no  object  to  gain  by  that.  Certain  it  was  that  he 
acted  like  a  man  in  great  trouble:  he  was  sad  and  gloomy; 
much  of  the  time  he  was  weeping.  Finally  the  Modocs  of- 
fered a  new  solution  ;  they  M'ould  take  the  Lava  Beds  for  a 
reservation.  This  could  not  be  accepted.  To  the  whites  it 
meant  establishing  a  den  for  wild  beasts,  from  which  they 
could  issue  for  rapine  and  plunder-;  to  the  Indians  it  meant 
a  home  in  a  castle  where  no  sheriffs  posse  could  arrest  them 
for  killing  the  people  in  November.  The  commissioners  were 
satisfied  that  no  permanent  settlement  of  the  trouble  could  be 
made  if  the  Indians  remained  in  that  part  of  the  country,  and 
so  matters  drifted  along  until  the  second  week  of  April. 

Captain  Jack  sat  on  a  rock  in  the  Lava  Beds.  His  heart 
was  bowed  down.  lie  had  talked  with  the  commissioners 
and  was  no  nearer  a  solution  of  his  troubles.  He  had  been 
informed  that  the  soldiers  could  not  be  sent  away.  He  had 
l)een  told  that  his  people  could  not  remain  in  the  Lava  Beds. 
He  could  find  no  answer  to  the  arguments  of  the  murderers, 
for  from  his  stand  they  were  not  much  to  be  blamed.  They 
had  not  killed  the  settlers  till  the  soldiers  had  surprised  his 
camp.  They  had  not  killed  women  and  children.  They  had 
fought  the  soldiers  like  brave  men.  If  he  surrendered  they 
would  probably  be  hanged,  and  that  was  a  dreadful  death  ;  it 
killed  both  the  body  and  the  soul.  The  rope  closed  up  a 
man's  throat  so  that  his  spirit  could  not  come  out,  and  take 


564 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


up  its  jonniey  to  the  Iiappy  hunting-grounds.  It  must  die 
in  his  body.  He  could  not  feel  satisfied  that  the  soldiers 
•would  not  shoot  all  the  Modocs  when  they  came  out,  as  they 
had  done  twenty-one  years  before.  The  murderers  came 
around  him.  They  saw  that  the  time  for  argument  was  past, 
and  the  time  for  appeal  to  passion  had  come.  They  taunted 
him.  Hooker  Jim  said,  "  You  are  like  an  old  squaw ;  you 
have  never  done  any  fighting  yet ;  we  have  done  the  fighting 
and  you  are  our  chief.  You  are  not  fit  to  be  a  chief."  Then 
came  George,  another  of  the  murderers,  and  said, "  What  do 
you  want  with  a  gun  ?  You  don't  shoot  anything  with  it. 
You  don't  go  any  place  to  do  anything.  You  are  sitting 
around  on  the  rocks."  After  a  while  Scar -faced  Charley 
came  up.  He  was  a  Rogue  Eiver  Indian,  of  the  Tipsie  Tyee's 
(Bearded  Chief)  band,  who  had  joined  the  Modocs  many  years 
before,  after  the  separation  of  his  tribe.  He  had  been  with 
Captain  Jack's  band,  and  was  the  oldest  of  his  warriors.  He 
said,  "  I  am  going  with  Hooker  Jim.  I  can  fight  with  them. 
You  are  nothing  but  an  old  squaw."  Jack  winced  a  little 
when  they  called  him  a  squaw.  They  brought  a  dress  and  a 
squaw's  bonnet  and  put  them  on  him.  They  mocked  and 
jeered  their  squaw  chief.  He  had  sat  there  through  the 
morning,  bearing  it  all.  Now  the  fog  had  parted  and  risen, 
and  the  sun  was  shining  on  them.  He  rose  and  threw  the  hu- 
miliating garments  from  him.  With  blazing  eyes  he  turned 
on  his  tormentors  and  hissed :  "  I  will  show  you  that  I  am 
no  squaw.  You  say  you  w-ant  war.  We  will  have  war,  and 
Krent-poos  will  not  be  the  one  who  asks  for  peace."  He  had 
fought  his  temptation  and  it  had  proved  too  strong  for  him. 
The  perplexity  pushing  on  one  side  and  the  eight  devils  tug- 
ging on  the  other  had  started  him  in  the  evil  path.  The 
dormant  savage  in  him  waked  with  renewed  strength.  His 
good  angel  fled  from  him,  as  Vivian  from  old  Merlin,  who  lay 
in  the  dark  spell  "of  woven  paces  and  of  waving  hands," 
shrieking  back,  "  Oii,  fool !"  From  that  hour  on  his  heart 
was  bad. 

Arrangements  were  being  made  with  the  commissioners 
for  another  meeting.  Judge  Steele,  of  Yreka,  an  old  resi- 
dent, in  whom  the  Indians  had  the  utmost  confidence,  who 


THE  TRAGEDY  OF  THE  LAVA  BEDS. 


565 


had  been  the  arbiter  of  their  petty  troubles  for  many  years, 
acted  as  one  messenger  to  them.  Riddle,  the  interpreter,  and 
Toby,  his  squaw  wife,  acted  also  on  behalf  of  the  Commission. 
At  Steele's  last  visit  to  the  cave  the  Indians  became  angry, 
and  his  life  was  saved  only  by  Captain  Jack  and  Scar-faced 
Charley  standing  guard  over  him  during  the  night.  He  told 
the  eomijiissioners  that  the  Modocs  meant  treachery  and  re- 
fused to  go  to  their  camp  again.  As  Toby  left  the  cave,  on 
the  occasion  of  her  last  visit,  a  Modoc  named  William — they 
called  him  "Whim" — followed  her  and  warned  her  to  keep 
away,  and  to  keep  the  commissioners  away ;  that  the  In- 
diatis  were  going  to  kill  them.  The  commissioners  were  in  a 
(juaiidary.  There  had  been  acts  that  appeared  evidences  of 
treachery  before,  but  they  had  come  to  nothing.  They  had 
consulted  the  Commissioner  of  Indian  Affairs  then,  and  he 
had  replied,  on  March  5th,  "I  do  not  think  the  Modocs  mean 
treachery.  The  mission  should  not  be  a  failure."  An  agreed 
meeting  had  not  been  attended  by  the  Commission  on  April 
8th,  because  the  lookout  had  discovered  twenty  armed  Mo- 
docs in  ambush  near  the  place  of  conference.  On  the  10th, 
Bogus  Charley  came  from  the  Modocs,  proposing  that  Gen- 
eral Canby  and  the  commissioners,  unarmed,  should  meet  an 
equal  party  of  Modocs,  unarmed,  at  the  council  tent,  about 
three-quarters  of  a  mile  from  General  Gillem's  camp,  and  on 
tlie  day  after  they  wonld  all  come  in  and  surrender.  The 
Commission  discussed  this  plan.  They  all  felt  that  the  meet- 
ing would  probably  be  dangerous.  Mr.  Thomas  said  they 
ought  to  go;  that  it  was  a  duty  which  they  could  not  consci- 
entiously evade.  General  Canby  thought  that  the  importance 
of  the  object  justified  some  risk.  He  believed  that  the  In- 
dians would  not  kill  them,  though  he  considered  them  capable 
of  it,  because  it  was  not  to  their  interest.  Meacham  and  Dyer 
insisted  that  the  meeting  ought  not  be  held ;  that  it  was  go- 
ing to  certain  death. 

Riddle  told  them  that  the  Indians  meant  to  kill  them,  pos- 
sibly not  that  da}',  but  probably  then  ;  that  if  they  went  they 
must  free  him  from  all  responsibility.  Meacham  then  pro- 
posed that  they  should  go  armed,  and  add  John  Fairchild,  a 
frontiersman  of  the  neighborhood,  to  the  party,  but  Dr.  Thom- 


666 


MASSACRES  OF  THE   MOUNTAINS. 


as  protested  that  this  would  be  a  breach  of  faith.  Meachatn 
then  proposed  that  in  case  there  appeared  indubitable  evi- 
dences of  treachery,  they  should  aj^reo  to  anything  that  the 
Indians  might  ask,  until  they  could  make  their  escape.  Dr. 
Thomas  replied, "  I  will  be  a  party  to  no  deception  under  any 
circumstances  ;  this  matter  is  in  the  hands  of  God."  General 
Can  by  said,  "  I  have  dealt  with  Indians  for  thirty  years,  and 


1 

^ 

■"".----  '•'--:  - 

1 

^^^H 

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s.sik^ffi^-^^§fe^ 

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HS^^^ 

GENERAL   ALVIN  OILLEU. 


I  have  never  deceived  an  Indian.  I  will  not  consent  to  it — 
to  any  promise  that  cannot  be  fulfilled."  Riddle  insisted 
that  the  commissioners  accompany  him  to  General  Gillem's 
tent,  and  there,  again,  he  I'epeated  his  warnings,  and  called 
Gillem  to  witness  that  he  washed  his  hands  of  the  whole  mat- 
ter. He  added  that  if  they  were  determined  to  go,  he  would 
go  with  them  rather  than  be  called  a  coward.     Gillem  thought 


THE  TRAGEDY  OF  THE  LAVA  BEDS. 


567 


tlie  Indians  would  not  dare  to  commit  the  anticipated  treach- 
ery, Canby  and  Thomas  said  they  would  fj;o.  Meachain  and 
Dyer  said  they  would  go  also  rather  than  subject  themselves 
to  a  charge  of  cowardice,  or  have  the  Commission  fail  for  want 
of  action  on  their  part.  Before  starting,  jVIeacham  and  Dyer 
gave  John  Fairchild  what  valuables  they  had  about  them,  and 
indicated  their  last  wishes,  as  men  preparing  for  death.  Each 
of  thein  also  put  in  his  pocket  a  small  derringer  pistol.  Some 
have  said  tiiat  Canby  and  Thomas  were  foolhardy  to  do  as 
they  did.  To  those  who  are  incapable  of  understanding  lofty 
motives  it  must  ever  appear  so.  They  went  to  their  fate 
drawn  by  a  destiny  as  irresistible  as  that  which  led  Krent- 
poos  to  his,  but  of  an  opposite  nature.  They  knew  that  the 
trouble  had  been  caused  by  the  wrong-doing  of  white  men, 
and  their  consciences  would  not  permit  them  to  throw  their 
personal  safety  in  the  balance  on  the  question  of  going.  They 
felt  bound  to  leave  no  stone  nnturned  in  their  attempt  to 
riglit  this  wrong  peacefully. 

The  place  of  meeting  was  at  what  was  called  the  peace 
tent,  or  council  tent.  It  was  in  a  little  open  space  at  the  foot 
of  a  high  bluff,  in  the  edge  of  the  pedregal.  The  approach 
was  snfliciejitly  level  and  clear  to  permit  of  riding  a  horse 
into  it,  and  a  tent  had  been  placed  there  for  the  use  of  the 
Commission.  Thither  the  little  party  of  peace-makers  started 
at  eleven  o'clock.  General  Canby  and  Dr.  Thomas,  with  Bos- 
ton Charley,  who  came  to  the  camp  that  morning,  walked 
ahead ;  Meacham,  Dyer,  and  Toby  rode ;  liiddle  and  Bogus 
Charley,  who  had  been  in  the  camp  over  night,  came  last,  on 
foot.  At  the  tent  they  found  six  Modocs:  Captain  Jack, 
Schonchin  John,  Ellen's  Man,  I'lack  Jim,  Hooker  Jim,  and 
Shack -nasty  Jim.  It  was  at  once  noticed  that  they  were 
armed  with  revolvers,  but  as  they  had  been  armed  at  previ- 
ous councils,  no  remark  was  made  concerning  this.  Twenty 
or  thirty  feet  from  the  tent  a  small  fire  of  sago  brush  had 
been  ro.ide,  and  around  it  was  a  row  of  stones,  in  a  half-circle. 
On  these  the  party  seated  themselves,  excepting  Dr.  Thomas, 
who  reclined  on  the  ground.  They  talked  together  about 
the  proposition  for  this  meeting  and  the  surrender  on  the 
morrow.     Captain  Jack   made  a  speech,  the  substance  of 


568 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


•which  was  that  ho  did  not  want  nnytliing  from  the  Presi- 
dent, but  wanted  the  soldiers  taken  away.  As  ho  concluded, 
Hooker  Jim  stepped  back  and  fastened  Meacliam's  horse, 
which  had  been  left  loose,  llo  took  Meacliam's  overcoat 
from  the  pommel  of  the  saddle  and  put  it  on,  remarkin<?,  "1 
am  Meacliam."  This  was  nnderstood  as  a  bid  for  an  objec- 
tion on  which  a  quarrel  mii^ht  be  based,  but  Meacham  mere- 
ly said,  "  Take  my  hat,  too."  Jim  replied,  in  Modoc,  "  I  will, 
presently.''  General  Canby,  apparently  understanding  the 
meaning  of  this  by-play,  arose  and  Ijcgan  to  6j)eak.  lie  told 
them  how  he  had  dealt  with  other  Indians,  and  had  been 
named  by  them  "  the  Indian's  Friend ;"  how  ho  had  met 
those  Indians  afterwards  and  been  thanked  by  them  for  his 
just  treatment  of  them ;  how  ho  hoped  that  in  some  future 
time  the  Modocs  would  thank  him  for  getting  them  happy 
homes.  He  said  ho  could  not  send  away  the  soldiers — that 
the  President  had  sent  them  there — but  that  whatever  the 
commissioners  promised  should  be  done,  and  the  citizens 
should  not  interfere.  Dr.  Thomas  rose  to  his  knees,  rested 
his  hand  on  Moacham's  shoulder,  and,  with  uncovered  head, 
said,  "  I  believe  the  Groat  Spirit  put  it  in  the  heart  of  the 
President  to  send  us  here  to  make  peace.  I  have  known 
General  Canby  fourteen  years,  Mr.  Meacham  eighteen  years, 
and  Mr.  Dyer  four  years.  I  know  all  their  hearts  are  good, 
and  I  know  my  own  heart.  Wo  want  no  more  war.  I  be- 
lieve that  God  sees  us,  what  we  do ;  that  he  wishes  us  all  to 
be  at  peace ;  that  no  more  blood  should  be  shed." 

Jack  said  tlipt  he  did  not  wi.it  to  leave  that  country; 
that  he  did  not  now  any  other  country.  If  he  could  not 
liave  a  reservaticr  on  Lost  River,  he  would  take  one  on  Wil- 
low Creek  and  C  onwood  Creek.  Meacham  tapped  him  on 
aid,  "  Jack,  let  us  talk  like  men,  and  not 
are  a  man  that  has  common-sense;  isn't 
there  any  other  p  .co  that  will  do  you  except  Willow  Creek 
and  Cottonwood?  Schonchin  interrupted,  and  told  him  to 
hush  ;  that  ho  could  talk  a  straight  talk ;  to  let  him  talk.  As 
he  began,  Jack  stepped  back  to  the  horses.  Schonchin  said, 
"  Give  us  Hot  Creek  for  a  home,  and  take  away  your  sol- 
diers."    The  commissioners  tried  to  explain  that  they  would 


the  shoulder,  and 
like  children.     Y( 


THE  TRAGEDY  OF  THE  LAVA  BEDS. 


509 


have  to  sco  tirst  wlicdier  they  could  got  huids  there,  but 
Schonchin  cried,  very  excitedly, "  Take  away  the  soldiers  and 
jr'wc  us  Hot  Creek,  or  stop  talking."  Just  then  two  Indians, 
Barncho  and  Slolox,  jumped  up  from  some  rocks  fifty  yards 
away,  and  came  running  forward,  eacli  carrying  three  guns. 
At  the  same  time  Steamboat  Frank  and  another  Indian  ap- 
peared from  another  direction.  T  e  commissioners  turned, 
and  one  said, ''  Wiiat  does  this  mean,  Captain  Jack?"  As  he 
did  so  Jack  stepped  forward,  cocking  his  revolver;  said,  "-.•l^- 
w<?"  (all  ready);  and  levelled  his  revolver  at  General  Canby, 
within  three  feet  of  his  face.  The  cap  snapped  at  the  first 
attempt,  but  quick  as  thought  it  was  cocked  again.  At  the 
second  the  ball  struck  General  Canby  under  the  eye,  and  he 
fell  back. 

At  the  word  each  of  the  Indians  sprang  at  his  appointed 
victim.  Dr.  Thomas  was  shot  in  the  left  breast  by  Boston 
Charley.  He  rose  and  ran,  followed  by  Boston  Charley  and 
Bogus  Charley.  At  about  seventy  yards  he  fell,  killed  by  a 
rifle  shot  from  Bogus.  Schonchin  John  fired  at  Meacham,at 
a  distance  of  three  or  four  feet,  and  missed  him.  Meacham 
ran  back,  drawing  his  pistol.  Schonchin  and  Black  Jim  fol- 
lowed him,  firing,  and  Meacham  fired  back  once.  He  had 
gone  about  fifty  yards  when  a  ball  struck  him  in  the  head 
and  he  became  unconscious.  General  Canby  also  sprang  to 
his  feet  and  fled  after  the  first  wound  :  the  ball  had  ranged 
down  and  come  out  at  the  back  of  the  neck.  He  ran  about 
as  far  as  Dr.  Thomas,  when  Ellen's  Man  shot  him  with  a  rifle, 
and  Captain  Jack  killed  him  by  a  stab  iri  the  neck.  Dyer 
ran,  pursued  by  Hooker  Jim,  who  fired  as  he  ran.  At  about 
two  hundred  yards,  Dyer  faced  on  his  pursuer  and  pointed 
his  derringer  at  him,  whereupon  Jim  ran  back  and  Dyer  es- 
caped. Riddle  W..S  followed  by  Shack-nasty  Jim  and  Barn- 
cho, who  were  joined  by  Ellen's  Man  after  Canby  fell.  They 
were  all  firing  at  him,  but  he  escaped  with  the  touch  of  a 
rifle-ball  on  his  ear,  Toby  was  struck  across  the  back  with  a 
rifle  by  SIolox,  who  was  trying  to  get  possession  of  her  horse, 
but  was  saved  from  further  violence  by  Captain  Jack,  who 
ordered  that  she  should  not  be  injured.  By  this  time  the 
wild  excitement  of  the  assassination  was  over.     The  Indians 


570 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


quickly  stripped  all  the  clothing  from  the  bodies  and  started 
to  move  away.  Boston  Charley  ran  back  and  began  to  scalp 
Meacham,  but  Toby  cried  out, "  Soldiers !  soldiers !"  and  they 
all  fled.  The  soldiers  were  not  yet  in  sight.  She  used  this 
stratagem  in  order  to  prevent  the  mutilation. 

The  soldiers  were  coming,  however,  at  a  double-quick; 
the  camp  had  received  the  alarm  before  the  assassination 
began.  Around  on  the  east  side  of  the  lake,  where  Major 
Mason's  command  was  posted,  two  Indians  had  appeared,  un- 
der a  flag  of  truce,  at  a  little  after  one  o'clock.  Lieutenant 
Sherwood  and  Lieutenant  Doyle  went  out  two  or  three  hun- 
dred yards  to  meet  them.  The  Indians  said  they  wanted  to 
talk  to  the  "  Little  Tyee  "  (Major  Mason),  but  were  informed 
that  no  one  there  could  talk  to  them.  Scar- faced  Charley 
and  another  Indian,  who  were  concealed  in  the  rocks,  then 
opened  fire,  inflicting  wounds  in  Lieutenant  Sherwood's  arm 
and  thigh,  from  which  he  died  three  days  later.  This  treach- 
ery was  signalled  to  General  Gillem's  camp.  A  message  was 
being  prepared  to  send  to  Canby  when  the  firing  was  heard, 
and  the  signal  officer  reported  that  the  commissioners  were 
being  murdered.  The  soldiers  sprang  to  their  arms  at  the 
sound  of  the  shots,  and  advanced  towards  the  council  tent  on 
a  run.  In  a  few  minutes  Dyer  appeared,  almost  exhausted, 
reporting  that  all  the  others  were  killed.  A  little  farther 
on  Riddle  reached  the  lines.  Tiie  soldiers  hurried  on  to  the 
scene  of  the  tragedy.  About  seventy  yards  from  the  tent 
were  found  the  bodies  of  Canby  and  Dr.  Thomas,  stripped  of 
everything.  The  former  had  two  bullet  wounds  through  his 
head  and  a  cut  in  the  neck ;  the  latter  had  several  wounds 
in  his  body.  A  little  farther  on  was  Meacham,  also  stripped. 
He  had  one  bullet  wound  under  his  right  eye,  one  in  the  side 
of  the  head,  one  through  his  right  arm,  a  grazing  shot  on  the 
temple,  a  finger  shot  from  his  left  hand,  one  car  cut,  i.nd  a 
long  knife-wound  on  his  head,  where  Boston  had  begun  to 
scalp  him.  It  was  not  expected  that  he  would  live,  but, 
after  four  bullets  had  been  extracted  from  his  head,  he  grew 
better  and  rapidly  recovered.  The  soldiers  advanced  a  short 
distance  beyond  the  council  tent,  atid  then  withdrew,  bearing 
the  remains  of  the  victims  in  sadness  to  the  camp. 


THE  TRAGEDY  OF  THE  LAVA  BEDS. 


671 


Thrre  has  never  been  an  occurrence  in  any  of  our  Indian 
wars  that  excited  such  wide-spread  indignation  as  this  act  of 
treachery.  The  high  esteem  in  wliich  both  General  Canby 
and  Dr.  Thomas  were  held,  their  disinterested  efforts  in  be- 
half of  these  Indians,  and  the  atrocity  of  the  assassination 
stirred  public  feeling  to  its  depths.  The  Modocs  were  the 
objects  of  universal  execration,  and  their  outlandish  names 
quickly  became  household  words.  For  a  time  there  was  but 
one  sentiment,  and  that  was  that  the  tribe  should  be  extermi- 
nated. The  soldiers  had  the  same  feeling,  but  extermination 
was  not  'o  easily  accomplished.  The  entire  force  moved  for- 
ward on  the  14th,  in  the  face  of  a  stubborn  resistance  by  the 
Indians,  to  positions  from  which  the  mortar  batteries  could 
reach  the  caves.  The  stronghold  was  shelled  during  the  15th 
and  16th.  On  the  morning  of  the  17th  the  troops  advanced 
again  and  took  possession  of  the  cave,  all  of  the  Indians  hav- 
ing moved  away,  except  a  small  rear-guard,  which  was  driven 
out  by  a  dashing  charge.  The  famous  retreat  was  found  to 
be  a  long  crevice,  extending  for  more  than  a  mile  in  a  north 
and  south  direction,  connected  at  various  points  with  deep 
sink -holes.  All  along  it  were  fragments  of  bursted  shells, 
and  here  and  there  the  body  of  an  Indian.  The  body  of  one 
man  was  literally  torn  to  pieces.  It  was  learned  afterwards 
that  the  man  had  picked  up  a  shell  and  was  trying  to  bite  off 
the  fu-^e  when  it  exploded.  Another  man  was  killed  by  the 
same  explosion.  Altogether  there  were  eleven  bodies  found, 
three  of  them  men,  as  the  product  of  the  three  days'  work. 
There  were  no  wounded  reported.  No  quarter  was  given. 
The  loss  to  the  troops,  from  the  morning  of  the  llth,  was  six 
men  killed  and  i'ourleen  wounded.  In  addition  to  this  the 
Indians  had  cut  oft"  Eugene  Ilovey,  a  young  citizen,  killed 
him,  and  captured  four  horses.  Tlie  Indians  took  a  new 
position  about  four  miles  south  of  their  old  place,  but  kept 
closely  hidden  for  8e\'eral  days. 

Prior  to  this  time  the  troops  had  been  reinforced  by  a 
party  of  sixty  Warm  Springs  Indians,  under  Donald  McKay, 
their  interpreter.  They  proved  invaluable  assistants,  the  only 
objection  to  them  being  that  they  absolutely  refused  to  do 
anything  on  Sundays.     Supposed!  discoveries  of  the  new  hid- 


m 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


itig-place  of  the  Modocs  were  made  on  several  occasions,  but 
tliey  were  not  found  until  the  morning  of  the  23d.  Early 
on  the  26th,  a  party  under  con.mand  of  Captain  Thomas  of 

the  ich  Artillery  was 
sent  on  a  reconnois- 
eance  to  a  sand-hill  in 
the  centre  of  the  Lava 
Beds,  to  ascertain  the 
practicability  of  taking 
the  pack-train  with  the 
mortar  battery  to  that 
point.  The  command 
consisted  of  six  otficers, 
sixty -four  men,  and 
thirteen  of  the  Indian 
scouts,  under  McKay. 
They  marched  in  col- 
umn of  twos,  with 
a  company  deployed 
across  the  front,  and 
flankers  on  either  side. 
It  was  soon  apparent 
that  many  of  the  men  were  inspired  with  a  dread  of  the  foe, 
which  had  been  dealing  death  among  them  from  its  hidden 
fastnesses.  The  skirmishers  kept  lagging  until  the  cohiinii 
was  upon  them,  and  the  flankers  continually  edged  in  from 
the  sides,  notwithstanding  the  orders  of  the  officers.  The 
base  of  the  sand-hill  was  reached  by  noon,  without  sight  of 
the  enemy,  and  the  p.^rty  stopped  for  luncheon.  They  wcro 
in  comparatively  low  ground.  On  all  sides  of  them  but  tlic 
front,  which  was  occupied  by  the  sand-hill,  were  rough  lava 
ridges,  from  four  to  six  hundred  yards  distant.  Two  men 
were  sent  to  reconnoitre  the  ridge  to  the  east  of  the  sand- 
hill. AVhen  about  haK-way  to  it,  two  shots  were  fired  at 
them  from  the  rocks  to  which  they  were  going,  and  imme- 
diately fire  was  opened  from  the  lava  ridges  all  about  them. 
A  large  portion  of  the  men  became  panic-stricken.  They 
rushed  to  and  fro,  crying,  "  We  are  completely  surrounded," 
and  paid  no  attention  to  commands.     A  number  sought  hid- 


DOSALD  McKAY,  LEADER   OF   TUE   SCOUTS. 


THE  TRAGEDf  OF  THE  LAVA  BEDS. 


573 


ing-places,  and  sneaked  away  as  soon  as  the  engagement  of 
the  Indians  with  tlie  others  gave  them  opportunity.  The 
rest,  with  the  officers,  at  first  pushed  vip  the  sand-hill. 

Lieutenant  Wright  was  ordered  to  advance  with  one  com- 
pany and  occupy  the  ridge  to  the  west.  Lieutenant  Cranston, 
with  five  men,  volunteered  to  take  the  ridge  to  the  north. 
All  of  this  party  were  killed,  the  position  of  their  bodies 
indicating  that  they  had  died  while  bravely  trying  to  accom- 
plish the  task  they  had  undertaken.  The  main  body,  now 
reduced  to  less  than  thirty  men,  soon  started  to  follow  Lieu- 
tenant Wright,  but  Wright's  cotnmand  had  gone  to  pieces, 
and  no  trace  of  them  could  be  found.  The  others  reached  a 
little  lioUow  about  fifty  yards  from  the  ridge,  supposing  it  to 
be  occupied  by  Lieutenant  Wright's  men,  but  on  calling  for 
them  received  a  volley  of  rifle-shots  for  an  answer.  By  death 
and  desertion  they  had  been  cut  down  to  only  twenty,  and 
these  saw  that  they  were  lost.  Captain  Thomas  said,  "  We 
are  surrounded.  Let  us  die  like  brave  men."  They  shel- 
tered themselves  as  best  they  could  behind  rocks  and  sage 
bushes,  but  they  were  helpless.  There  were  twenty-one  In- 
dians here.  They  separated  and,  by  paths  known  only  to 
them,  gained  positions  on  two  sides — fourteen  on  one  side  and 
seven  on  the  other — from  which  they  maintained  a  deadly 
cross-fire,  they  being  in  perfect  safety.  About  the  time  the 
firing  began,  the  Warm  Springs  Indians,  who  had  been  scout- 
ing, came  up  and  tried  to  join  the  troops.  They  were  mis- 
taken for  Modocs  and  fired  upon.  They  used  every  device 
to  show  who  they  were,  but  in  vain.  They  captured  an  es- 
caping bugler  and  made  him  sound  the  whole  list  of  bugle 
calls,  but  the  soldiers  did  not  understand.  Being  under  two 
tires  the  scouts  could  do  nothing  but  keep  concealed.  All 
of  them  escaped  unhurt.  In  the  mean  time  Major  Green, 
with  all  available  forces,  was  hastening  in  the  direction  of 
the  firing.  They  reached  the  place  in  time  to  save  but  few 
of  the  party.  Captain  Thomas  (son  of  Gen.  Lorenzo  Thomas), 
Lieutenant  Howe  (son-in-law  of  General  Brady),  Lieutenant 
Wright  (son  of  Gen.  George  Wright),  and  Lieutenant  Cran- 
ston were  dead.  Lieutenant  Harris  was  mortally  wounded. 
Dr.  Semig,  who  had  performed  his  duties  evorywliere,  regard- 


574 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


less  of  flying  bullets,  received  a  wound  in  the  leg  which 
necessitated  amputation  below  the  knee.  Eighteen  enlisted 
men  were  killed  and  seventeen  wounded,  several  mortally. 
The  troops  held  the  ground  through  the  night,  but  the  Mo- 
docs  crept  through  the  lines  to  scalp  and  rifle  the  dead.  In 
the  morning  the  Indians  retired  and  the  troops  withdrew  to 
the  lake.  All  the  wounded  and  the  greater  part  of  the  dead 
were  brought  in.  Over  twenty  of  the  soldiers  of  Captain 
Thomas's  command  straggled  into  camp,  reporting  that  they 
had  been  "cut  off."  Gen.  Jeff.  C.  Davis,  who  arrived  u  few 
days  later  to  take  General  Can  by 's  place,  denounced  them  as 
"  cowardly  beef-eaters." 

When  Davis  took  command  of  the  troops,  he  found  them 
so  dispirited  over  this  series  of  failures  and  losses,  which  left 
always  the  same  desperate  task  before  them,  that  he  consid- 
ered it  injudicious  to  move  actively  at  once.  There  was  nmch 
raillery  at  the  time  at  the  army's  want  of  success;  but  the 
outside  world  had  no  idea  of  the  situation,  or  of  the  high 
order  of  courage  in  the  common  soldiers  that  it  called  for. 
There  have  been  many  thousands  of  men  who  dared  to  march 
up  to  the  cannon's  mouth,  but  what  if  such  marching  be  re- 
quired to  be  done  by  inches,  when  there  is  no  opportunity  for 
harming  the  cannoneer,  and  with  the  certain  knowledge  that 
when  the  cannon  was  reached  it  would  be  whisked  away  to 
another  safe  position, there  again  to  belch  out  its  iron  deaths 
The  Modocs  added  not  a  little  to  the  apprehensive  feeling  by 
keeping  perfectly  quiet.  The}'  gave  no  intimation  as  to  what 
part  of  that  wilderness  of  stone  they  occupied.  They  might 
be  hidden  in  its  nearest  edge;  they  might  be  resting  peace- 
fully in  the  centre.  No  one  knew.  On  May  Oth  two  friend- 
ly squaws  were  sent  into  the  pedregal.  They  returned  after 
two  days,  almost  exhausted,  and  reported  that  the  Modocs  had 
moved  towards  the  southeast.  On  the  evening  of  the  8th 
some  Warm  Springs  Indians  were  sent  out.  They  confirmed 
the  report  of  the  squaws,  and  also  reported  that  fifteen  or 
twenty  Modocs  had  attacked  and  captured  a  supply-train  of 
four  wagons,  attended  by  an  escort  equal  in  number  to  the 
attacking  party,  on  the  east  side  of  Tulc  Lake.  The  casual- 
ties to  the  escort  were  three  men  wounded.     Two  squadrons 


THE  TRAGEDY  OF  THE  LAVA  BEDg. 


575 


of  cavalry,  with  the  IiuHaii  scouts,  were  at  once  sent  in  that 
direction.  They  discovered  some  signs  of  Indians  near  a 
small,  dry  lake,  and  pitched  their  camp  there  for  the  night. 
At  daybreak  the  next  morning  (the  10th)  the  Indians  attacked 
them.     The  troops  were  surprised,  bnt  the  men  seized  their 


GENERAL  JEFFERSON   C.  DAVIS. 


guns  and  returned  the  fire  so  gallantly  that  the  Indians  began 
to  retreat.  They  were  followed  for  three  miles,  fighting  all 
the  way,  till  they  reached  the  Lava  Beds.  Tiie  troops  follow- 
ed them  in  at  a  distance,  and  at  the  same  time  detachments 
were  thrown  in  on  the  other  sides,  the  plan  being  now  adopted 
of  making  permanent  camps  in  the  pedregal.     By  this  means 


576 


•MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


the  Indians  were  keptcontinnally  on  tlie  watch,  which,  owing 
to  their  small  number,  was  a  great  hardship  to  tiiem. 

There  was  a  more  serious  trouble  than  this  in  the  Modoc 
camp.  Over  at  the  dry  lake  there  had  occurred  a  quarrel  be- 
tween Hooker  Jim  and  Jack,  in  which  the  murderers  sided 
with  Jim.  The  bad  feeling  tlien  created  grow  with  the  hard- 
ships of  the  fighting,  and  these  warriors  began  to  think  that 
Jack  was  tyrannical.  The  quarrel  became  so  bitter  that  the 
band  separated  about  the  15th.  Thirteen  warriors,  with  sixty- 
two  women  and  children,  composed  the  murderers'  part}'; 
thirty  warriors,  with  fifty-two  women  and  children,  followed 
Jack.  Both  parties  left  the  Lava  Beds,  thereby  throwing 
away  their  greatest  protection  as  completely  as  did  Roderick 
Dhu  when  he  cast  down  his  targe  and  bared  his  breast  to 
Fitz-James's  blade.  The  trail  of  the  murderers'  party  was 
soon  discovered.  Ilasbrouck's  cavalry  followed  it,  and  over- 
took them  after  a  hard  march  of  fifty  miles.  For  seven  miles 
or  more  a  sharp  running  fight  was  kept  up,  and  then  the  In- 
dians scattered  for  safety.  The  cavalry  horses  were  so  ex- 
hausted that  further  pursuit  was  abandoned  for  that  night. 
Some  Indians  captured  in  this  chase  said  the  band  desired  to 
surrender.  Messengers  were  sent  to  them  in  the  morning. 
They  asked  for  terms,  but  none  were  given,  except  safe  con- 
duct to  General  Davis's  quarters.  On  May  22d  they  all 
came  in  and  laid  down  their  arms.  Hooker  Jim  volunteered 
to  go  to  Jack's  camp  and  secure  his  surrender;  he  wanted 
eight  men  to  go  with  him  for  protection,  but  only  three  were 
allowed.  He  M'as  assured,  through  a  mistake  of  the  interpret- 
er, it  is  said,  that  they  would  have  immunity  from  punish- 
ment. Under  this  arrangement  Hooker  Jim,  Bogus  Charley, 
Shack-nasty  Jim,  and  Steamboat  Frank  were  furnished  with 
horses  and  Springfield  rifles,  and  started  on  their  search  for 
Jack's  band,  which,  it  was  believed,  had  either  gone  south  to- 
wards Pitt  River,  or  east  towards  Goose  Lake.  The  latter 
supposition  proved  correct.  The  four  scouts  found  them,  on 
the  28tli,  on  Willow  Creek,  one  of  the  head-waters  of  Lost 
River,  east  of  Wright's  Lake.  The  scouts  had  a  stormy  in- 
terview with  Jack,  in  which  he  denounced  them  as  cowards 
and  squaws,  who  had  induced  him  to  go  into  tiiis  war  and 


THE  TRAGEDY  OF  THE  LAVA  BEDS. 


577 


deserted  him  in  the  hour  of  peril.  Ho  said  that  he  would 
never  surrender;  that  he  would  die  with  his  gun  in  his 
hand. 

The  scouts  returned  to  the  troops,  who  were  moving  in 
the  same  direction.  At  two  o'clock  the  next  day  the  com- 
mand surprised  Jack's  band  in  the  canon  of  Willow  Creek, 
near  the  o'ossing  of  the  old  emigrant  road.  Boston  Charley 
came  out  and  held  up  his  hands  in  token  of  surrender.  He 
was  permitted  to  come  into  the  lines.  Seven  women  were 
captured  also,  including  Jack's  sister  Mary,  commonly  known 
as  "  Queen  Mary,"  or  "  Princess  Mary."  The  rest  escaped  by 
running  down  the  cafion,  which  is  about  forty  feet  deep  and 
impossible  of  access  to  horses.  On  the  next  naorning  the 
troops  followed  their  trail  over  hill  and  valley,  through  canons 
and  across  beds  of  sharp  lava  rocks,  to  a  blnff  bordering  on 
Langell's  Valley.  As  they  approached  the  bluff  four  shots 
were  fired  from  it,  and  immediately  after  two  warriors  came 
bounding  down  the  rocks,  crying,  "  We  surrender ;  don't 
shoot !"  Five  warriors  came  in.  With  these  Dr.  Cabanisse, 
who  was  well  acquainted  with  the  Modocs,  went  into  the 
rocks  to  make  arrangements  for  the  surrender  of  the  rest. 
lie  remained  with  them  overnight.  In  the  morning  twelve 
warriors,  including  Schonchin  and  Scar-faced  Charley,  surren- 
dered. Jack,  with  three  warriors,  fled  in  the  night.  There 
were  nine  others  who  scattered  in  different  directions. 

On  June  1st,  an  hour  or  so  before  noon,  a  Warm  Springs 

scout,  with  Colonel  Perry's  squadron  of  the  First  Cavalry, 

struck  a  fresh  trail  three  miles  above  the  moutii  of  Willow 

Creek.     The  squadron  followed  it,  and  in  a  short  time  found 

and  surrounded  the  Modocs,  who  occupied  a  small  pedregal. 

A  warrior  bearing  a  white  flag  appeared  from  among  the 

rocks.     He  said  that  Jack  desired  to  surrender.     The  scouts 

went  in  to  meet  him.     He  came  out  cautiously,  glared  about 

him  for  a  few  moments,  and  then,  with  the  hopeless,  desperate 

air  of  a  man 

"  Who  Imd  thrown,  aud  had  missed 
His  last  stalte," 

he  came  forward  and  extended  his  hands  to  the  scouts.     His 
only  remark  was,  "My  legs  have  given  out."     He  was  taken 

37 


578 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


to  the  camp  at  Aj)plegato'8  ranch,  near  Clear  Lake.  The 
news  of  the  capture  had  been  carried  before  them,  and  was 
received  with  enthusiasm  and  rejoicing.  Jack  was  the  cen- 
tre of  attraction.  Dressed  in  old,  dilapidated  clothes,  and 
wrapped  in  a  faded  army  blanket,  it  was  still  the  universal 
sentiment  that  he  looked  every  inch  a  chief.  He  stood  <.part, 
silent  as  a  statue.     The  Indians  said  he  was  insane. 

There  surrendered  with  Jack  two  warriors,  fifteen  squaws, 
and  seven  children  ;  the  remainder  of  the  band  were  captured 
daring  the  two  days  following,  excepting  Long  Jim  and  his 
father,  who  were  caught  on  the  11th.  The  Modoc  war  was 
ended.  In  it  the  whites  had  lost  in  killed  eight  ofKcers,  thir- 
ty-nine enlisted  men,  sixteen  citizens,  and  two  Warm  Springs 
scouts ;  in  wounded  sixty-seven.  This  was  the  loss  to  the 
army  proper.  To  it  should  be  added  eighteen  killed  and  about 
as  many  wounded,  for  the  settlers  who  were  attacked  in  No- 
vember. The  loss  of  the  Modocs  from  the  massacre  of  the 
commissioners  to  the  close  of  the  war  was  five  warriors.  Three 
were  killed  during  the  advance  on  the  cave — two  by  the  ex- 
plosion of  a  shell,  and  one  by  a  rifle-ball ;  one  was  killed  at 
the  dry  lake,  and  one  during  the  attack  on  Thomas,  of  the 
2Gth.  Their  other  killed  were  all  women  and  children.  The 
cost  of  the  war  was  over  half  a  million  of  dollars.  The  quar- 
termaster-general reported  the  cost  to  his  department  at 
$355,000.  We  paid  Oregon  and  California  $76,000  for  the 
services  of  their  militia.  Then  there  were  the  claims  for  de- 
stroyed property  and  other  contingent  expenses.  The  reser- 
vation that  the  Modocs  asked  for  was  of  less  than  2000  acres. 
If  they  had  been  settled  in  severalty  the  cost,  including  the 
value  of  the  land,  would  have  been  about  $10,000.  An  agen- 
cy might  perhaps  have  come  as  high  as  $20,000.  Beyond 
dispute,  the  Modoc  war  would  have  been  prevented  at  a  cost 
of  not  to  exceed  one-twentieth  of  the  outlay  that  occurred. 
It  is,  in  fact,  usually  cheaper  to  be  fair  and  honest  with  In- 
dians, just  as  in  other  affairs  in  this  world. 

Governor  Grover  was  on  hand,  demanding  that  the  Mo- 
docs should  be  turned  over  to  the  civil  authorities  for  trial. 
General  Davis  was  not  in  favor  of  "  the  law's  delay,"  and  de- 
cided to  hang  eight  or  ten  of  them  without  any  formality  of 


T>IE  TRAGEDY  OF  THE  LAVA  BEDS. 


579 


i^^^rr^^-^^'^^ 


CAPTAIN    JACK    AND   HIS    COMPANIONS. 


judge  or  jury.  Wliile  the  scaffolds  were  being  prepared,  a 
telegram  came  from  Washington,  directing  their  trial  by  a 
Military  Commission.  The  Commission  sat  from  July  5th  to 
July  9th,  at  Fort  Klamath,  Oregon.  The  prisoners  arraigned 
were  Captain  Jack,  Schonchin  John  (Schonchis),  Black  Jim, 


m 


580 


MASSACRES  OF  THE   MOUNTAINS. 


Boston  Cliarley,  T3ariiclio,a//ff«  One-eyed  Jim,  and  i^lohx, alias 
Lolocksalt,  alias  Cok.  Ellen's  Man  was  dead.  The  charges 
were  nuirder  and  assault  to  kill,  in  violation  of  the  rules  of 
war.  The  prosecution  made  a  clear  case  by  the  testimony  of 
Riddle,  Toby,  Meacham,  Dyer,  Shack-nasty  Jim,  Hooker  Jim, 
Bogus  Charley,  Steamboat  Frank,  William,  Lieutenant  Ander- 
son, and  Surgeon  McEldery ;  the  defence  introduced  Scar- 
faced  Charley,  Dave,  and  One-ej'ed  Mose,  who  testified  that 
the  Klamaths  furnished  them  gun-caps  and  were  guilty  of 
other  acts  of  treachery.  This  may  have  been  introduced  in 
mitigation  of  their  offence,  or  from  an  ignorant  belief  that 
they  could  shift  the  guilt  to  others.  There  is  another  possi- 
bility, which  is  very  strong.  Jack  may  have  intended  iiis  de- 
fence solely  for  futurity.  He  may  have  been  actuated  by  the 
same  desire  of  a  justitication  by  posterity  that  moved  Robert 
Emmet  to  the  words,  "  Let  not  my  epitaph  be  written  till 
other  times  and  other  men  can  do  me  justice."  lie  did  not 
deny  his  guilt;  he  admitted  that  he  had  done  wrong.  He 
did  not  hope  for  a  realization  of  his  motives  by  his  judges. 
He  told  them  as  much.  The  members  of  the  Commission 
were  strangers  to  him ;  they  did  not  know  his  past  surround- 
ings or  the  events  that  had  driven  him  on.  He  saw  around 
him  the  men  he  had  attempted  to  assassinate,  the  whites  he  had 
fought,  and  his  enemies  the  Klamaths,  who  had  urged  him 
on.  In  the  midst  of  them  he  saw  the  men  who  had  brought 
him  to  ruin  and  betrayed  him,  sitting  as  his  accusers.  What 
room  had  he  to  hope  for  mercy  there?  lie  addressed  the 
Commission.  He  tried  to  tell  how  he  had  been  adopting  the 
customs  of  the  whites ;  how  he  had  treated  them  generously ; 
how  he  had  dealt  so  fairly  with  all  men  that  no  one  called 
him  mean  except  the  Klamaths.  He  said,  "  I  have  always 
lived  like  a  white  man,  and  wanted  to  live  so.  I  have  always 
tried  to  live  peaceably  and  never  asked  any  man  for  anything. 
I  have  always  lived  on  what  I  could  kill  and  shoot  with  my 
gun  and  catch  in  my  trap.  Riddle  knows  that  I  have  always 
lived  like  a  man,  and  have  never  gone  begging ;  that  what  I 
have  got  I  have  always  got  with  my  own  hands,  honestly.  I 
should  have  taken  his  advice.  He  has  always  given  me  good 
advice,  and  told  me  to  live  like  a  white  man ;  and  I  have  al- 


THE  TRA(ii:iJY  OF  TIIK  LAVA  IJKDS. 


681 


ways  tried  to  do  it,  and  did  do  it,  until  this  war  started.  I 
iiardly  know  how  to  talk  here,  I  don't  know  how  wliite  peo- 
ple talk  in  such  a  place  as  this ;  but  I  will  do  the  best  I  can." 
The  Judge-Advocate  said,  in  a  kindly  wa}',  "Talk  exactly  as 
if  you  were  at  home,  in  a  council."  Jack  went  on  to  tell  how 
he  and  his  people  had  become  fearful  of  treachery  on  account 
of  Captain  Jackson's  surprise,  on  account  of  the  treatment  of 
the  Hot  Creek  Indians,  on  account  of  the  threatening  word 
sent  to  him  by  white  men,  on  account  of  the  misrepresenta- 
tions of  the  squaw  messengers.  lie  told  how  his  warriors  re- 
fused to  obey  him;  how  they  attacked  the  settlers  without  his 
knowledge ;  how  they  taunted  him ;  and,  as  he  came  to  the  point 
where  he  gave  way  under  the  awful  pressure  that  was  brought 
upon  him,  he  broke  down.  Ilis  throat  choked  up;  he  could 
speak  no  further.  At  his  request  the  Commission  adjourned 
to  the  next  day,  with  pei:mission  to  him  to  continue  then.  On 
the  next  day  he  resumed  his  address,  but  the  flood  of  tender 
feelings  that  liad  overwhelmed  him  on  the  preceding  day 
had  given  way  to  the  stoical  desperation  whieh.  characterizes 
his  race  when  the  shadow  of  death  is  over  them.  In  a  few 
curt  sentences  he  pointed  out  the  guilt  of  the  four  informers, 
and  sat  down. 

The  Judge-Advocate  submitted  the  instructions  and  de- 
tailed report  of  Captain  Jackson,  showing  that  he  had  acted 
in  accordance  with  his  instructions  when  he  surprised  the 
camp  on  Lost  River.  He  acquitted  Jack  of  any  complicity 
in  the  attack  on  the  settlers  immediately  following  this  oc- 
currence, and  submitted  the  case  without  argument.  There 
could  be  but  one  result.  The  prisoners  were  found  guilty  on 
both  charges  and  sentenced  to  be  hanged.  A  strong  influ- 
ence was  exerted  with  President  Grant  for  a  commutation  of 
the  sentence.  The  National  Association  to  Promote  Univer- 
sal Peace,  the  American  Indian  Aid  Association,  and  many 
individuals,  petitioned  in  their  behalf.  One  good  Quaker 
brother  offered,  if  the  President  would  comnmte  their  sen- 
tence to  imprisonment  on  some  ocean  island,  to  go  there  and 
devote  his  life  to  their  enlightenment  and  salvation.  For  the 
information  of  the  President,  the  Judge- Advocate,  II.  P.  Cur- 
tis, reported  that  Barncho  and  Slolox  were  common  soldiers, 


5S5 


MASSACRES  OF  THE   MOUxNTAINS. 


who  appcftrcd  to  have  acted  under  the  orders  of  their  chief; 
tiiat  they  were  ignorant  and  devoid  of  perception  —  in  short, 
little  uhove  the  level  of  tlio  i)rute;  that  they  did  not  seem  to 
understand  the  nature  of  their  trial  or  appreciate  their  dan- 
ger; and  that  Slolox,  from  choice,  sat  on  the  floor  during  the 
trial,  much  of  the  time  asleep.  Under  this  statement  the  sen- 
tences of  Barncho  and  Slolox  were  commuted  to  imprison- 
ment for  life  on  the  Island  of  Alcatraz,  in  the  harhor  of  San 
Francisco.  Tlie  others  were  executed  at  Fort  Klamath  on 
October  3,  1873,  in  accordance  with  the  sentence.  They 
were  all  hanged  from  one  long  scaffold.  Tiiey  mounted  it 
firmly,  and  with  no  tremor  stood  through  the  preliminary 
proceedings,  though  Jack  showed  the  signs  of  internal  tor- 
mdnt  in  his  face,  lie  had  asked  for  delay  that  morning,  but 
on  being  .assured  that  it  could  not  be  granted — that  he  must 
die — he  said,  "  I  am  ready  to  go  to  the  (treat  Father."  The 
orders  for  execution  and  the  reprieve  for  IJarncho  and  Slo- 
lox, which  had  arrived  the  night  before,  were  read  from  the 
scaffold.  The  chaplain  prayed  fervently  and  the  signal  was 
given.  As  the  drop  fell,  an  involuntary  cry  of  horror  went 
up  from  the  tiiroats  of  over  five  hundred  Klamaths,  who 
had  assembled  to  witness  the  execution.  From  the  stockade, 
where  the  Modoc  captives  stood,  in  full  view  of  the  scene, 
rose  shrieks  and  wails  of  anguish.  It  was  over.'  The  white 
man's  justice  was  satisfied. 

The  decision  of  the  President  was  just.  It  seems  wrong 
that  these  men  should  Lc  hang(!d  for  the  very  offenc.e  for 
which  Ben  Wright  nnd  Jii*  men  were  feted  and  rewarded, 
but  the  wrong  done  was  i'l  failing  to  punish  the  white  as- 
sassins. If  criminals  wen^  to  be  pardoned  because  equally 
guilty  men  have  escaped,  there  would  be  an  end  to  all  pun- 
ishment. They  knew  they  were  committing  a  crime.  Few 
criminals  have  a  keener  sense  of  their  offending  than  did 
Captain  Jack.  He  would  not  have  debated  so  long  before 
taking  the  fatal  step  if  he  had  not  known  its  evil  nature.  It 
was  right  that  he  should  be  hanged — and  yet  we  killed  him 
much  as  you  would  kill  the  mad  dog  that  bites  the  hand  ex- 
tended to  caress  him,  and  we  had  helped  to  make  him  mad. 
Was  it  strange  that  the  son  of  Dr.  Thomas  said,  "The  wick- 


TIIK  TRAGEDY  OF  THE  LAVA   1JE1)8. 


5S3 


edncss  of  white  men  caused  tny  father's  death?"  The  re- 
mainder of  the  tribe,  cxceptin<^  those  who  were  murdered 
wliile  prisoners,  were  sent  east.  Most  of  them  were  hjcated 
at  tlie  Quapaw  Agency,  where,  under  chief  J'ogus  Charley, 
they  have  become  models  of  industry  and  j^ood- behavior. 
Several  of  the  worst  men  were  sent  to  Fort  Marion,  at  St.- 
Augustine,  Florida,  and  put  under  charge  of  Captain  Pratt, 
of  training-school  fame.  Under  liis  labors  they  were  con- 
verted to  Christianity,  and  if  testimony  can  be  believed  they 
underwent  an  actual  change  of  heart.  In  1879  Steamboat 
Frank,  the  unhanged  murderer  of  1873,  was  installed  as  pas- 
tor in  the  Modoc  church  on  the  Quapaw  reservation.  It  is 
well  that  by  penance  and  good  works  thoy  should  expiate 
their  wrong-doing,  but  great  must  be  the  grace  that  has  come 
upon  them  if  the  face  of  Krent-poos  does  not  haunt  them. 
Unfortunate  man !  Drawn  by  forces  whose  ])ower  we  can 
scarcely  imagine,  he  fell — fell  hopelessly.  Who  shall  rc- 
nroach  his  memory?  It  was  a  divine  wisdom  that  taught 
us  all  to  pray, "  Lead  us  not  into  teniptation,"  for  if  the  right 
temptation  come,  in  open  strength,  or  hidden  under  deceptivo 
covering,  who  shall  withstand  it  ? 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 
THE  LITTLE   BIG   HORN. 

The  Sioux  war  of  1876  was  more  like  the  wars  between 
civilized  natioiis,  in  its  itiception,  than  any  conflict  that  ever 
occurred  between  the  whites  and  the  Indians.  There  were 
the  same  violations  of  compacts  on  botli  sides,  the  same  dip- 
lomatic skirmishing,  and  the  same  deliberate  preparation  for 
wholesale  killing,  that  the  civilized  world  lias  decided  to  be 
proper  when  two  nations  have  reached  so  belligerent  a  feel- 
ing that  peace  is  no  longer  satisfactory  to  eitiier.  On  paper, 
our  rehitions  with  the  Sioux  remained  as  they  were  established 
in  18G8,  when  we  abandoned  the  Montana  road.  Tiiere  was 
then  set  off  to  the  western  tribes,  as  a  reservation,  all  of  Da- 
kota Territory  west  of  the  Missouri  lliver  and  south  of 
parallel  46 — practically,  the  southwest  quarter  of  the  terri- 
tory. This  reservation,  by  the  treaty,  "  is  set  ai)art  for  the 
absolute  and  undisturbed  use  and  occupation  of  the  Indians 
lierein  named,  and  for  such  other  friendly  tribes  or  individual 
Indians  as  from  time  to  time  they  may  be  willing,  witii  the 
consent  of  the  United  States,  to  admit  amo'.igst  them  ;  and  tlie 
United  States  now  solemnly  agrees  that  no  persons  except 
those  herein  designated  and  authorized  so  to  do,  cud  except 
such  officers,  agents,  and  employes  of  the  government  as  may 
be  authorized  to  enter  upon  Indian  reservations  in  discharge 
of  duties  enjoined  by  law,  shall  ever  be  ])ermitted  to  pass 
over,  settle  upon,  or  reside  in  tlie  territory  described  in  this 
article,  or  in  such  territory  as  may  be  added  to  tiiis  reservation 
for  the  use  of  said  Indians;  and  henceforth  they  will  and  do 
hereby  relinquish  all  claims  or  right  in  and  to  any  portion  of 
the  United  States  or  Territories,  except  such  as  is  embraced 
in  the  limits  aforesaid,  and  except  as  hereinafter  provided." 
Tlie  subsequent  provision  referred  to  is  Article  16,  as  follows: 


THE   LITTLE  BIG   HORN. 


585 


"The  United  States  hereby  agrees  and  stipulates  that  the 
country  north  of  the  North  Phitte  River  and  east  of  the  sum- 
mits of  the  Big  Horn  Mountains  sliall  be  held  and  considered 
to  be  unceded  Indian  territory,  and  also  stipulates  and  agrees 
that  no  white  person  or  persons  shall  be  permitted  to  settle 
upon  or  occnpy  any  portion  of  the  same;  or  without  the  con- 
sent of  the  Indians,  lirst  had  and  obtained,  to  pass  through  the 
same."  The  land  covered  by  this  article  is  "  the  Powder 
liiver  country,"  and  the  article  closes  with  the  agreement  that 
the  Montana  road,  and  all  the  posts  along  it,  shall  be  aban- 
doned. 

During  these  eight  years  material  changes  had  been  tak- 
ing place  in  other  respects  which  altered  the  relations  of  the 
two  races.  The  completion  of  the  Pacific  Railway,  and  the 
wonderful  advance  of  minor  lines  into  the  plains,  had  carried 
an  enormous  population  into  tlie  West,  Kajisas,  Iowa,  Ne- 
braska, Colorado,  Wyoming,  Montana,  and  Eastern  Dakota 
were  filling  up  rapidly,  and  assuming  the  appearance  of  long- 
settled  countries,  il.'^  whites  were  strong  in  their  numbers 
and  their  facilities  for  transportation.  They  had  grown  used 
to  the  Indian  as  the  loafer  and  drunkard,  and  had  no  great 
fear  of  him  in  any  character.  Among  the  whites  were  many 
minerij  who  looked  with  longing  eyes  on  the  Black  Hills  (a 
literal  translation  of  the  Sioux  name.  Pah-sap-pa),  which  lay 
wholly  within  the  reservation.  Tiiis  truct  of  mountain  coun- 
try was  almost  unknown.  It  was  partially  surrounded  by  the 
Bad  Lands,  which  formed  a  barrier  that  the  emigrant  shunned. 
The  Indians  M'cnt  into  the  Ilills  but  kittle.  They  considered  it 
a  "medicine"  country,  inhabited  by  their  supornaturals,  and 
not  to  be  rashly  iiiV.ided,  though  they  occasionally  hunted  ii; 
its  borders,  or  cut  lodgc-polcs  in  its  pine  woods.  Lieutenant 
Warren  (afterwards  a  Confederate  general)  attempted  to  go 
into  it  in  1857,  hv.-.  when  in  the  neighborhood  of  Inyan  Kara, 
a  peak  on  the  western  side,  ho  was  met  by  a  delegation  of 
Sioux  chiefs  and  warned  back.  They  said  it  was  sacred  ground, 
t  was  commonly  believed  tluv';  there  was  gold  in  the  Black 
Hills,  even  before  gold  was  discovered  in  California.  In  1817, 
Parkman  recounted  how  his  trapper  frieu'l,  Reynal,  had  stood 
on  one  of  these  mountains  and  said  :  "  Many  a  tliue,  when  I 


586 


MASSACRES   OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


TIIK   DAD    LANDS. 


was  with  the  Indians,  I  have  been  hunting  for  gold  all  through 
the  Black  Hills.  There's  plenty  of  it  liere ;  you  may  be  cer- 
tain of  that.  I  have  dreamed  about  it  fifty  times,  and  I  never 
dreamed  yet  but  what  it  came  out  true.  Look  over  yonder 
at  those  black  rocks  piled  up  against  that  other  big  rock. 
Don't  it  look  as  if  there  might  be  something  there?  It  won't 
do  for  a  white  man  to  be  rummaging  too  much  about  these 
mountains;  the  Indians  say  they  are  full  of  bad  spirits;  and 
I  believe  myself  that  it's  no  good  luck  to  be  hunting  about 
here  after  gold.  Well,  for  all  that,  I  would  like  to  have  one 
of  those  fellows  up  here,  from  down  below,  to  go  about  with 
Ills  witch-hazel  rod,  and  I'll  guarantee  that  it  would  not  lie 
long  before  he  would  light  on  a  gold  mine." 

No  one  knew  whether  there  was  gold  in  the  Hills  or  not, 
but  there  grew  up  that  strong  faith  in  its  existence  which 
miners  always  have  in  regard  to  a  country  diftieult  of  access. 
!Man  ever  hopes  for  much  from  the  unknown.     Imagination 


THE  LITTLE   BIG   HORN. 


587 


furnishes  the  only  statistics  by  wliich  it  may  be  judged,  and 
imagination  is  lioeral.  The  first  recorded  discovery  of  gold 
ill  the  Black  Hills  was  made  by  Toussaint  Kensler,  a  half- 
breed  who  had  worked  in  the  placers  of  Alder  Gulch,  Mon- 
tana. He  had  been  under  arrest  for  murder,  but  escaped,  and 
fur  a  long  time  was  not  seen  in  the  haunts  of  men.  He  then 
reajipcared  at  the  agencies  on  the  Missouri,  with  several  goose- 
quills  full  of  gold  dust,  and  a  fossil  skull  which  he  said  he  had 
found  in  the  Had  Lands,  when  returning  from  these  diggings 
that  he  had  discovered.  He  was  rearrested,  convicted,  and 
hung  for  the  murder,  but  he  left  a  map  which  shows  a  full 
acquaintance  with  the  country  he  claimed  to  have  examined. 
He  said  he  found  the  gold  on  what  is  now  called  Amphibi- 
ous Creek,  a  tributary  of  the  South  Fork  of  the  Choj-enrie, 
about  ten  miles  above  its  month.  The  Indians  sometimes 
brought  in  pieces  of  rock,  bearing  gold,  and  trappers  occa- 
sionally reported  discoveries  of  the  metal.  It  is  quite  prob- 
pble  that  Wetmore,  the  man  who  started  the  story  of  the 
*'  Lost  Cabin,"  that  great  vjn'iH fatum  of  the  miners,  obtained 
the  gold,  which  he  l)rought  home,  from  the  Black  Hills. 

The  interest  in  the  country  grew  so  strong  that  intlucnce 
was  brought  to  bear  on  the  government,  and  an  exploring  ex- 
])edition  was  ordered.  It  consisted  of  over  twelve  hundred 
men,  with  four  Gatling  guns  and  a  large  supply-train,  accom- 
piiiiied  by  sixty  Indian  scouts,  all  under  command  of  General 
Tcorge  A.  Custer.  The  movement  was  called  a  military  re- 
'.jnnoissanco,  and  said  to  be  a  military  necessity;  but  the  ex- 
]  I'dition  certainly  devoted  more  time  to  investigating  the 
miiiP'.il  and  agricultural  resources  of  the  region  than  to  any- 
,!.iiig  else.  It  was  accompanied  by  a  number  of  miners  and 
prospectors,  who  carefully  examined  the  country  along  the 
lines  of  march  and  exploration.  Custer  mentions  one  in- 
stance in  which  thov  excavated  to  a  depth  of  ei^-ht  feet  in 
their  exploitations.  They  demonstrated  the  existence  of  gold 
beyond  all  reasonai)le  questioning,  but  owing  to  some  con- 
troversy that  arose  afterwards,  the  government  sent  another 
to  the  Iliils,  in  the  followinsr  year,  for  the  exi)ress  i>ur- 


party 


pose  of  investigating  the  gold  indications.     If  this  fact  does 
iiut  lift  the  thin  disguise  of  military  necessity  from  the  lirst 


588 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


expedition,  one  could  hardly  imagine  what  would.  The  Cus- 
ter expedition  did  not  return  until  September,  and  the  reports 
from  it  were  so  goldenhued  that  the  excitement  grew  fever- 
ish. Parties  were  organized  to  go  into  the  Hills,  treat}'  or  no 
treaty,  and  some  of  them  did  go.  The  Indians  complained, 
and  threatened  to  attack  them  if  they  were  not  removed. 
The  military  authorities  denied  for  a  time  that  any  one  had 
gone  in,  but  on  December  24  it  was  conceded  that  one  party 
of  twe:ity-one  had  evaded  their  watchful  eyes.  A  company 
of  Ch'  r  ••  '"as  sent  after  them,  but  returned,  after  almost 
perishiiij.  n  cold,  without  finding  +hem.  They  remained 
in  the  Ilih.  ..11  winter  and  greeted  many  OLuv:r«  in  the  spring. 
There  was  no  little  dissatisfaction  among  the  Indians  over 
this  invasion,  and  war  was  seriously  contemplated.  The  far- 
sighted  Red  Cloud  sent  men  to  ascertain  the  probable  num- 
ber of  buffalo,  and  their  report  showed  that  no  reliance  could 
be  put  on  this  food  supply  for  any  grca*^^  time.  The  slaugh- 
ter of  buffalo  in  the  past  six  or  eight  years  had  been  prodig- 
ious. Careful  investigators  have  estimated  it  at  a  million 
a  year.  It  may  have  been  less  than  that,  but  it  was  enor- 
mous. The  buffalo  had  disappeared  from  the  eantern  side  of 
the  mountains  altogether.  The  plains  of  Kansas,  Colorado, 
Nebraska,  and  Dakota,  which  had  once  been  alive  with  them, 
no  longer  shook  beneath  their  migrations.  The  valleys  of 
the  Arkansas,  Platte,  Cheyenne,  and  their  tributaries  were  de- 
serted. The  buffalo  range  was  limited  to  the  Powder  River 
country.  Red  Cloud  took  in  the  situation.  lie  decided  for 
peace.  In  January,  1875,  he  and  Spotted  Tail  expressed  a 
desire  to  visit  Washington  and  make  arrangements  for  selling 
the  Black  Hills.  To  this  request  the  government  acceded. 
In  the  spring,  miners  began  to  flock  into  the  Hills.  The  In- 
terior Department  called  on  the  military  to  put  them  out. 
The  troops  made  several  trips  for  this  purpose,  brought  out 
the  gold-hunters,  and  turned  them  over  to  the  civil  authorities 
for  trial.  The  civil  authorities  turned  them  loose,  and  they 
went  back.  Each  time  they  went  back  their  numbers  were 
greatly  increased.  During  the  summer  Professor  Jenney 
made  his  exploration  of  the  Hills,  to  settle  the  question  of 
the  existence  of  gold.     He  had  no  ditliculty  in  learning  that 


THE   LITTLE   BIG  HORN. 


589 


tliere  was  gold,  from  the  miners  who  were  there  extracting  it. 
The  Hills  contained  probably  a  thousand  miners  in  the  fall  of 
1875.  Custer  City  had  been  laid  out,  and  people  were  com- 
ing in,  with  but  little  show  of  resistance. 

It  has  often  been  claimed  that  the  Black  Hills  question 
had  nothing  to  do  with  the  Sioux  war  of  1876,  but  the  claim 
is  partisan  and  untrue.  In  June,  1875,  a  commission  was  ap- 
pointed by  the  President  to  secure  from  the  Indians  the 
right  of  mining  in  the  Black  Hills.  They  met  with  all  the 
Teton  tribes,  the  Northern  Cheyennes  and  Arapahoes,  and 
representatives  of  the  Yanktons  and  Yanktonnais,  September 
17, 1875,  at  the  plain  north  of  Crow  Butte,  eight  miles  east  of 
Bed  Cloud  agency,  on  White  liiver.  They  found  the  In- 
dians in  two  parties,  as  to  the  sale.  The  larger  party  favored 
sale,  but  demanded  sums  ranging  from  t'  rty  to  fifty  millions 
in  payment.  The  smaller  party,  nearly  all  young  men,  op- 
posed selling,  on  any  terms.  Their  dissension  became  so  bit' 
ter  that  a  tight  would  probably  have  ensued  but  for  the  ef- 
forts of  Young  Man  Afraid  of  his  Horses,  the  leader  of  the 
"  soldiers,"  or  police  force.  The  form  in  which  the  Indians 
wlio  were  willing  to  sell  put  their  demand  was,  "  Subsistence 
for  seven  gonerations  ahead,  or  so  long  as  we  live."  Tiieir 
argument,  as  repeated  by  all  the  chiefs  who  spoke,  was  sub- 
stantially as  made  by  the  Cheyenne  chief,  Little  Wolf.  He 
said :  "  You  are  here  to  buy  the  gold  regions  in  those  Black 
Hills.  There  has  been  a  great  deal  stolen  from  those  Hills 
already.  ...  If  the  Great  Father  gets  this  country  from  us, 
it  is  a  rich  country  and  we  want  something  to  pay  us  for  it. 
We  want  to  be  made  rich  too.  There  is  gold  and  silver  and 
a  great  many  kinds  of  mineral  in  that  country.  The  Great 
Fatiier  gets  that  for  the  whites.  They  will  live  on  it  and  be- 
come rich.  We  want  him  to  make  us  rich  also."  They  re- 
fused absolutely  to  sell  the  Powder  River  country,  and  it  was 
dropped  from  consideration  on  the  first  day.  They  dwelt 
much  on  the  value  of  Pah-sap-pa.  It  was  their  "  house,  of 
gold."  It  was  "worth  more  than  all  the  wild  beasts  and  all 
the  tame  beasts  in  the  possession  of  the  white  people."  Said 
Crow  Feather;  "Even  if  our  Great  Father  should  give  a 
hundred  dilTcrent  kinds  of  live-stock  to  each  Indian   house 


590 


MASSACRES  OF  THE   MOUNTAINS. 


every  year,  it  seems  that  would  not  pay  for  tlie  Black  Hills. 
I  was  not  born  and  raised  on  this  soil  for  fun.  No,  indeed. 
...  I  hope  the  Great  Father  will  look  and  see  how  many 
millions  of  dollars  have  been  stolen  out  of  the  Black  Ilills, 
and  when  he  finds  it  out,  I  want  the  Great  Father  to  pay  us 
that."  They  offered  to  allow  one  road,  and  only  one,  wiiit-h 
they  designated  as  "the  thieves'  road."  This,  on  inquiry, 
was  found  to  be  Custer's  trail,  over  which  several  parties  of 
miners  had  gone  into  the  Hills.  Little  Bear  claimed  that 
white  men  had  been  in  the  Hills  for  four  years,  and  Lone 
Horn  said  seven.  The  commission  offered  to  lease  the  coun- 
try at  $400,000  per  year,  so  long  as  the  whites  should  use  it, 
or  to  give  them  $0,000,000  in  iifteen  annual  instalments  for 
their  title,  which  propositions  the  assembled  Sioux  received 
with  dc'  isive  laughter.  The  commission  was  obliged  to  re- 
turn unsuccessful.  It  reported:  "AVe  do  not  believe  their 
temper  or  spirit  can  or  will  be  changed  until  they  are  made 
to  feel  the  power  as  well  as  the  magnanimity  of  the  govern- 
ment." It  recommended  that  the  government  set  its  own 
price,  and  force  the  Sioux  to  accept  it.  In  justice  to  the 
commission,  it  should  be  remembered  that  the  same  chiefs, 
who  denutuded  $50,000,00  in  the  morning,  wonld  be  begging 
for  a  shirt  in  the  evening,  and  that  it  was  believed  that  white 
men  had  urged  them  to  ask  this  large  sum.  However,  irre- 
spective of  all  other  questions,  it  is  evident  that  the  Sioux 
valued  the  Hills  highly,  part  of  them  because  they  desired 
the  country  itself,  and  part  of  them  on  account  of  what  they 
hoped  to  obtain  for  it.  There  appears  no  reason  for  suppos- 
ing that  either  party  would  be  contented  to  see  it  taken  by 
the  miners  without  payment  to  them,  or  for  a  much  smaller 
payment  tlian  they  considered  it  worth. 

At  this  time  the  Sioux  nation  could  hardly  be  said  to  have 
the  same  divisions  that  were  formerly  recognized.  The  Teton 
Sioux  had  become  divided  into  fonr  main  bodies  after  the 
treaty  of  1868,  and  had  mixed  largely  with  the  Yanktonnais 
and  Sissetons.  Their  agencies  had  all  been  on  the  Missouri 
until  1874,  and  then,  on  stated  grounds  of  the  contaminating 
effects  of  the  settlements.  Red  Cloud  and  Spotted  Tail  agen- 
cies were  removed  to  the  southeast  of  the  Black  Hills.    With 


THE   LITTLE  BIG  HORN. 


591 


the  usual  care  that  marks  tlie  transaction  of  Indian  business, 
both  agencies  were  located  in  Nebraska,  off  the  reservation. 
At  Red  Cloud  agency  there  were  supposed  to  be  9100  Ogal- 
lallas  and  3700  Chcyennes  and  Arapahoes.  Tliere  was  no  such 
number  of  genuine  Ogallallas.  The  tribe  had  been  reinforced 
by  other  Sioux,  attracted  by  Ilcd  Cloud's  fame.  At  Spotted 
Tail  (Whetstone)  agency  tliere  were  reported  8400  Brules  and 
1200  Minneconjous.  At  Cheyenne  Iliver  agency,  on  the  Mis- 
souri, there  were  7G00  Two  Kettles,  Sans  Arcs,  Minneconjous, 
and  lilackfeet  Sioux.  At  Standing  Hock  agency,  on  the  Mis- 
souri, were  7300,  of  whom  4200  were  Yanktonnais,  and  the 
remainder  Oncpapas  and  Blackfeet  Sioux.  At  Fort  Peck 
agency  (Milk  River),  Montana,  were  0000  Indians,  sometimes 
called  Tetons,  but  not,  in  fact,  for  2000  of  them  were  Assina- 
boines,  and  the  remainder  Yanktonnais  and  Sissetons,  except 
about  400  who  were  Tetons  proper.  These  were  all  the  Te- 
tons except  the  roaming  tribes,  which  were  estimated  at  3000, 
as  follows:  Black  Tigers,  150;  Long  Sioux,  200;  Shooters, 
1»00;  Tatkannais,  700;  Oncpapas,  450;  White  Eagles,  200; 
Yellow  Livers,  350.  These  Indians  lived  in  the  Powder  River 
country,  and  roamed  extensively,  all  of  which  they  had  the 
right  to  do,  under  the  treaty  of  1868.  The  most  celebrated 
chiefs  of  these  bands  were  Crazy  Horse  and  Sitting  Bull. 
Crazy  Horse  was  an  Ogallalla,  although  the  Indians  with  him, 
in  the  spring  of  1876,  were  chietly  Nortliern  Clieyennes  and 
IMinneconjous,  numbering  not  more  than  five  or  six  hundred. 
Sitting  Bull's  band  was  still  smaller,  consisting  of  only  thirty 
or  forty  lodges  in  times  of  peace,  but  in  war  times  increasing 
rapidly. 

Sitting  Bull  (Ta-tan-kah-yo-tan-kah)  was  a  born  fighter.  lie 
is  said  to  be  a  half-breed  Oncpapa,  thougii  he  signed  the  treaty 
of  1868  as  an  Ogallalla.  At  this  time  he  was  somewhat  broken 
by  disease,  but  he  was  still  of  fine  physique.  His  hair  was 
brown,  his  complexion  light,  his  face  badly  scarred  by  small- 
pox. There  was  probably  no  other  Sioux  who  could  make  so 
proud  a  showing  of  individual  prowess  as  he.  About  the 
year  1870  a  Yanktonnais  Indian  brought  to  Fort  Buford  an 
old  roster  of  the  31st  Infantry,  which  had,  on  the  blank  sides 
of  the  leaves,  a  series  of  portraitures  of  the  doings  of  a  mighty 


592 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


warrior.  They  were  quite  skilfully  executed,  in  brown  and 
black  inks,  with  coloring  added  for  the  horses  and  clothing. 
The  totem  in  the  corner  of  each  pictograph,  a  buffalo  bull  on  its 
haunches,  connected  with  the  hero  by  a  line,  revealed  the  fact 
that  it  was  a  history  of  Sitting  Bull,  who,  with  a  following  of 
sixty  or  seventy  warriors,  had  been  depredating  in  the  neigh- 
borhood for  several  years.  The  Yanktonnais  finally  admitted 
that  he  had  stolen  it  from  Sitting  Bull,  and  sold  it  for  a  dollar 
and  a  half's  worth  of  supplies.    The  first  twenty-three  pictures 


SITTING    BULL  S    FIRST    ADVKNTl-RE. 


showed  his  slaughter  of  enemies  of  all  descriptions,  men, 
women,  and  children,  Indians,  teamsters,  mail-men,  frontiers- 
men, railroad  hands,  soldiers.  He  was  as  impartial  as  deatii 
itself.  The  next  twelve  show  his  exploits  as  a  collector  of 
horses,  a  pursuit  in  which  he  displayed  good  taste  and  an  in- 
satiable craving  for  horse-flesh.  He  may  fairly  be  considered 
one  of  the  ablest  horse-thieves  the  country  ever  produced. 
The  last  two  pictures  show  him  as  leader  of  the  Strong 
Hearts,  a  Sioux  fraternity  for  war  purposes — Knights  of  the 
Terres  Mauvaises,  as  it  were — storming  two  Crow  villages. 


THE   LITTLE   BIG   HORN. 


593 


blTTINli    HUM,    STOIi.MS    A    CHOW    BXCAMI'MKNT    AND    TAKKS    TIIIllTY    SCALPS 


111  one  of  tlieso  tif^Iits  tli'-^v  scalps  were  taken.  Tlicse  pict- 
ure records  are  u'lially  ac>  irate.  Ordinarily  they  are  made 
on  buffalo  rol)es,  and  kept  by  the  hero  for  display  among  his 
own  people,  who  are  acquainted  with  the  facts  of  which  he 
boasts.  In  this  case  the  pictorial  history  was  conlirined  by 
knowledge  that  the  whites  already  had  of  this  doughty  war- 
rior. 

While,  therefore,  Sitting  Bull  was  not  a  chief  of  any  par- 
ticular prominence  during  times  of  peace,  he  had  a  record  as 
a  fighter,  and  a  reputation  as  a  skilful  commander,  that  made 
iiim  a  loadstone  to  the  discontented  Sioux  of  the  agencies. 
Even  the  agency  Sioux  who  were  not  discontented  were  not 
averse  to  the  society  of  their  roaming  brethren.  Eveiy  sum- 
mer they  would  slip  away  in  small  parties  for  a  few  months' 
sport  with  the  bad  Indians.  Sometimes  they  would  massacre 
a  few  Crows,  or  Blackfeet,  or  Arickarees,  Sometimes  they 
would  practice  shooting  at  the  miners  of  Montana.  Some- 
times they  would  gather  some  cattle  and  horses  from  the  set- 
tlers in  Wyoming.  These  statements  are  not  flights  of  fancy. 
The  official  records  for  seven  months,  from  July  1,  1875,  to 
the  spring  of  ISTO,  show  seventeen  attacks  on  the  whites  in 

3S 


694 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


Yellowstone  A'alley  alone,  nine  men  killed,  ten  wounded,  and 
a  large  amount  of  property  stolen.  These  depredations  caused 
general  complaints  from  whites  and  friendly  Indians.  The 
('rows,  especially,  who  were  trying  to  adopt  civilization,  suf- 
fered severely  from  these  attacks.  We  were  under  obliga- 
tions to  protect  them,  and  all  other  tribes  that  had  accepted 
reservations  in  good  faith,  but  we  neglected  to  do  so  for  many 
years.  It  was  an  established  custom  of  the  early  days  for  the 
whites  to  stand  neutral  when  two  or  more  Indian  tribes  were 
at  war  among  themselves.  Each  tribe  would  object  to  any 
interference  except  as  an  ally  to  it,  and  interference  could 
therefore  result  oidy  in  making  one  or  all  tiie  tribes  hostile. 
It  was  clearly  politic  for  the  whites  to  stand  back  and  permit 
them  to  enjoy  themselves ;  so  the  mountain  tribes  and  plains 
tribes  kept  up  a  ])erpetual  warfare,  as  they  had  done  from  tra- 
ditional times. 

As  the  country  became  more  settled  these  wars  became 
more  annoying.  If  a  band  were  disappointed  in  its  search 
for  Indian  enemies,  it  was  liable  to  take  some  lonely  settler 
as  a  substitute.     Many  such  affairs  occurred,  one  of  the  most 


SITTIN'O    nrLL     SCALPS    A    TKAMSTEH. 


THE  LITTLE  BI«  HOKN. 


595 


SITTING    nUI.L    STEALS    A    PROVK    OK    IIOIISKS, 


k    « 


celebrated  being  the  Iliiwlin's  Springs  massacre  of  Jnne  28, 
1S73.  On  that  occasion  a  party  of  Arapahoes  went  on  the 
war-path  against  the  Crows,  bnt  Jiearing  that  Us  Corbeaux 
were  on  tlie  alert,  they  turned  to  tr}'  the  Utes.  Near  Raw- 
lin's  Springs  thoy  crossed  the  Pacific  Railroad,  and  chanced 
to  meet  a  lone  teamster  driving  four  mules.  They  attacked 
him,  bnt  he  lired  on  them  and  escaped.  A  party  at  once 
started  after  the  Indians,  who,  on  being  overtaken,  claimed  to 
be  friendly  Utes.  They  would  have  gone  unharmed,  on  that 
theory,  had  they  not  happened  to  have  some  stolen  horses 
which  were  recognized  by  the  whites.  These  were  de- 
manded, and  duritig  the  controversy  that  ensued  the  Arap- 
ahoes undertook  to  run,  firing  back  with  their  pistols  as 
they  went.  The  whites  opened  fire,  killed  four  of  them, 
and  returned  in  triumph  with  eight  captured  horses.  As 
we  placed  the  more  tractable  tribes  on  reservations  and  en- 
deavored to  lead  them  into  civilized  ways,  our  duty  of 
protection  became  stronger.  The  reservation  Indian  who 
honestly  desired  to  work  had  to  go  to  the  field  with  his 
rifle  in  one  hand  and  his  hoe  in  the  other.  They  complained 
bitterly.  The  Crows  said :  "  We  might  just  as  well  go  out 
and  kill  white  men  as  to  try  to  be  good  Indians,  for  we  get 


596 


MAS8ACHES  OF  TIIK   MOUNTAINS. 


neither  protection  nor  reward  for  beinj;  fjjood."  Tlic  depre- 
dations of  tiie  roiiining  Sioux  were  infractions  of  the  treatv, 
justifyinij  hostilities  on  our  ])art.  Tiie  only  i)ad-lool<in<i;  feat 
ure  of  our  sudden  resolve  to  make  them  i)chave  was  that  it 
came  so  quickly  on  the  heels  of  the  failure  of  the  commission 
to  ])urchase  the  IMaek  Hills  and  the  Powder  lliver  country. 
This  feature  is  the  more  strikinj;  heeausc  the  reservation 
8iou.\  refused  to  consider  the  sale  of  the  latter,  on  the  <ifroiind 
that  the  n^aminu;  hands  woidd  not  consent  to  it.  It  was  also 
pretty  well  established  that  the  roaniin<jj  hands  were  not  guilty 
of  all  the  depredations,  and  that  Indians  from  the  n-serva- 
tions  were  doing  their  share  of  these  misdeeds,  yet  Sitting 
IjuU's  band  got  credit  for  nearly  every  wrong  committed,  a 
false  reputation  to  which,  however,  they  had  little  objection. 

It  was  determined  that  the  roaming  tribes,  or,  as  they  were 
often  called,  "the  hostiles,"  should  be  forced  to  go  on  the  res 
ervations.  This  determination  was  the  immediate  result  of 
report  on  their  behavior  by  Inspector  Watkins,  on  Noveml 
0,  1S75.  On  December  0  of  the  same  year,  after  considera- 
tion of  this  report  by  the  Interior  Department,  orders  were 
sent  to  all  the  Sioux  agencies  to  notify  *'  Sitting  Bull's  band 
and  all  other  wild  and  lawless  bands"  that  "  unless  they  shall 
remove  within  the  l)ounds  of  their  reservation  (and  remain 
there)  before  the  31st  of  January  next,  they  shall  be  deemed 
hostile,  and  treated  accordingly  by  the  military  force."  This 
notice  was  given,  and  the  roann'ng  bands  refused  to  com])ly 
with  it.  They  were  then  turned  over  to  the  military,  and  for 
this  they  were  ready.  Sitting  Bull  coolly  sent  word  to  Gen- 
eral Terry  to  come  on.  "  You  need  not  bring  any  guides," 
he  said;  "you  can  find  me  easily.  I  will  not  run  away."  It 
was  the  original  intention  to  strike  the  Indians  before  the 
spring  opened,  while  their  ponies  were  in  bad  condition  and 
the  weather  prevented  them  from  travelling,  but  movements 
from  (reneral  Terry's  department  were  made  impracticable 
by  the  cold.  General  Crook  ])repared  an  expedition  from 
Fort  Fetterman,  from  which  point,  it  was  supposed,  the 
troops  could  operate  at  any  time. 

The  expedition  was  composed  of  ten  troops  of  cavalry  and 
two  of  infantry  (700  men),  with  a  large  train,  it  being  neces- 


TIIH  LITTLK    Hid   IIOUN. 


M7 


lain 
iincd 

lus 

for 
Gen- 
es,"' 
It 
tlio 
and 
ncnts 
cable 
from 
the 


sary  to  carry  all  forage  for  the  liorscs  and  pack  animals.  Tlio 
command  marched  down  Tongue  Iliver  almost  to  the  Yellow- 
stone. A  trail  was  discovered,  and  Colonel  Reynolds,  with 
nine  troops  of  cavalry,  ](iished  forward  over  it,  on  the  night 
of  March  1(5.  In  the  morning  they  discovered  the  camp  of 
Crazy  Horse,  near  the  mouth  of  Little  Powder  Iliver.  The 
situation  of  the  village,  benciith  the  precipitous  hluifs  of  the 
river,  made  it  impossii)le  to  charge  at  once.  The  horses  had 
to  he  conducted  to  the  valley  through  almost  impassable 
gorges,  iv  work  which  re(piired  two  hours,  and  even  then  Cap- 
tain Moore's  battalion  of  dismounted  men,  which  had  been  as- 
signed a  position  on  the  eastern  side,  liad  not  been  led  to  the 
designated  point  by  the  commander.  Only  two  officers  and 
live  men  advanced  to  where  they  had  been  onh  rod.  At  nine 
o'clock  Captain  Egan  charged  the  camp,  with  one  company, 
while  Captain  Noyes,  with  another,  drove  oft'  the  herd.  I'oth 
movements  were  successfully  executed,  though  Egan  was  put 
on  the  defensive  before  the  supporting  column  came  up.  On 
its  arrival  the  Indians  fled  to  the  rocks,  and  the  soldiers  began 
destroying  the  camp.  One  hundred  and  ten  lodges,  with  nu- 
merous buifalo  robes  and  property  of  all  kinds,  were  burned. 
The  troops  lost  four  killed  and  si.\  wounded  ;  the  Indian  loss 
was  trifling.  Immediately  after  destroying  the  village,  the 
troops  retired  rai)idly  to  Lodge  Pole  Creek,  twenty  miles 
away,  where  they  expected  to  meet  Crook,  but  he  had  not 
arrived.  The  soldiers  had  now  been  thirty-six  hours  in  the 
saddle,  or  fighting,  and  were  much  exhausted.  Supperless  and 
blanketless,  they  rested  as  well  as  they  could  during  the  in- 
tensely cold  night.  No  guard  was  stationed  with  the  captured 
herd,  in  consequence  of  which  nearly  all  of  them  escaped  and 
were  retaken  by  the  Indians.  The  cold  grew  so  intense  as  to 
make  further  operations  impossible.  The  thermometer  re- 
peatedly fell  to  thirty  degrees  below  zero,  and  on  several  oc- 
casions went  below  registiy.  The  command  returned  to  Fort 
Fettorman,  and  the  troops  were  distributed  to  their  posts. 

This  movement  and  its  results  have  been  subjected  to 
spicy  criticism,  beginning  with  some  sharp  talk  by  the  Indian 
Department.  In  his  report  General  Crook  said  that  the  vil- 
lage was  a  "perfect  maijrazine  of  ammunition,  war  mateiial, 


598 


MASSACRES   OF  THE   MOUNTAINS. 


and  general  supplies.  .  .  .  Every  eviderice  was  found  to  prove 
these  Indians  in  copartnership  with  tliose  at  tiio  lied  Cloud 
and  Spotted  Tail  agencies,  and  that  the  proceeds  of  their  raids 
upon  tlie  settlements  had  been  taken  to  those  agencies  and 
supplies  brought  out  in  return."  This  raised  the  wrath  of  tlie 
Indian  Bureau.  Agent  Howard,  of  Spotted  Tail  agency,  re- 
ported at  once:  "No  proceeds  of  raids  upon  settlements  have 
been  Drought  here  ;  no  supplies  taken  north  in  return.  No 
arms  have  been  sold  by  the  agency  trader  to  Indians  for  more 
than  two  years,  and  but  little  ammunition  ;  and,  for  two 
months,  none  of  either.  ...  I  respectfully  suggest  that  (len- 
eral  Crook  be  requested  to  produce  some  of  the  abundant 
evidence  which  he  found."  Agent  Hastings,  of  Red  Cloud 
agency,  was  more  savage.  He  said  :  ''  I  learn  from  one  of  the 
haii-bn.ed  scouts,  who  was  with  Crook's  expedition  against 
tlio  liostile  cam]),  that  it  was  a  complete  failure,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  the  killing  of  an  old  squaw  and  two  children,  and 
the  destruction  of  al)out  forty  lodges,  with  a  loss  to  the  troops 
of  four  killed  and  six  wounded.  Seven  hundred  Indian 
ponies  were  captured,  but  were  recaptui'cd  on  the  following 
day,  with  the  exception  of  al)out  seventy  head.  A  dozen  or 
more  officers  have  been  placed  in  arrest  for  cowardice,  and  the 
command  have  returned  to  the  railroatl.  .  .  .  Five  ])ounds  of 
powder,  twenty  of  lead,  and  six  boxes  of  percussion  caps 
comprised  all  the  ammunition  that  was  found  in  the  aban- 
doned camp."  The  truth  probably  lies  between  these  ex- 
tremes. While  some  of  the  statements  of  the  latter  extract 
arc  exact,  its  tone  is  so  venomous  as  to  destroy  confidence  in 
others.  On  tlie  other  liand,  (Jeneral  Crook's  statement  savors 
more  of  opinion  than  of  demonstration.  It  is  ditticult  to  con- 
ceive of  any  evidence  that  could  possibly  be  in  the  Indian 
camp  which  would  prove  that  the  proceeds  of  raids  on  the 
settlements  had  been  taken  to  the  agencies  and  traded  fur 
goods.  If  such  were  the  fact,  the  evidence  would  be  at  the 
agencies,  not  at  the  camp. 

The  plan  adopted  for  the  campaign  was  an  advance  in 
three  columns,  as  soon  i.s  the  weather  jiermitted.  (ic'n(".:il 
Crook  was  to  march  north  from  Fort  !''c*^terman,  with  iifteen 
tioops   of    cavalry    and    four   companies    of    infantry,  luUO 


THE  LITTLE  UIG   HORN. 


COl 


men ;  Colonel  (iribbou  was  to  come  east  frotn  Fort  Ellis, 
Moiitiitiii,  with  four  troops  of  cavalry  and  six  companies  of 
infantry,  400  men ;  General  Custer  was  to  move  west  from 
Fort  A.  Lincoln,  with  the  7th  Cavalry,  six  companies  of  in- 
fantry, and  three  (iratlini:^  f?ii"s?  1000  men,  besides  the  train 
men.  This  plan  was  followed,  except  that  (Icneral  Terry 
commanded  the  last  force,  Custer  having  been  deposed  by  or- 
der of  General  Grant.  Tlic  trouble  between  them  was  occa- 
sioned by  Custer's  testimony  before  the  celebrated  lleister 
Clymer  committee,  in  the  Uelknap  investigation.  Clymer 
learned  that  Custer  had  reported  his  suspicions  of  certain 
transactions  to  the  War  Department,  and  that  orilers  had 
been  given  that  the  transactions  referred  to  be  not  interfered 
with,  lie  at  once  summoned  Custer,  by  telegraph.  This  was 
in  the  middle  of  March,  and  Custer  was  preparing  to  start  his 
column  early  in  April.  lie  protested,  and  asked  to  be  ex- 
amined by  deposition,  but  without  effect.  Mr.  Clymer  was 
gunning  for  big  game,  and  did  not  propose  to  feel  around  in 
the  dark  by  means  of  interrogatories.  Custer  had  to  go  on 
to  Washington.  The  nuiin  point  elicited  from  him  was  that 
certain  government  contractors  had  turned  over  to  him  a 
large  amount  of  grain,  in  sacks  which  bore  the  Indian  De- 
partment's mark.  He  suspected  that  the  sacks  had  been 
stolen  from  the  Indian  l)e])artment  through  a  conspiracy  be- 
tween the  Indian  ring  and  the  contractors,  and  reported  the 
matter  through  his  superior.  General  Terry,  in  accordance 
with  military  etiquette,  at  the  same  time  refusing  to  receive 
the  grain.  He  received  peremptory  orders  to  take  the  grain, 
which  orders,  ho  naturally  believed,  came  down  from  the 
Secretary  of  War.  This  belief,  however,  was  erroneous,  as 
Custer  learned  of  (JeJieral  Terry,  on  his  return.  Terry  had 
eiveii  the  orders  himself,  under  certain  instructions  intended 
for  the  protection  of  the  government.  Custer  at  once  tele- 
graphed this  fact  to  Clymer,  and  asked  that  the  telegram  be 
made  part  of  his  testimony,  but  the  evil  had  already  been 
done. 

Grant  was  furious.  He  considered  the  attack  on  I^elknap 
as  an  attack  on  himself  and  his  administration,  as  well  as  an 
unjustitiable  assault  on  his  personal  friend.     The  same  (pial- 


602 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


ity  of  persistence  that  made  Grant  successful  as  a  general, 
got  him  into  trouble  as  an  executive,  lie  stuck  to  his  friends 
in  rougii  weather  just  as  when  the  sky  was  smiling.  He  al- 
ways fought  it  out  on  the  line  ho  had  begun  with— an  excel- 
lent policy  if  the  line  be  correct,  but  very  bad  otherwise. 
The  verdict  of  history  will  j)robably  be  that  Grant  was  an 
honest  man  who  fell  an  easy  prey  to  tricksters.  The  partisan 
elTort  to  defend  his  administration,  and  tlie  partisan  effort  to 
involve  Grant  personally  in  its  corruption,  will  both  fail  un- 
der the  test  of  time.  Whether,  in  fact,  Belknap  was  guilty  in 
the  Fort  Sill  tradership  affair,  or  whether  the  folly  of  his 
wife  occasioned  his  ruin,  is  not  very  material.  It  is  beyond 
doubt  that  he  was  saved  from  impeachment  solely  by  the 
legal  theory  of  the  defence,  that  a  man  out  of  office  cannot 
be  impeached,  for  of  the  twenty-Kve  Senators  who  voted  ''  not 
guilty,"  twenty-three  explained  their  votes  as  being  wholly 
on  the  ground  of  lack  of  jurisdiction.  Whetlier  guilty  or 
not,  there  is  clearly  no  reason  why  any  one  who  knew  any 
material  facts  should  not  be  called  as  a  witness,  or  why  any 
witness  should  bo  reproached  for  telling  what  he  believed. 

Custer  was  in  disgrace  at  court.  In  court  opinion  the 
probability  of  his  antipathy  to  the  administration  was  height- 
ened by  the  fact  that  he  was  a  Democrat  in  politic.'.  lie 
had  joined  that  party  soon  after  the  war,  on  account  of  i  feel- 
ing that  the  Southern  States  were  treated  unjustly.  IL-  now 
felt  that  he  was  misunderstood,  but  Grant  refused  t'^  sec  him 
or  hear  any  explanation.  Three  times  Custer  called  at  iic 
AVhite  House  and  failed  to  obtain  an  audience.  During  tic 
last  call,  as  he  waited  in  the  anteroom,  General  Ingalls  noti- 
fied the  President  that  Custer  desired  to  speak  to  him,  but 
Grant  said  he  did  not  wish  to  see  him.  Custer  then  sent  in 
a  note  stating  that  he  desired  the  interview  solely  to  correct 
certain  unjust  impressions  which  he  believed  were  held  con- 
cerning hiin.  (rrant  still  declined  to  see  him.  (Juster  started 
for  his  post.  At  Chicago  he  was  overtaken  by  a  despatch, 
through  General  Sheridan,  ordering  that  )ie  should  stop  and 
await  further  crdcrs,  while  the  expedition  went  on  witiiout 
him.  A  telegraphic  correspondence  ensued,  whicli  disclosed 
the  fact  that  the  instigator  of  the  order  was  Grant,  and  that 


THE    LITTLE    BIG  HORN. 


603 


Custer's  offence  as  a  witness  was  tlic  cause  of  his  hostility. 
Tlie  first  concession  obtained  was  that  Custer  niij^ht  go  on 
to  his  post,  and  remain  tliere  on  duty.  This  did  not  satisfy 
the  warrior.  lie  appealed  personally  to  (irant  by  telegram, 
.siying:  "I  appeal  to  you  as  a  soldier  to  spare  me  the  huniili- 
alion  of  seeing  my  regiment  inarch  to  meet  the  enemy  and  I 
not  to  share  its  dangers."  This  message  General  Terry 
kindly  endorsed:  "I  do  not  know  the  reasons  upon  which 
tlie  orders  already  given  rest;  but  if  those  reasons  do  not  for- 
bid it,  Lieutenant -colonel  Custer's  services  would  be  very 
valuable  with  his  command."  This  brought  Grant  around 
one  step  more,  and  Custer  was  permitted  to  go  with  his  regi- 
ment, under  Terry. 

Unfortunately  for  Custer,  the  press  got  hold  of  the  mat- 
ter, and  it  became  the  subject  of  partisan  dispute.  The  worst 
thing  that  can  befall  a  man  is  to  become  a  political  martyr 
for  the  benefit  of  an  opposition.  His  temporary  friends  can- 
not assist  him,  and  usually  care  nothing  for  him,  except  as  a 
viaduct  for  attack,  while  to  the  other  and  powerful  side  he 
becomes  an  object  of  execratioti.  The  Democratic  papers  at- 
tacked Grant  for  his  treatment  of  Custer,  and  the  Republican 
papers,  as  in  duty  bound,  abused  Cluster,  in  defence  of  Grant. 
Uetween  his  policy  friends  and  his  unreasonable  enemies 
poor  Custer  was  well-nigh  ruined. 

The  expeditions  finally  started.  Crook  met  the  enemy 
first.  lie  moved  to  the  hostile  country,  and,  on  June  S,  es- 
tablished a  large  supply  camp  on  Goose  Creek.  This  he  left 
under  a  strong  guard,  and  marched  on  the  Kith  in  search  of 
the  enemy,  with  nearly  one  thousand  men.  He  iiad  mounted 
his  infantry  on  the  train  mules,  and  supjdied  each  man  with 
four  days'  rations.  The  Indians  were  believed  to  be  on  the 
Rosebud,  about  sixty  miles  away.  Crook  advanced  for  forty 
miles  and  went  into  camp.  His  Crow  scouts  refused  to  make 
a  night  march,  having  secured  some  buffalo  during  the  day, 
and  being  determined  to  feast  before  they  fought.  The  next 
morning  an  advance  of  seven  miles  was  made,  after  which 
the  troops  camped  at  the  mouth  of  a  deep  and  rocky  canon 
with  steep,  timbered  sides.  The  scouts  were  out  ahead.  Sud- 
denly the  reports  of  guns  were  heard,  and  soon  the  scouts 


601 


MASSACRES  OF  THE   MOUNTAINS. 


came  raoin<if  over  the  hills,  cliascd  by  a  large  force  of  Sioux. 
The  soldiers  were  quickly  formed  in  line  of  battle,  and  the 
right  centre  was  advanced  to  the  suniniit  of  the  bhifls,  the 
position  of  tlie  camp  being  untenable  except  those  were  held. 
In  this  general  position  the  tigiit  was  carried  on  from  eight 
in  the  morning  until  two  in  the  afternoon.  At  the  latter 
hour  the  left  wing  was  ordered  to  retire,  or  connect  with  the 
main  body.  This  movement  was  effected  with  considerable 
loss,  the  Sioux  at  once  occupying  the  deserted  position,  and 
pouring  a  heavy  fire  into  the  retiring  troops.  Their  advance 
was  checked  by  a  charge  of  the  infantry  and  Indian  allies 
from  the  left  centre.  Orders  were  then  given  for  an  ad- 
vance, the  purpose  1  v  ing  to  strike  the  Indian  village,  which 
was  supposed  to  be  about  six  miles  ahead,  but  this  was  aban- 
doned on  account  of  the  shortness  of  the  supply  of  ammuni- 
tion, and  the  discovery  that  the  advance  would  have  to  be 
made  through  a  canon  wliere  the  troops  would  be  at  the 
mercy  of  the  enemy.  After  a  brief  pursuit  of  the  Indians, 
who  were  now  withdrawing.  General  Crook  went  into  camp 
on  the  field.  The  loss  to  the  troops  was  nine  killed  and 
twenty-one  wounded.  Eleven  dead  Indians  were  found  on 
the  field.  The  surprise  of  tlie  village  being  now  impossible, 
the  wounded  needing  care,  and  the  enemy  being  in  much 
greater  force  than  had  been  expected.  Crook  determined  to 
fall  back  on  his  supply  camp,  which  he  did  without  further 
molestation. 

Communication  had  not  yet  been  established  with  the 
other  two  columns,  and  this  withdrawal  took  Crook  out  of  the 
range  of  practicable  communication.  Terry  and  Gibbon  had 
communicated  on  June  1.  On  the  7th  Terry  established  his 
supply  camp  at  the  mouth  of  Powder  River.  From  this 
point  ]\[ajor  Reno  made  a  scout  up  Powder  River  to  the 
mouth  of  the  Little  Powder,  about  one  hundred  and  fifty 
miles,  thence  across  to  the  Rosebud,  and  down  it  to  its  month. 
He  could  find  nothing  of  Crook  and  nothing  of  the  Indians, 
but  on  the  Rosebud  he  found  a  heavy  Indian  trail,  about 
nine  days'  old,  which  he  followed  for  a  short  distance.  In 
the  mean  time  the  main  command  had  proceeded  up  the  south 
bank  of  the  Vellowetone  to  a  point  opposite  Gibbon's  camp, 


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THE  LITTLE   BIG  HORN. 


607 


the  steamer  Far  West  movintj;  up  the  river  at  the  same  time. 
A  conference  was  held,  and  it  was  determined  to  make  a 
fjrand  surround,  it  beinj?  now  reasonably  certain  that  the  In- 
dians were  between  the  Rosebud  and  tlie  Big  Horn,  probably 
un  the  Little  Big  Horn.  Gibbor  M'as  to  cross  the  Yellow- 
stone near  the  mouth  of  the  Big  Horn,  march  to  the  mouth 
of  the  Little  Big  Horn,  by  June  26,  and  then  up  the  last- 
named  stream.  Meanwhile  Custer  was  to  march  up  the 
llosebud  with  the  7th  Cavalry,  to  the  trail  discovered  by 
lleno.  Beyond  that  point  Custer  had  virtually  carte  hlanche, 
by  his  written  orders,  but  it  was  understood  that  if  the  trail 
were  found  to  lead  to  the  Little  Big  Horn  he  would  pass  it 
and  continue  southward  long  enough  to  allow  Gibbon,  who 
had  all  the  infantry,  to  reach  the  month  of  the  Little  Big 
Horn.  This  he  could  not  do  before  the  26th.  This  under- 
standing is  substantially  set  forth  in  Custer's  orders,  as  the 
views  of  General  Terry,  with  the  desire  that  Custer  should 
"conform  to  them"  unless  he  should  "see  sufficient  reason 
for  departing  from  them."  It  was  evidently  the  object  of 
the  movement  to  get  the  Indians  between  the  two  forces,  but 
it  is  equally  evident  that  either  comnuvnd  was  supposed  to  be 
large  enough  to  safely  engage  all  the  hostiles.  The  object  of 
division  of  forces  was  to  j)revent  the  escape  of  the  Indians, 
to  surround  the  hostiles,  aiid  bring  the  campaign  to  a  close  at 
one  blow.  Jso  one,  as  yet,  had  any  suspicion  of  the  number 
of  Indians  they  were  to  meet. 

Custer  moved  up  the  Rosebud  on  the  afternoon  of  the 
22d  twelve  miles,  and  encamped.  On  the  next  day  he  ad- 
vanced thirty-three  miles,  striking  the  lodge -pole  trail  that 
Reno  had  found.  On  the  24th  he  followed  this  trail  for 
twenty-eight  miles,  still  up  the  Rosebud,  and  went  into  camp. 
The  scouts  were  kept  ahead.  At  half -past  nine  a  council 
was  called,  and  Custer  announced  his  intention  of  crossing  the 
divide  to  the  Little  Big  Horn  that  night,  in  order  to  avoid  de- 
tection by  the  hostiles.  At  eleven  o'clock  the  regiment 
moved  on,  up  one  of  the  small  feeders  of  the  Rosebud,  tow- 
ards the  Little  Big  Horn.  The  divide  between  these  two 
streams  is  only  about  twenty  miles  across  at  this  point,  but 
by  the  course  followed,  up  the  tributary  of  the  Rosebud,  and 


608 


MASSACRES   OF   THE  MOUNTAINS. 


down  a  tributary  of  the  Little  l>i<?  Horn,  it  was  thirty -three 
miles  from  Custer's  camp,  on  the  eveiiiii<^  of  the  24th,  to  tlio 
Indian  village.  At  two  o'clock  in  the  morning,  after  making 
ten  miles,  the  column  again  halted  until  ilve  o'clock  in  the 
morning,  the  scouts  reporting  that  the  divide  could  not  bo 
crossed  until  daylight.  Coffee  was  made,  and  the  troops 
moved  on.  At  eight  o'clock  the  first  Indians  were  seen.  It 
was  then  evident  that  no  surprise  could  be  made,  but  it  was 
determined  to  attack  the  village,  at  any  rate.  The  regiment 
was  divided  into  four  comnumds.  Custer  took  live  compa- 
nies; Major  Reno  had  three;  Captain  J'enteen  had  tliiee; 
and  Captain  McDougal,  with  one,  was  placed  in  charge  of  the 
pack  train.  IJenteen  was  ordered  to  ride  with  his  detachment 
to  some  bluffs  on  the  left  front,  and  to  report  if  lie  could  see 
anything  of  the  village  from  there,  lie  reached  these  bluffs, 
but  could  see  nothing,  and  went  on  to  some  others  beyond, 
making  an  offing  of  some  ten  miles.  The  rest  of  the  command 
kept  on  down  the  creek  until  half-past  twelve.  Custer  then 
sent  word  to  Keno  that  the  village  was  oidy  two  miles  ahead  and 
the  Indians  were  running  away.  Ileno  says  his  orders  were 
"  to  move  forward  at  as  rapid  a  gait  as  prudent,  and  to  charge 
afterwards,  and  that  the  whole  outfit  would  support  me." 
He  rode  at  a  fast  trot  for  two  miles,  crossed  tlie  river  at  a 
ford,  halted  ten  minutes  to  gather  his  battalion,  and  moved 
on  down  the  valley  with  his  men  in  line  of  battle.  The 
small  number  of  Indians  who  appeared  fled  before  him  for 
two  miles  and  a  half,  making  scarcely  any  resistance. 

"I  soon  saw,"  says  Reno,  "that  I  was  being  drawn  into 
some  trap,  as  they  certaiidy  would  fight  harder,  and  especially 
as  we  were  Hearing  their  village,  which  was  still  standing ;  be- 
sides, I  could  not  see  Custer,  or  any  other  support,  and  at  the 
same  time  the  very  earth  seemed  to  grow  Indians,  and  they 
were  running  towards  me  in  swarms,  and  from  all  directions. 
I  saw  I  must  defend  myself,  and  give  up  the  attack  mounted. 
This  I  did,  taking  possession  of  a  point  of  woods,  and  which 
furnished,  near  its  edge,  a  siielter  for  tlie  horses ;  dismounted, 
and  fought  them  on  foot,  making  lieadway  through  the 
wood.  I  soon  found  myself  in  the  near  vicinity  of  the  vil- 
lage, saw  that  I  was  fighting  odds  of  at  least  five  to  one,  and 


Ik 


THE  LITTLE  BIU  HORN. 


G09 


that  my  only  liopo  was  to  get  out  of  tlio  wood,  wliere  I  would 
soon  have  been  surrounded,  and  gain  some  high  ground.  1 
accomplished  this  by  mounting  and  charging  the  Indians  be- 
tween me  and  the  bluffs,  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river. 
...  I  succeeded  in  reaching  the  top  of  the  bluff,  with  a  loss 
of  three  officers  and  twenty -nine  enlisted  men  killed,  and 
seven  men  wounded."  Uenteen  had  struck  the  trail  of  the 
main  body,  just  in  advance  of  the  train,  and  come  on  at  a  trot, 
lie  met  a  messenger  with  orders  to  McDougal  to  bring  on  the 
train  as  rapidly  as  possible.  A  mile  farther  on  he  met  an- 
other messenger  with  the  order :  "  Benteen,  come  on  ;  big  vil- 
lage; be  quick;  bring  packs.  P.  S.  Bring  pucks."  Says 
Benteen  :  "A  mile  or  a  mile  and  a  half  farther  on,  I  came  in 
sight  of  the  vf  lley  and  Little  Big  Horn.  About  twelve  or 
fifteen  dismounted  men  were  fighting  on  the  plain  with  In- 
dians, charging  and  recharging  them.  This  body  (the  Indians) 
numbered  about  nine  hundred  at  this  time.  Colonel  Ileno's 
mounted  party  were  retiring  across  the  river  to  the  bluffs. 
I  did  not  recognize  till  later  what  party  this  was,  but  was 
clear  that  they  had  been  beaten.  I  then  marched  my  com- 
mand in  line  to  their  succor.  On  reaching  the  bluff  I  re- 
ported to  Colonel  Reno,  and  first  learned  that  the  command 
had  been  separated,  and  that  Custer  was  not  in  that  part  of 
the  field,  and  no  one  of  Keno's  command  was  able  to  inform 
me  of  the  whereabouts  of  General  Custer." 

Thf^  tv.'o  united  commands,  numbering  three  hundred  and 
eighty  men,  now  moved  down  the  river,  keeping  on  the 
bluffs.  Firing  had  been  heard  in  that  direction,  and  the  in- 
forence  was  that  Custer  was  engaged.  On  reaching  the  sutn- 
niit  of  the  highest  bluff  nothing  could  be  seen  of  him,  and  no 
more  firing  was  heard.  Reno  stopped  until  the  pack  train 
came  up,  meanwhile  sending  Captain  Weir,  with  one  com- 
pany, to  open  communication,  but  he  quickly  sent  back  word 
that  he  could  make  no  progress;  that  the  Indians  were  sur- 
rounding him.  A  heavy  fire  from  his  force  showed  that  his 
enemies  were  not  imaginary.  It  now  seemed  certain  that 
Cueter  had  been  driven  back  and  had  retired  down  the  river. 
Weir  was  called  back,  and  the  whole  force  moved  to  Eeno's 
first  position  after  retreating  across  the  river,  which  was  the 

39 


mo 


MASSACRES    OF   THE   MOUNTAINS. 


most  availiiblo  point  for  defence  yet  found.  Here  they  weru 
rejoined  by  scout  Ilerndon  and  thirteen  men,  who  had  be- 
come separated  from  the  command  in  the  timber.  The  place 
was  a  email  depression,  surrounded  by  the  crests  of  the  hilli^ 
that  formed  it.  Tlie  animals  were  scarcely  placed  in  the  de- 
pression, and  the  men  stationed  on  the  crests,  when  the  In- 
dians attacked  them  in  strong  force  They  maintained  an  in- 
cessant fire  from  six  till  nine  o'clock  in  the  evening,  during 
which  the  troops  lost  eighteen  killed  and  forty-six  wounded. 

All  through  that  night  the  soldiers  worked  at  their  in- 
trenchmcnts,  making  rifle-pits  and  barricading  with  dead  ani- 
mals. JJelow  them,  in  the  valley,  the  Sioux  were  holding  a 
scalp-dance  over  those  already  fallen,  and  the  wild  sound 
came  plainly  on  the  night  air  to  the  little  band,  who  knew 
that  their  scalps  would  be  in  demand  on  the  morrow.  Day 
broke  at  half-past  two,  and  the  attack  was  renewed  at  one, 
by  a  part  of  the  enemy.  The  rer'ainder  came  in  crowds, 
riding  up  the  valley  from  the  sceno  of  their  orgies  of  the 
night,  until  all  the  elite  of  Sioux  chivalry  had  taken  their 
places  about  the  tiny  fortress.  For  seven  hours  they  main- 
tained a  continnous  tire  of  rifles,  themselves  out  of  reach  of 
the  carbines  of  the  cavalrymen.  At  half- past  nine  they 
made  a  desperate  cliargf,  advancing  close  enough  to  use  their 
bows  and  arrows,  but  w(!re  driven  back  by  a  counter -charge 
from  the  lines,  led  by  Captain  P>enteen.  They  then  charged 
on  the  other  side,  but  were  ie?>uised  by  a  like  counter-charge 
under  Major  Reno.  It  was  now  ten  o'clock,  and  the  men, 
especially  the  wounded,  were  suffering  for  water.  Volunteers 
were  called  for,  and  a  party  was  soon  scrambling  down  to  tin 
river,  under  cover  of  the  Are  of  their  comrades  T'  y  si.' 
cured  enough  to  moisten  the  lips  of  all,  but  <'  lalf  a 

dozen   brave  men  on  tlieir  road.     The  Indi;  en   began 

moving  to  the  valley,  presumably  either  to  ge.  methin  -  to 
eat  or  more  ammunition,  and  the  soldiers  hasten  i  t<  ,vt  a 
good  supply  of  water  before  they  fehould  return.  Thiy  did 
not  come  back.  At  two  o'clock  they  fired  the  grass  in  the 
valley,  and  under  cover  of  the  heavy  smoke  began  prepani- 
tions  for  their  final  departure.  About  sunset  they  emerged 
from  the  clouds  of  smoke  and  filed  awav  m  the  direction  of 


THE  LITTLE  lilii   IIOKN. 


611 


the  Uig  Horn  Mountniiis.  liciio  niuved  Lis  position  that 
night,  so  as  to  eecuro  a  full  supply  of  water,  but  the  Indians 
had  gone  to  stay.  The  only  arrival  during  the  night  was 
Lieutenant  De  Kudio,  who  had  become  separated  fntm  the 
foniinand  in  the  timber,  where  he  had  been  hiding  ever 
since.  In  the  morning  Terry  and  Gibbon  came  up.  They 
had  seen  nothing  of  Custer. 

Tntil  this  time  no  one  had  felt  any  serious  apprehension 
for  Custer's  command.  Reno  and  lienteen  supposed  he  had 
fallen  back,  down  the  river,  and  united  with  Terry.  Terry 
and  Gibbon  had  received  word  by  the  Crow  scouts  that  Cus- 
ter had  been  defeated,  but  did  not  believe  it.  Captain  Ben- 
teen  was  sent  out  with  a  company  of  cavalry  to  make  a 
search.  He  struck  the  broad  trail  that  Custer  had  left,  and  in 
that  trail  was  read  the  recoru  of  their  progress  to  death,  as 
plainly  as  though  it  were  written  in  words.  From  the  point 
where  Reno  crossed  the  river,  Custer  had  marched  rapidly 
down  the  north  bank,  keeping  back  of  the  crests  of  the  bluffs, 
for  a  little  more  than  three  miles.  Then  his  trail  swung 
around  to  the  river,  but  did  not  cross  it.  It  turned  back  on 
itself  and  still  bore  down  the  river.  The  fighting  began  at 
this  turning-point,  as  was  shown  by  the  bodies  of  men  and 
horses  first  appearing  there.  Custer  had  probably  intended 
to  strike  the  lower  end  of  the  village,  but,  not  knowing  its  ex- 
tent, had  attempted  to  cross  the  river  near  the  middle  of  the 
village.  He  had  been  ambushed  and  driven  back.  He  had 
been  pressed  so  closely  that  there  was  no  opportunity  for  a 
stand.  Three  quarters  of  a  mile  back  from  the  river  Captain 
Calhoun's  company  had  been  thrown  across  the  line  of  retreat 
as  a  rear-guard.  They  died  at  tlieir  posts.  Stretched  across 
the  trail  in  irregular  line,  with  Calhoun  and  Lieutenant  Crit- 
tenden in  place  at  the  rear,  were  the  bodies  of  all  the  compa- 
ny— dead,  where  they  had  been  stationed,  in  the  attempt  to 
save  the  remainder  of  the  command.  Under  cover  of  this 
check,  the  rest  of  the  force  had  fallen  back  a  mile  farther  and 
gi  led  a  better  position ;  but  the  remorseless  Sioux  were  on 
their  heels.  The  force  was  now  disposed  in  something  like 
military  order.  The  centre,  on  a  small  ridge,  was  held  by 
Yates's  company     On  the  left  was  Keogh's  company,  with  its 


612 


MASSACRES  OF  TIIF   MOUNTAINS. 


right  flank  resting  on  the  ridge.  On  tlie  riglit  was  Smitli's 
company.  Captain  Tom  Custer's  company  was  probably  in 
the  right  centre. 

Tiie  brunt  of  the  attack  came  first  on  Kcogh's  company, 
which  went  down,  as  Caihonn's  had,  in  line.  There  was  no 
chance  to  aid  them.  The  Indians  were  pressing  on  every  side. 
It  has  been  learned  from  Sitting  Bull  that  at  this  point  the 
Indians  captured  most  of  the  horses,  by  circling  the  liill  to  the 
right  (of  the  Indians)  and  driving  them  away  from  the  rear. 
The  superior  forces  of  the  Indians,  and  the  shrewdness  and 
daring  of  their  fighting,  can  be  judged  from  this  movement. 
They  knew  where  the  horses  were  and  that  they  wanted  only 
these  to  make  their  prey  secure.  The  plains  Indians  have 
not  the  nerve  to  ride  to  certain  death,  but  they  charge  as  gal- 
lantly as  any  cavalrymen  that  ever  rode,  when  they  are  confi- 
dent of  success.  They  had  trampled  down  Keogh's  men  like 
ripened  grain,  as  they  dashed  to  the  rear  to  secure  the  horses. 
The  attack  now  came  on  the  left  centre — from  the  front,  rear, 
and  left  flank.  The  fire  poured  in  on  the  little  ridge  must. 
have  been  terrific.  Custer  fell  there,  with  nearly  all  his  offi- 
cers. Around  his  body  were  those  of  Captain  Yates,  Colonel 
Cook,  and  Lieutenant  Kiley.  Close  by  were  Boston  Custei'. 
the  general's  brother,  Autie  Reed,  his  nephew,  and  Kellog::, 
the  Ilemid  correspondent,  all  civilians  who  had  accompanicil 
the  expedition.  Around  these  were  the  bodies  of  Yates's  com- 
pany. Just  beyond  was  the  corpse  of  Tom  Custer,  the  gener- 
al's brother,  with  part  of  his  men  ;  and  a  little  farther  on  lay 
Captain  Smith.  The  positions  of  the  bodies  showed  that  the 
remnants  of  Custer's  and  Sujith's  companies,  their  ofticcrs  all 
dead,  and  themselves  surrounded  on  three  sides  by  the  foe. 
had  fallen  back  through  a  ravine  to  the  river,  leaving  twenty- 
three  dead  along  the  line  of  retreat.  Near  the  river  tliev 
stoppecV  They  had  ail  tlio  surviving  uncaptured  horses  with 
them.  It  is  probable  either  that  the  sight  of  the  village,  ex- 
tending yet  below  them,  showed  them  there  was  no  chance 
for  escape,  or  that  thoy  >vere  liere  met  by  some  new  force. 
Here,  at  least,  they  died. 

The  only  man  of  the  entire  command  that  escaped  wav 
"  Curly,"  a  Crow  scout.     When  fluster  was  surrounded  on  the 


11  lay 
t  till" 
s  all 
foe, 
ciity- 

tllt'V 

witii 
je,  ex- 

laiu'c 
force. 

(1  was- 
)n  the 


hi 

ioi 

in 

th( 

coi 

til 

sin 

ba( 

ing 

All 

sab 

ere 

Th 

wai 

Lie 

as  1 

and 

Sio 

Cm 

pro 

to  \ 

no 

soin 

t]re( 


bnt 
Ind: 
IkkI 
of  tl 
to  ]V: 
ante 
quel 
wen 
non- 
man 
and 
eldei 
in  w 
but, 


THE  LITTLE  BIG  HORN. 


015 


hill,  be  slipped  down  a  ravine,  let  down  his  hair  in  Sioux  fash- 
ion, changed  his  paint,  secured  a  Sioux  blanket,  and  succeeded 
in  getting  among  the  enemy  during  a  charge.  He  mounted 
the  horse  of  a  fallen  warrior  and  made  his  escape  during  the 
confusion  of  the  battle.  He  says  he  did  not  leave  Custer  un- 
til the  fight  on  the  hill  was  almost  ended.  He  saw  Cubter 
sink  to  a  sitting  posture,  from  a  shot  in  his  side,  and  then  fall 
back,  struck  by  a  second  bullet.  It  has  been  reported  as  hav- 
ing been  claimed  by  some  of  the  hostiles  who  fled  into  British 
America, that  Custer  was  the  last  to  fall;  and  that  he  died, 
sabre  in  hand,  shot  by  Rain  in  the  Face.  The  story  is  hardly 
credible.  Custer  was  not  the  last  to  fall,  beyond  question. 
The  evidence  that  has  been  obtained  all  goes  to  show  that  he 
was  not  even  the  last  olficer  who  fell  on  the  ridge,  but  that 
Lieutenant-colonel  Cook  survived  the  others.  Curly  says  that 
as  he  rode  away,  when  nearly  a  mile  distant,  he  looked  back 
and  saw  a  dozen  or  more  soldiers,  in  a  ravine,  fighting  the 
Sioux,  who  hemmed  them  in  on  all  sides.  This  was  after 
Custer's  death,  as  the  position  of  the  bodies  and  the  trail  itself 
proved.  The  opinion  most  prevalent  among  Dakota  people, 
to  whom  the  talk  of  the  Indians  drifts,  sooner  or  later,  is  that 
no  one  knows  certainly  wh(»  killed  Custer — that  he  died  by 
some  bullet  that  could  never  be  identiiied  among  the  hun- 
dreds that  were  flying. 

Of  course  it  is  possible  that  Rain  in  the  Face  shot  him ; 
but  the  real  basis  of  this  story  was  the  imprisonment  of  this 
Indian,  and  his  probable  desire  for  revenge.  In  1873  Custer 
had  been  sent  with  an  expedition  to  protect  a  surveying-party 
of  the  Xortheni  Paciflc  Railroad  Company,  from  the  Missouri 
to  Montana.  They  crossed  the  country  which  had  been  guar- 
anteed the  Sioux,  by  the  treaty  of  18(58,  and  which  was  conse- 
quently occupied  by  "  hostiles."  On  this  expedition  the  troops 
were  attacked  by  the  Sioux,  and,  at  the  time  of  the  attack,  two 
non-coml)atatit8  were  killed  while  scparatc<l  from  the  coni- 
nnmd.  They  were  J):*.  Honzinger,  tiic  veterinary  surgeon, 
and  Mr.  Baliran,  the  sutler  of  the  7th  Cavalry.  They  wcro 
elderly  men,  of  scientiflc  tastes,  and  were  searching  for  fossils, 
in  which  the  bad  lands  abound.  Their  slayer  was  unknown  ; 
but,  eighteen  months  later,  while  Custer  was  in  winter  quarters 


GIG 


MASSACRES  OF  THE   MOUNTAIN'S. 


at  Fort  Abrahiiin  Lincoln,  he  was  disoovered  at  Standing  Ruck 
agenc}'.  The  Sioux  were  there  drawing  rations,  and,  as  usual, 
held  dances  in  which  they  recounted  their  ])rowes8.  In  one 
of  these  Rain  in  the  Face,  a  young  brave,  described  how  he 
had  killed  tliese  two  men,  and  displayed  articles  that  had  be- 
longed to  them.  Unfortunately  for  him,  Keynolds,  the  scout 
— Lonesome  Charley  Keynolds,  he  was  called ;  a  brave  man 
with  a  pathetic  history,  who  fell  in  Reno's  first  skirmish  on 
the  Little  Big  Horn  —  was  looking  on,  and  understood  the 
story.  Ife  nutitied  Custer,  who  sent  a  conij)any  to  arrest  the 
man.  They  brought  him  out,  after  many  threats  and  much 
bce:£;ini;  bv  the  Indians,  and  took  him  to  Fort  Lincoln.  His 
arrest  caused  much  anxiety  to  the  Sioux,  who  expected  him  to 
be  hung.  lie  was  a  great  brave,  and  so  were  his  five  broth- 
ers; one  of  them,  Iron  Horn,  being  a  chief  of  prominence. 
He  had  e^,  ecially  distinguished  himself  in  tiie  sun  dance — the 
Sioux  tost  of  endurance — by  remaining  suspended  for  four 
hours  and  refusitig  to  be  cut  down,  although  the  judges  decid- 
ed that  he  had  passed  the  test.*  He  confessed  his  guilt  to 
Custer,  and  was  retained  in  the  guard-house.  In  the  spring 
of  IS?.")  some  white  hay-thieves,  confined  in  the  same  place, 
made  their  escape  by  cutting  through  the  side  of  the  building, 
and  Kail)  in  the  Face  slipped  out  after  them.  When  next 
heard  from  he  was  with  Sitting  Rull,  and  sent  in  word  to  his 
tribe  that  he  was  awaiting  an  opportunity  for  vengeance. 

It  is  to  be  regretted  that  Major  Reno  and  General  Terry 
should  have  felt  it  necessary  to  reflect  on  the  course  of  Cus- 
ter in  attacking  the  Indians  l>efore  the  other  troops  were  within 
supporting  distance,  and  equally  so  that  Custer's  friends  should 
have  returned  tlie  attack  !)y  accusations  of  disobedience  and 
cowardice  against  Reno  and  lientccn.  There  was  no  occasion 
for  either.     The  aifair  is  ])ardonable  on  one  account,  and  one 


*  Tlic  Imim'cs  of  tlic  sun  daiK  c  are  iiljoiil  lli(>  siiinr  as  tliosc  of  llic  Miin 
dans,  (Icscrilicd  ami  illustratrd  l»y  Callin.  The  suspension  tost  is  ninde  l>y 
liDiigini;  tlie  rimdidate  on  chords  iiftHsed  under  various  muscles  or  sinew.s,  un- 
til tlie  llesii  irives  <vaj  under  liie  strain  and  lie  falls  to  the  irround.  Some 
limes  wei.ulil>  aic  atiaeiied  to  tlie  linilis  to  iiasleii  liie  desired  result.  Haiti 
in  the  Face  was  hung  by  cords  pa.sst'd  under  the  muscles  iit  Uie  base  of  die 
shoulder  blades. 


THE  LITTLE   BIU  HORN. 


G17 


Man 
Ic  liy 
i,  nil- 
oinc 
Hiiin 
if  (lie 


only ;  and  all  of  its  minor  happenings  fall  under  the  same  ex- 
cuse. ]S'o  one  with  Custer's  command, or  with  Terry  or  Gibbon 
or  Crook,  had  any  thought  that  there  was  so  large  a  force  of 
hostiles ;  and  none  of  them  had  any  reason  to  suspect  its  real 
strength.  The  roaming  Indians  were  reported  by  the  Indian  De- 
partment to  numljcr  ;3(J(lO,which  meant  a  fighting  force  of  OOD — 
possibly  SOO.  Tlie  information  from  other  sources  did  not  indi- 
cate any  e.\cess  over  this  iigure.  On  March  22,  General  Crook, 
reporting  the  attack  on  Crazy  Horse's  village,  said :  "Crazy 
Ilurse  had  with  him  the  Northern  Cheycnnes  and  Minnecon- 
jous,  probably  in  all  one  half  the  Indians  off  the  reservation." 
This  camp  consisted  of  110  lodges,  or  less  than  GOO  people. 
From  this  statement  it  would  appear  that  the  military  ex])ect- 
ed  a  hostile  force  of  not  to  exceed  1200,  or  a  fighting  force  of 
;!!)out  250.  Agent  Howard,  of  Spotted  Tail  agency,  replying 
to  Crook's  report,  said,  on  April  1 :  "  Very  few,  if  any,  of  these 
Indians  have  been  north  this  season,  and  I  have  heard  of  none 
who  were  in  copartnership  with  those  of  the  North."  Agent 
Hastings,  of  lied  Cloud  agency,  in  a  similar  communication,  on 
April  ;5,  said :  "The  agency  Indians  appear  to  take  but  little 
interest  in  what  has  transpired  north ;  but  the  disastrous  re- 
sult may  have  a  tendency  to  awaken  the  old  feeling  of  superi- 
ority. I  have  experienced  no  ditHc\ilty  whatever  in  taking 
the  census,  but  have  been  somewhat  delayed  on  account  of  the 
weather."  There  was  in  these  reports  no  cause  to  anticipate 
that  the  hostilcs  would  be  materially  reinforced  from  these 
agencies.  General  Sherman,  wluisc  position  put  him  in  pos- 
session of  all  the  information  that  could  be  had,  referring  to 
Custer's  departure  on  June  22,  said ;  "Up  to  this  moment 
there  was  nothing  ofMeial  or  private  to  justify  an  ofHcer  to  ex- 
])C  •♦^  that  any  detacliment  could  encounter  more  than  500,  or, 
at  the  maximum,  800  hostile  warriors."  There  was  nothing, 
after  that  moment,  from  which  (duster  or  any  of  his  oilicers 
had  any  reason  to  change  that  estimate,  until  they  were  fairly 
within  the  clutches  of  the  enemy. 

This  was  a  wide  miscalculation.  The  Indians  from  all  the 
Sioux  agencies  began  slipping  away  to  the  hostiles  as  soon  as 
sju'ing  gave  signs  of  approach,  and  when  Custer  struck  them, 
there  were  together,  as  noitrly  as  cm  bo  judged,  abotit  one 


618 


MASSACRES   OF  THE   MOUNTAINS. 


half  of  all  the  Sioux  in  Dakota.  As  soon  as  the  fight  on  the 
Little  Big  Horn  had  shown  what  the  real  state  of  affairs  was, 
the  military  authorities  insisted  on  taking  control  of  the  agen- 
cies, and,  on  July  22,  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior  acceded  to 
the  demand.  The  soldiers  at  once  took  possession  of  the 
agencies,  and  made  a  careful  census  of  the  Indians  remain- 
ing on  the  reservations.  At  Red  Cloud,  instead  of  12,873 
Indians,  there  were  4760.  At  Spotted  Tail,  instead  of  9010, 
there  were  found  to  be  2315.  At  Cheyenne  River,  instead  of 
Y58G,  there  were  found  2280.  At  Standing  Rock,  instead  of 
7322,  there  were  found  2305.  In  other  words,  there  were 
25,800  less  Indians  at  these  four  agencies  than  belonged  there, 
according  to  the  reports  of  the  Indian  Bureau.  These,  with 
the  3000  roaming  Indians,  who  were  always  off  the  reserva- 
tions, make  28,800,  to  which  there  could  safely  be  added  a 
considerable  number  as  representatives  from  other  agencies, 
notably  from  Fort  Peck.  It  is  certain  that  a  large  portion  of 
the  Indians,  off  the  reservations  when  the  censuses  were  taken 
by  the  military,  had  left  after  reports  of  the  Little  Big  Horn 
fi<rht  reached  them  and  stimulated  them  to  a  desire  for  war, 
but,  deducting  one  half  for  this,  we  may  still  count  at  least 
3000  warriors  for  that  engagement.  Reno  says,  of  the  horde 
that  surrounded  his  intrenchment  on  the  26th:  "I  think  we 
were  fighting  all  the  Sioux  nation,  and  also  all  the  desperadoes, 
renegades,  half-breeds,  and  squaw-men  between  the  Missouri 
and  Arkansas,  cast  of  the  Rocky  Mountains,  and  they  must 
have  numbered  at  least  2500  warriors."  This  is  more  prob- 
ably an  nil  Jerestimate  than  an  overestimate.  The  hostiles  had 
assembled  at  this  point,  Crazy  Horse,  Sitting  Bull,  and  all  the 
rest.  The  Indians  say  so,  and  the  scouting  that  had  been  done 
previously  had  shown  that  all  the  hostiles  were  in  that  neigh- 
borhood. The  two  main  bodies  joined  about  the  23d,  as  was 
shown  by  a  heavy  trail  into  the  valley,  about  five  days  old, 
discovered  by  Captain  Ball,  on  the  28th.  The  village  ex- 
tended three  miles  down  the  river,  and  in  addition  to  the 
lodges  there  were  a  large  number  of  brush  shelters,  such  as 
are  cojnmonly  called  wick-i-ups  in  the  West.  Officers  who 
estimated  from  the  size  of  the  village  thought  there  were  at 
least  3000  warriors. 


THE  LITTLE  BIG  HORN. 


M^ktiSACKK   MONUMENT. 


was 
old, 
ex- 

tlic 

ch  as 

wlio 

sro  at 


The  belief  has  been  held  by  some  military  men  that  the 
Indians  were  not  expecting  an  att.ick  when  the  soldiers  struck 
them,  but  this  theory  is  not  supported  by  the  facts.  The  in- 
ference from  all  the  evidence  is  irresistible  that  Custer  ad- 
vanced into  a  remarkably  complete  and  well-planned  atnbus- 
cade.  The  Indians  had  ample  notice  of  his  approach.  lie  did 
not  advance  on  them  rapidly.  At  five  o'clock  in  the  morning, 
when  he  re-began  his  march,  he  was  twenty-three  miles  from 
the  village.  At  half-past  twelve,  when  Reno  was  ordered  to 
charge,  they  were  still  four  miles  from  it.  In  seven  hours 
and  a  half  they  had  advanced  nineteen  miles.  They  first  saw 
Indians  at  eight  o'clock,  and  at  their  rate  of  marching  they 
were  then  about  fifteen  miles  from  the  village,  with  the  In- 
dians still  nearer.  If  we  suppose  these  first  Indians  seen  to 
have  been  the  tirst  Indians  who  saw  the  troops,  it  is  evident 
that  thoy  could  have  notified  the  village  with  ease  by  ten 
o'clock.  No  one  at  all  acquainted  with  Indian  methods  will 
believe  that  the  troops  were  out  of  sight  of  Indian  scouts  at 


620 


MASSACRES   OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


any  time  after  eii»ht  o'clock.  There  are  i.vo  facts  going  to 
show  that  they  desired  the  troops  to  suppose  that  the  villan;e 
had  not  been  alarmed.  They  did  not  make  any  signal-fires 
for  communication,  as  they  usually  do.  These  would  have  in- 
formed the  soldiers  that  their  presence  was  known  to  all  the 
Indians  in  the  vicinity.  Secondly,  Trumpeter  Martin  (the  last 
white  n)an  who  saw  Custer  alive),  who  brought  back  the  mes- 
sage to  Benteen,  says  he  left  the  general  at  the  summit  of  the 
bluff  overlooking  the  village,  and  that,  as  he  turned,  "  General 
Custer  raised  his  hat  and  gave  a  yell,  saying  tlioy  were  asleep 
in  their  teepees  and  surprised,  and  to  charge."  It  is  known 
that  only  a  part  of  the  village  was  visible  from  any  point  on 
the  bluff  th.iL  the  soldiers  reached  before  the  tight,  but  the 
part  Custer  saw  was  quiet.  It  must  have  been  kept  quiet  in- 
tentionally, for  the  warriors  were  at  that  time  waiting  for 
Custer  below,  and  under  such  circumstances  there  would  nat- 
urally have  been  an  appearance  of  activity  in  the  village, 
whatever  its  size  might  liave  been.  Custer  drew  the  correct 
conclusion  on  his  theory  of  the  number  of  Indians  there.  If 
there  had  been  only  from  five  to  eight  hundred  warriors,  and 
they  had  been  notified  of  the  coming  of  the  troops,  the  squaws 
would  have  been  taking  down  the  lodges  and  packing  at  that 
time.  The  only  inferejice  that  could  bo  drawn  was  that  they 
were  surprised,  and  Custer  acted  on  it,  as  they  probably 
desired  that  he  should. 

The  Indians  were  in  at  least  two  bodies  before  the  fight 
began,  one  at  the  upper  end  of  the  village,  and  one  at  the 
ford  where  Custer  attempted  to  cross.  When  Ileno  retired 
across  the  valley  from  the  timber  he  was  pursued  by  all  the 
Indians  there,  who  followed  him  until  he  reached  the  top  of 
the  bluff.  liis  heaviest  loss  occurred  while  ascending  the  bluff. 
From  the  summit  he  heard  firing,  down  the  river,  where  Cus- 
ter had  gone.  Custer  was  on  the  retreat  from  the  time  he  was 
attacked,  as  is  shown  by  the  trail.  Consequently,  an  over- 
whelming force  of  Indians  was  fighting  each  party  at  the  same 
time.  The  number  of  Indians  fighting  Reno  was  estimated 
by  Benteen  at  0(»0,  and  by  Reno  to  bo  at  least  that  number. 
So  far  as  is  known,  the  remainder,  numbering  probably  2000, 
were  fighting  Custer.     The  record  of    time  given  by  Reno 


THE   LITTLE   BIG   HORN. 


02 1 


also  shows  that  they  were  fighting  sitnnltaneously.  Custer 
ordered  Keiio  forward  at  half- past  twelve.  His  own  com- 
mand followed  lleno's  to  a  point  near  the  ford,  and  then 
moved  rapidly  three  miles  down  the  river,  in  all  live  miles. 
lie  must  have  been  engaged  l)y  two  o'clock,  and  probably 
was  fighting  from  half-past  one.  It  was  half-past  two  when 
Reno  reached  the  top  of  the  bluff  and  was  joined  by  Ben- 
teen.  It  is  not  probable  that  Custer's  light  lasted  long 
after  that  time.  There  has  been  published  an  account  of 
this  massacre,  purporting  to  come  from  a  trapper  named 
Ridgely,  who  was  a  prisoner  in  the  Sioux  camp  and  es- 
ca])ed  during  the  jubilee  on  the  night  of  the  25th,  in  which 
it  is  stated  that  the  light  with  Custer  lasted  otily  lifty-live 
minutes.  This  story  contains  numerous  errors,  and  is  there- 
fore unworthy  of  belief  except  as  corroborated.  In  this  par- 
ticular it  is  corroborated  b}'  Reno  and  Bentccn,  who  say  the 
firing  had  ceased  when  they  advanced  on  the  bluffs,  and  Cap- 
tain Weir  was  sent  beyond  to  learn  Custer's  whereaiiouts. 
This  movement  was  made  shortly  after  Reno  and  Renteen 
united,  and  before  the  pack  train  had  come  up.  Another  fact 
which  shows  conclusively  that  Custer's  fight  was  short,  was 
the  small  number  of  Indians  killed.  The  estimates  of  their 
killed,  in  the  entire  affair,  by  the  olficers  engaged,  were  from 
forty  to  one  hundred.  The  Indians  conceded  a  loss  of  thirty- 
five.  Most  of  these  were  killed  by  Reno's  command  in  the 
fight  on  tlie  26th. 

With  these  points  in  mind,  it  is  easy  to  see  the  plan  of  the 
Indians.  They  knew  that  a  force  of  about  six  hundred  men 
was  approaching.  They  saw  Benteen's  detachment  leave  the 
others  and  ride  to  tlie  left.  They  arranged  their  forces,  part 
at  the  end  of  the  village  nearest  the  soldiers,  and  part  at  the 
first  accessible  ford  below  the  approach  to  the  upper  end  of 
the  village.  If  the  soldiers  reunited  they  might  possibly 
charge  through  at  either  place,  but  if  they  did  they  would 
be  surrounded  on  all  sides.  If  they  came  in  two  detachments 
there  would  be  enough  warriors  at  both  points  to  overwhelm 
them.  At  the  upper  end  a  few  Indians  remained  among  some 
scattered  teepees,  above  the  main  village.  As  the  soldiers 
advanced  these  were  to  retreat,  and  draw  their  pursuers  into 


622 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


the  midst  of  the  main  body  at  this  point.  Tliey  failed  in  this, 
because  Reno  became  suspicious  of  their  action,  and,  seeing 
nothing  of  Custer,  who,  ho  understood,  was  to  follow  him, 
lialted  before  reaching  tlieir  ambuscade.  They  then  advanced 
on  him,  passing  constantly  to  his  rear,  to  surround  him,  where- 
upon he  cut  through  them  to  the  bluffs.     At  the  other  end 


MAJOR-OENERAL  GEOROE  A.  CUSTER. 


Sitting  Bull  had  his  main  force  at  the  ford,  with  a  strong  band 
advanced  six  hundred  yards  on  the  right  bank,  and  concealed 
in  the  timber.  Sitting  Bull  so  states,  and  his  statement  is 
verified  by  the  fact  that  Custer,  instead  of  falling  back  by  the 
voad  over  which  he  advanced,  retired  farther  down  the  stream. 
This  he  would  not  probably  have  done  from  choice,  for  it  took 


THE  LITTLE   UKi    IIOHX. 


638 


him  away  from  lioiio  ami  JJcntccii,  and  placed  liiin  in  very 
bad  ground,  much  cut  up  by  ravines.  He  was  struck  in  the 
rear  by  this  bajjd,  turned  down  the  river,  and  hurried  on  by  a 
force  vastly  outiiumberin<r  him,  until  completely  swept  away. 
It  has  boon  quite  commonly  believed  that  Cii  , i-r  reck- 
lessly charged  his  command  into  a  force  that  outnumbered 
him  from  Hve  to  ten  times  over,  and  that  his  recklessness  was 
more  or  less  due  to  his  trouble  with  General  (irant.  That 
this  last  made  him  more  anxious  for  action  is  j)robably  true. 
One  caj)  readily  see  how  the  soldier,  who  has  unwittingly  been 
drawn  into  the  muddy  pool  of  politics,  would  wish  for  an  open 
Held  and  the  enemy  before  him.  Tlie  people  understood  that, 
and  they  looked  on  the  attack  as  some  of  "Custer's  dash,"  but 
they  did  not  blame  him,  for  it  was  that  same  "  dash  "  that  car- 
ried him  into  their  hearts  long  before.  There  was  atiother 
consideration,  too,  that  might  well  have  palsied  the  tongue  of 
criticism — the  terrible  loss  to  the  Custer  family.  The  g'  iieral, 
his  two  brothers,  his  brother-in-law,  (/'aptain  Calhoun,  and  his 
nephew,  were  certainly  sacriiices  enough  to  have  expiated  any 
common  mistake.  Hut  this  estinuite,  though  it  may  be  in- 
tended to  be  a  kindly  one,  is  unjust  to  Custer's  memory.  In 
fact,  there  has  been  injustice  done  to  all  the  otlicers  engaged  in 
the  battle,  and  it  has  arisen  chieHy  from  the  elTorts  of  tluMU- 
selves  or  their  friends  to  evade  the  supposed  fault  in  the  affair. 
There  was  not  fairly  any  fault  in  it.  It  is  evident  that  Custer 
attacked  a  force  which  he  believed,  and  had  every  reason  to 
believe,  was  about  equal  to  his  own.  In  that  belief  he  con- 
cluded logically  that  the  Indians  were  surprised  when  he  saw 
their  quiet  camp.  With  that  belief  his  division  of  his  force 
into  detachments,  to  strike  on  two  sides,  was  a  most  excellent 
])lan.  He  had  not  overmarched  his  command,  llis  advance 
was  onlj'  sixty-one  miles,  from  five  o'clock  on  the  morning  of 
the  24th,  to  the  time  of  the  light,  or  about  thirty-two  liours. 
It  is  plain  enough  that  Terry's  plan  was  to  get  the  Indians 
between  Custer  and  Gibbon,  but  this  was  not  from  any  sup- 
position that  either  command  was  not  large  enough  to  handle 
the  Indians  singly.  It  was  for  the  purpose  of  preventing  their 
escape.  Terry  had  no  more  knowledge  of  the  number  of 
the  Indians  than  Custer  had,  and  neither  Terry  nor  Custer 


024 


MASSACUES   OF   THK    MOINTAINS. 


can  justly  be  bliitned  fur  relvirii;  on  what  iiifuniiatioi.  they 
hud.' 

On  the  other  hand,  Reno  and  iJentecn  are  equally  justifia- 
ble. Reno  saw  that  he  was  beinij  drawn  into  a  trap,  and  fell 
back  in  time  to  save  the  ijreater  part  of  his  eoniinand.  It  was 
most  fortunate  that  he  did  so  as  (piickly  as  he  did.  Army 
otiicers,  in  blaming'  one  another  for  failures,  almost  invariably 
weaken  their  conmion  defence,  and  this  case  is  no  exception. 
Custer's  bioj^rapher,  Cai)tain  Whittaker,  in  assailing  Reno  for 
falling  back,  labors  to  prove  that  the  number  of  all  the  In- 
dians at  the  village,  including  sijuaws  and  children,  was  about 
450(>.  If  this  were  correct,  the  maximum  number  of  warriors 
that  could  fairly  be  counted  would  be  I5(Mt.  The  number  as- 
sailing Reno,  by  the  estimates  of  both  Reno  and  Reiiteen, 
was  about  tXMi.  The  result  of  Whittaker's  argument,  there- 
fore, would  be  that  Custer  was  driven  back  by  a  party  smalU-r 
thaJi  that  assailing  Reno,  and  Custer  had  two  companies  more 
tiian  Reno.  Renteen's  course  is  also  attacked  by  Caj)tain 
Whittaker,  but  in  this  his  ]»remises  arc  incorrect.  His  argu- 
ment is  based  on  the  time  consumed  in  Benteen's  movements, 
and  his  time  and  distances  are  fixed  by  the  time  when  Ren- 
teen  watered  his  horses,  which  he  assumes  to  have  occurred 
when  crossing  the  river.  The  horses  were  watered  at  a  mo- 
rass, some  distance  back  on  the  main  trail.  The  unjustness  of 
the  estimate  of  our  olncers  has  been  increased  by  an  under- 
estimate of  the  Indian  leaders.  That  they  were  men  of  ability 
to  handle  their  forces  is  certain.  That  was  a  matter  of  noto- 
riety all  through  the  campaign  of  ISTC).  No  more  complete 
evidence  of  their  skill  could  i)e  given  than  the  fact  that  neither 
of  the  three  armies  searching  for  them  secured  any  knowledge 
of  their  numl)crs  or  position  in  advance.  Crook  had  no  idea 
of  their  strength  until  tliey  fought  him  and  turned  him  l)ack 
on  the  2<>th  of  .lune.  C'uster  did  not  suspect  it  until  they 
swarmed  about  him  on  the  2.')th.  Terry  and  (libbon  did  not 
believe  it  possible  for  Custer  to  have  been  defeated,  when  the 
C.'ow  scouts  brought  them  word  of  it.  It  is  a  task  requiring 
nnicli  tact  and  skill  for  n  commander  to  conceal  15,(M>(»  people 
from  the  scouts  of  armies  which  are  on  all  sides  of  hiu). 

The  struggle  with  the  Sioux  was  protracted.     The  hostiles 


THE   LITTLE   UKJ  IIOUN. 


r,25 


of  tlie  Little  Dl'j^  Horn  f  jparatcd  into  two  hands,  Sitting  Bull's 
Indians  rcmainiiiiif  in  the  west,  and  Crazy  Horse's  inovini^  tow- 
ards the  east.  The  war  spirit  was  awakened  throuj^lioiit  tho 
Sioux  nation,  and  warriors  were  coiistaJitly  leaving  the  reser- 
vations. Colonel  Merritt  inrereepted  and  drove  back  a  party 
of  900  Clieyennes,  that  had  started  from  Ued  (-loud,  hut 
many  others  gained  the  hostile  camps.  In  a  short  time  small 
parties  were  raiding  in  all  directions.  Keinforcemeiits  and 
supplies  for  the  troops  were  hurried  forward,  but  autumn 
had  arrived  before  they  were  ready  for  active  operations.  On 
September  29,  Captain  Mills,  of  Crook's  command,  with  150 
men,  surprised  the  eamp  of  American  Horse  (Wa-se-chun-Ta- 
shun-kah,  i.  <?.,  V  -''injrton  Tashunkah)  at  Slim  Buttes,  Da- 
kota. American  Horse  was  mortally  wounded,  four  of  his 
men  killed,  and  a  dozen  captured.  Tho  Indians  lost  their 
lodges,  supplies,  arms,  ammunition,  and  175  ponies.  A  num- 
ber of  articles  belonging  to  the  7th  Cavalry  were  found  in 
this  eanip.  In  October,  after  a  desperate  anf'  fruitless  attack 
on  a  large  supply  train,  escorted  by  Colonel  CHis,  Sitting  IJull 


SITTINCi   lin.L.       (from   A    I'OKTKAIT  IIY  D.  K.  UAKRY,  HISMAItl'K,  DAKOTA.) 

40 


020 


MASSACRES  OF  TIIE  MOUNTAINS. 


!nct  Colo!iei  ]\lilos  with  propositions  for  peace.  IMilcs,  who 
had  bce!i  put  in  coininand  of  the  active  troops  in  l)ai<ota,  told 
hitn  tl'.at  he  couUl  iiave  peace  if  ho  would  go  on  a  reservation, 
or  camp  near  the  troops,  where  lie  would  be  in  subjection  to 
the  government.  Sitting  l»i''l  said  he  would  come  in  and 
trade  for  ammunition,  but  wanted  no  rations  or  annuities,  and 
desired  to  live  free,  as  an  Indian.  The  council  dissolved  with 
the  assurance  to  the  Indians  that  non-acceptance  of  the  gov- 
ernment's terms  would  be  '  oiisideretl  an  act  )f  hostility.  Hoth 
parties  took  positions  for  action,  and  a  battle  ensued,  in  which 
the  Indians  were  routed,  and  chased  for  over  forty  miles.  On 
the  27th  more  than  4()<>  lodges  surrendered.  Sitting  I'ull, 
with  his  batid  proper,  escaped  to  the  Nc^rth,  and  was  after- 
wards j(jined  by  t'H'cral  others.  One  band  of  11*.)  lodges,  under 
Iron  Dog  (Shon-ka-.\I>-za)  gained  the  Vaidvtonnais  reservatioL* 
and  dissolved  .'ust  pt.vious  to  this  time  the  Indians  on  the 
reservations  were  disarmed  and  dismounted.  The  same  policy 
was  pursued  towards  all  the  hostiles  th.it  came  in  snl)sc<piently. 
lied  ("loud,  who  had  remained  at  his  agency,  was  deposed  for 
his  hostile  bearing,  and  Spotted  Tail  was  put  in  charge  of  all 
the  Indians  at  both  agencies. 

Late  in  the  fall  a  new  expedition  wiis  fitted  out  by  General 
Crook.  The  cavalry  with  this  force  (ten  troops^),  under  (yolonel 
Mackenzie,  surprised  the  cimp  of  Dull  Knife,  a  ('heyenne 
chief,  at  'laybreak,  on  Novcndjer  li."*.  The  Indians  escaped 
with  lieavy  loss,  but  their  village  o'  173  lodges  was  destroyed, 
and  r>U(l  ponies  were  captured.  Owing  a)  cold  weather,  oper- 
ations wero  thereafter  sus|)ended  in  this  department,  but  were 
maintained  in  the  Departnu'ut  of  Dakot;*.  On  December  7 
Lieutenant  I'»!ild\vi;i,  with  100  men,  attacked  Sitting  Ihdl's 
camp  of  I'.H)  lodges,  and  drove  him  across  the  Missouri  into 
the  l)ad  lands.  On  the  ISth  IJaldwin  surj)iised  their  cani|) 
and  captured  all  its  contents,  together  with  00  horses.  Tiie 
Iiidi.ms  escaped  across  the  Yellowstone  in  a  state  of  dostitu- 
tio!i.  Hearing  of  the  reverses  of  Sitting  Ihill,  (,'razy  Horse 
sent  him  word  to  join  his  camp,  as  he  had  plenty  of  men  and 
supplies;  but  (ieiieral  Miles  learned  of  this  from  spies,  and 
kept  a  force  betwiu'ti  the  two  bunds  which  prevc-nted  their 
union.     On  Dec.  2\\  Miles  started  with  t.'iO  men  and  two  can- 


THE   LITTLK   mc,   HOllN. 


C27 


lions  ajj^ainst  Crazy  Horse,  who  had  his  winter  oanip  on  the 
Tongue  Kiver.  The  Iiuli.ms  abandoned  their  village  on  liis 
approach,  and  were  driven  uj)  the  river  from  January  1  to 
January  7.  On  the  evcjiing  of  the  7th,  tlie  advaneo  captured 
a  young  warrior  and  seven  Ciieyenne  women  and  children, 
who  were  relatives  of  one  of  the  Cioyenne  head  men.  The 
Indians  made  a  desperate  atiompt  t<>  recover  them  that  even- 
ing, and  on  the  following  morning  OOO  warriors  engaged  Miles. 
This  liglit  occurred  on  a  spur  of  the  Wolf  ^[ountains.  The 
ground  was  covered  with  snow  and  ice,  and  a  blinding  snow- 
storm came  on  during  the  action.  The  Indians  were  driven 
back  over  three  rugged  bluffs,  which  horses  could  not  cross, 
and  which  men  could  sui.iount  only  with  great  difficulty. 
They  then  fled,  having  1  »st  heavily,  and  went  through  the 
Wolf  Mountains  in  the  directitm  of  the  I»ig  Horn  range. 

Communication  was  opened  with  them  through  the  cap- 
tives. On  February  I  Miles  sent  word  to  them  that  they  must 
surrender  unconditionally  or  he  would  attack  them  again.  In 
March,  after  consultation,  they  concluded  to  submit,  and  left 
nine  men  as  hostages  for  their  surrender,  either  to  Miles  or  at 
the  agencies.  >]U0.  under  Two  Moons,  Hump,  and  other  chiefs, 
surrendered  to  Miles  on  April  22.  Over  2000,  under  Crazy 
Horse,  surrendered  at  lied  Cloud  and  Spotted  Tail  iigenciea 
in  May.  Sittin!.  I'miU  fled  into  Itritish  America  with  his  little 
band,  and  was  thei<' joined  by  Iron  Dog,  (Jail,  and  other  chiefs. 
Crazy  Horse  remained  of  the  reservation  near  Camp  Robin- 
son, until  St-ptember.  It  was  then  learned  that  he  was  tiying 
to  bring  about  another  war.  He  was  arrest(.'d,  iuit  tried  to  es- 
cape, while  on  his  way  to  the  guard-house,  by  running  amuck 
through  the  crowd,  striking  with  his  knife  at  all  who  opposed 
him.  He  received  a  fatal  womul,  and  died  on  Septetnl)cr  7. 
The  <Mily  band  remaining  at  large  was  Lame  Deer's.  They 
were  Minnecoiijous,  with  some  renegades,  who  broke  off  from 
< 'razy  Horse's  band  when  he  determined  to  surrender,  iium 
bering  in  all  .">1  lodges.  Colonel  .Miles  surprised  and  routed 
them,  on  tlie  ni<#rning  of  May  7,  on  the  Jloselunl,  near  the 
mouth  of  Muddy  < 'i-eek.  They  lost  14  killed.  i!)cluding  Lame 
Deer,  aJI  their  supplies,  and  4r)0  ponies.  Tiie  remaining  In- 
dians scattered,  and  Miles  was  snon  after  called  away  to  stop 


628 


MASSACRES  OF  THE   MOUNTAINS. 


tlie  N'ez;  I'ercus,  wlio  were  retreating  tlirongli  Montana.  On 
Septonihor  20,  1876,  the  "lio«tiio"  feelin<f  having  become 
somewhat  subdued,  tiie  Sio.ix  concluded  the  agreement  by 
whicii  they  surrendered  tl  e  Jilaok  Hills  and  the  Powder 
liiver  country  to  the  govern, nent,  and  accepted  in  lieu  there- 
of a  substantial  ration  for  eacp  member  of  the  tribe  until  they 
should  become  self-supporting. 

Sitting  JJull's  party  was  visited  in  British  America  by  a 
commission,  with  the  object  of  inducing  tiiem  tn  return  and 
surrender.  They  rehirned  a  defiant  refusal  to  the  emissaries 
of  the  government  which  "  had  nuide  fifty-two  treaties  with 
the  Sioux  and  kept  none  nf  them,"  declaring  their  intention  to 
become  subjects  of  her  mujesty.  The  new  situation  did  not 
long  suit  them.  The  iJritish  government  gave  them  protec- 
tion merely,  with  no  assistance,  and  this  on  the  understanding 
that  they  would  not  U;  allowed  to  depicdate  across  the  line. 
One  by  -iie  they  concluded  to  come  l)a<'k  to  the  flesh-pots  of 
tlie  republic.  They  kept  coming  in  small  pirties  antl  surren- 
dering to  the  troops  until, on  'Inly  2<>,  Issl,  Sitting  Mull,  with 
his  little  baiul,  red\iced  to  45  met;,  67  women,  and  73  '-hildren, 
surrendered  at  Fort  I'uford.  Two  days  later  all  the  captive 
hostiles,  numitering  2s2!t,  were  turned  over  to  the  agent  at 
Standing  Uock.  There  has  been  no  troui)le  of  any  impor 
tance  with  the  Sionx  since  1H77,  and  they  are  rejMtrtcd  to  be 
making  remarkable  [irogrcss  in  civilization. 


CIIAPTEIl   XIX 


JOSKIMI'S   NEZ   I'KUCKS, 

TiiK  meanest,  most  coiiteiiiptibk', least  jnstitiablf  thing  that 
tlie  Iriited  States  was  ever  guilty  <»f  was  its  treatment  of  the 
Lower  Xez  I'erct's.  It  will  not  lie  nueessary  to  ti-ll  the  read- 
er of  till-  pri'ceding  pages  that  the  cctiidiu't  ut'  the  Nez  I't-rees 
had  been  of  uniform  Iriendship  and  kindness  towards  the 
Americans.  Thoir  call  for  missionaries,  their  support  of  the 
sottlers  against  the  ovorbearin^r  Hudson's  Hay  Coinpajiy,  their 
offer  of  piotfotion  to  the  Jiapwai  Mission  when  Whitman  had 
fallen  a  victim  to  the  Caviihcs,  their  iM'otection  and  escort  uf 


'^y 


Governor  Stevens's  party  in  IS,')."*,  their  stand  for  jieace  when 
the  other  tribes  were  for  war  in  1855  and  185(?,  their  rescue 
of  Steptoe's  party  in  lS."iS,  their  assistance  to  our  troops 
uijainst  hostile  Indians,  havt-  all  been  r«'corded.  They  also 
rt  ■  cted  proposals  for  hostilities  from  the  Mormons,  both  be- 
fore and  (hiring  the  civil  war.  It  nuiy  als(»  be  remembered 
that  their  friendship  was  of  older  »late  than  the  matters 
treated  of  in  the  foregoing  chapters;  that  they  gav  •  Lewis 
and  ("larkt!  a  reception  which  brought  joy  to  the  hearts  of 
those  weary  explorers;  that  they  furnished  them  food  and 
refused  pay  for  it  ;  that  they  care<l  for  the  horses  ami  other 
]>roperty  while  the  ex|ie(lition  made  its  way  down  the  river, 
.in<i  retm-ned  them  safely  in  the  spring.  It  is  true  that  there 
was  some  diflerenee  of  opinion  among  these  Indians  in  re- 
gftrd  to  adopting  the  white  man's  religions  and  customs,  but 
not  one  whit  as  to  remaining  his  fiiendc  Our  history  ran 
its  cycle  of  a  hun<lrcti  years  with  the  record  of  but  one 
American's  blood  being  shed  by  a  Nez  Perce — a  case  of  man- 
slaughter, about  the  year  1SG2.  Seventy  years  of  friendly 
intereourae — seventy  years  in  which  the  Indians  patiently  en- 


C30 


MASSACHHS  OF   THE   MOINTAINS. 


(lured  what  tlicy  justly  considered  liardsliips,  for  tlieir  frieiid- 
Bhip  to  the  white  man — seventy  years  of  self-sacritiee,  of  for- 
bearance, of  sacretl  faith  on  their  j)art — before  the  folly  or 
weakness  or  dishonesty,  whichever  it  may  have  been,  of  our 
governmental  aij^ents  roused  them  to  madness,  and  the  worms 
wo  so  kiiavishly  trod  upon  turned  to  sting  us. 

The  Nez  Perec's,  while  one  in  feeling,  were  composed  of 


vol  N(i    JllSKI'll. 


several  independent,  confederated  tribes.  The  niost  common 
method  of  dividing  them,  used  by  the  whites,  was  into  the 
U})per  and  Lower  \ez  I'erces.  a  distinction  referring  to  their 
lands,  as  the  names  imply.  Tlie  chief  of  the  Wal-lam-mutc- 
kint  (Wal-lainwat-kin)  l)an(l,  which  was  usually  called  the 
Lower  Nc/,  I'cnvs,  was  .loscph,  the  chief  who  came  to  meet 
the  Oregon  volunteers  after  the  Whitman  massacre,  and  s:iid 


josKi'M's  m:z  ri:Hcf:.s. 


031 


to  them,"  When  1  left  inj  hoiiie  I  took  the  J'uok  in  my  hand 
and  broii<^ht  it  with  1111;;  it  is  my  li^ht.  I  hcanl  the  Ameri- 
cans were  coming  to  kill  me.  Still  I  lield  n\y  Hook  before 
me  and  came  on."  There  \va.s  never  any  liead  chief  who 
claimed  fnll  control  over  all  the  hands,  and  none  in  whom  we 
reco<(nized  such  power,  except  those  who  .had  been  appointed 
throuifh  our  ayency.  The  iirst  one  was  appointed  by  ICli jali 
White,  their  Iirst  aj^ent,  a  man  who  meant  well  enou<i;li,  but 
who  was  ])robal)ly  mistaken  in  his  idea  that  he  had  discov- 
ered the  Northwest  jiassaye  around  all  Indian  troubles.  He 
ap])ointed  KUis  head  chief  in  l!S42;  but  ICllis  luul  no  control 
over  the  tribe,  ami  after  his  death,  in  1S4T,  there  was  no  head 
chief  until  1.S55.  The  authorily  of  Lawyer  as  head  chief  was 
formally  recoi;nized  in  the  treaiy  i;iade  by  (iovcrnor  Stevens 
in  IS.'),"),  but  it  was  never  understood  by  the  Indians  that  (his 
i,Mve  him  any  authority  to  dispose  of  their  lands.  As  a  mat- 
ter-of-fact he  was  arbitrarily  appointed  by  Governor  Stevens 
for  the  purposes  of  the  treaty,  and  was  never  acknowlodi;ed 
by  half  of  the  Indians.  Amoiin'  t'le  Indians,  the  I.cwer  Nez 
I'erces  were  conceded  to  own  the  country  south  and  east  of 
the  JJlue    Mountains,  and   west  ot    the  Snake    liiver,  as  far 


sou 


th  as  the  I'owiler  Kiver.  a  triiuitarv  of  the  Si 


laKe. 


It 


IS 


true  that  the  other  bands  had  the  privilej,'e  of  huntini,'  and 
lishiiii^  there,  just  as  the  L(»wer  Xez  I'erces  had  the  privil"<^e 
of  roaming  over  (tr  campiui;  in  the  upper  countrv,  but  the 
right  of  control — their  higiiest  idea  of  a  fee-simple— of  both 
sections  was  never  disputed  to  be  in  the  bands  respectivi'ly. 
The  Lower  Nez  IVrces  moved  lo  the  upper  coimtry  when 
Whitman  and  Spalding  came,  in  order  to  receive  "the  I!ook" 
from  their  hands,  but  there  was  no  chatige  in  the  ownership 
of  the  lai\ds;  and  afterwards,  when  jealousies  arose  between 
.loseph  and  Uig  Thunder,  a  chief  of  the  I'pper  Nez  I'erces, 
Joseph  was  unceremoniously  orderetl  to  return  to  the  land 
where  lie  belonged,  md  he  did  so. 

Joseph  and  his  people  seemed  to  love  that  country  of 
tb^^irs.  It  was  not  the  most  attractive  regitiu  in  the  world 
to  the  white  man,  but  it  suited  them.  On  one  side  of  it  the 
Snake  sur^'S  imd  foani.v  over  its  rocky  bed.  <  )n  the  other 
ilie  Ulue  Muuntain^  ri>c  maje>tically,  and  along  their  easti-rn 


632 


MASSACUL8  OF  THE   MOUNTAINS. 


base  tlio  Grande  Jioiide  Jiiver  sweeps  throujfh  its  great  arc  to 
the  Snake.  Uetweeii  them  is  a  rugged  country  impossible  of 
cultivation.  Through  it,  towards  the  east,  runs  the  Iniiudia 
(Imniaha),  down  a  narrow,  rugged  vale;  through  it  towards 
the  northwest  flows  the  Wallowa  (Wall-l<»w-how,  Way-lee- 
way— the  Winding  Waters),  with  a  valley  larger  and  better 
than  that  of  the  other  stream.  The  valley  of  the  Wallowa 
was  the  very  best  of  the  land  claimed  by  the  Lower  JSez 
Perec's,  and  it  was  not  much  to  be  desired.  Captain  Whipple 
reported  of  it,  on  August  2S,  1875,  "The  valley  is  only  lit 
for  stock-raising,  as  a  busiiuss,  and  not  desirable  for  that  in 
consetiuence  of  the  long  wintTs;  but  the  Indian  horses  would 
live  throujih  where  the  white  man's  cattle  would  ]>erish."  It 
was  even  so  worthlesb  that  Americans  did  not  desire  it.  Says 
Captain  Whip])le,  "  Th.e  average  American  is  not,  as  a  rule, 
slow  to  take  ailvantagc  of  eligible  oi)enings  to  secure  land 
'claims'  wiiich  may  prol>al)ly  become  valuable,  but  none  of 
them  seem  anxious  to  locate  tliem  in  Wallowa  Valley.  .  .  . 
The  jxipiilaliop.  is  less  than  it  was  a  year  ago.  Since  the  val- 
ley was  restored  to  settlement,  three  families  have  disposed 
of  their  improvements  for  a  trillc,  and  moved  away;  nor  do 
I  believe  :uiy  others  have  come  in.  Not  a  man  has  taken  a 
claim  in  the  valley  since  that  time.  One  of  the  most  enter- 
prising, reliaUk',  and  best  citizens  in  the  settlement,  has  told 
me.  within  the  past  week,  that  he  thought  the  people  of  the 
valley  were  disappointed  to  learn  it;  was  not  to  be  taken  for 
an  Indian  reservation;  that  he  regretted  it  for  one;  that 
he  should  sell  out  at  Hrst  opportunity,  and  settle  in  a  more 
pfomising  locality.  This  shown  liow  the  white  people  who 
reside  here  regard  this  valley.  On  the  otiier  hand,  the  In- 
dians love  it." 

A  straii^e  man  was  old  Joseph,  a  sturdy,  strong-built  man, 
with  a  will  of  Jron  and  a  foresight  that  never  failed  him  but 
once — when  be  welcomed  the  Americans  to  his  country.  lie 
had  some  stringe  notions  too.  one  of  which  was  that  "no 
HKin  owned  any  |)art  of  the  earth,  and  a  iiuui  couhl  not  sell 
what  he  did  not  own.*'  He  was  ar  iioor^rinal  Henry  (reorge 
in  his  idea  that  ownership  in  land  should  be  limited  to  occu- 
pancy, and,  if  we  may  judge  by  the  converts  •:hait  gentlema?i 


JOSEPH'S  NEZ  rEitcfis. 


633 


is  making,  ho  was  not  without  reason.  Joseph  continued 
frienJly  to  tlie  whites,  but  he  grew  suspicious  of  tlieir  trad- 
ing abilitiefi,  and  bade  his  people  be  careful  how  they  inado 
bargains;  the  land  ho  would  look  after  himself.  Surely  the 
white  man  would  not  get  it  away  from  him.  He  was  very 
careful,  indeed.  He  would  not  join  in  the  treaty  with  (tov- 
ernor  Stevens  tintil  his  own  land  was  reserved  out  of  the 
cession.  To  be  candi;!,  he  and  his  tribe  claimed  that  he  did 
not  sigti  the  treaty  at  all,  though  his  name  is  afHxed,  but  they 
evidently  mean  that  ho  never  signed  a  treaty  ceding  his  land, 
whi  li  is  true.  After  the  ratification  of  the  treaty,  in  ls'A\ 
the  other  Indians  received  presents  from  the  government  and 
annuity  goods;  they  had  tools  and  Ijright  clothing  and  guns, 
but  Josei)h  and  his  people  took  nom;.  He  said  to  theui, 
"These  presents  are  the  price  of  the  land  which  is  sold.  If 
we  take  the  i)ay,  the  white  man  will  say  he  has  bought  our 
land  also."  So,  for  all  those  years  after  thii  treaty  the  Lower 
Nez  I'erces  refused  to  receive  any  of  the  annuity  goods,  con- 
tented to  know  that  the  land  of  the  Winding  Waters  was 
their  own.  Fooli.sh  Indians',  to  think  tiiat  they  could  escape 
<>nr  clutches  in  that  way. 

In  1808  the  whites  had  so  encroached  on  the  hinds  of  the 
Nez  Perces,  and  whiskey 'was  doing  so  much  damage,  that 
another  treaty  was  considered  necessary.  Calvin  II.  Hale, 
Charles  Ilutchins,  and  S.  D.  Howe  negotiated  it.  The  Upper 
Xez  Perces  accepted  their  present  reservation  of  Lapwai,  in 
Western  Idaho.  The  Lower  Xez  Perces  refused  to  join  in 
the  treaty.  They  had  seen  nothing  to  make  them  believe 
that  their  own  course  w.as  not  the  best.  The  other  tribes  had 
been  iieltiug  very  few  of  the  tine  thiiiirs  that  Governor  Ste- 
veas  had  promised  tlitMU.  and  what  they  did  get  was  in  gew- 
gaws that  they  did  n-'t  want ;  for  the  Nez  Perces  always  asked 
for  substantial  and  useful  goods.  It  must  be  confessed  that 
the  Lower  Nez  Perces  twitted  them  a  little,  too,  which  was 
aniioying,  thr-iigh  natural.  Agent  Ilutchins  said  of  this  in 
ISt'i.'J,  "The  lid  men  of  the  tribe  look  with  sorrow  on  the 
fact  that  they  ejinnot  relmt  these  flings  by  pointing  to  real 
evidences  of  the  good  faith  of  the  white  man's  chief.'"  lint 
.Joseph's   band  did   not  save  their  land  l)y  refusing  to  join. 


634 


MASSACKKS  Ol"  Tllli   MOUNTAINS 


Tlie  rppcr  Nt'z  Perec's  sold  all  tlieir  luiid  except  tlie  reserva- 
tion, and  that  took  awHV  all  the  land  of  the  Lower  Nez  I'erces. 
Do  you  not  undfrstand  it  i  It  is  the  simplest  thing  in  the 
World,  (idvcrnor  (irover  discovered  the  way — the  same  (iov- 
ernor  (irover  that  tried  so  hard  to  prevent  the  Itepublican 
party  front  stealing  the  government  in  l^K),  by  stealing  the 
vote  of  Oregon  himself — who  was  sent  to  the  Senate  for  his 
distinguished  services.  This  is  the  process.  In  1855  Joseph 
joined  with  other  eidefs  in  the  treaty  hy  whieh  they  sold  a 
certain  amount  of  land  ;  hence  the  land  that  they  did  not  sell 
belonged  to  all  of  the  tribe  in  common.  ]{y  joining  in  that 
treaty,  .Joseph  aekiiowlcdged  the  tribal  organization  ;  hence 
tli(!  tribe  had  authority  to  bind  him  afterwards.  A  majority 
of  all  the  chiefs,  counting  all  the  banils  together,  joined  in 
the  treaty  of  18(53,  and  sold  all  their  land  e.xeept  the  Lapwai 
reservation  ;  hence  they  sold  .lof^epli's  land.  ^'ou  may  be 
inclinecl  to  call  that  thieving;  it  is  also  idiocy. 

There  is  no  pretence  that  the  r|)per  Nez  I'ercds  intended 


to  sell   the  land   of   the   Lower   Nez   Perce 


s,  or  claimei 


am 


po' 


rer  to  do  so,  or  that  tlu'  Cftmnnssioners  understood  that 


they  were  ])nr('hasing  it.  It  does  not  appcsar  that  any  one  an- 
ticipated such  a  result  at  the  time,  for  this  eonstriu'tion  was 
not  adoi)fe<l  f(»r  years  afterwards.'  Old  .Joseph  went  to  his 
grave  in  ls71,iii  blissful  ign(»ranc(!  of  the  fact  that  his  land 
was  not  his  lainl.  Captain  Whipple  pays,  "  I'niforndy  and 
with  vehemence,  to  his  last  horn',  he  asserted  to  his  children 
and  friends  that  he  had  never  surrendered  claim  to  this  (Wal- 
lowaj  valley,  but  that  he  left  it  to  them  as  their  inheritance, 
with  the  injunction  never  to  barter  it  aw 


i}'' 


n 


18  son  says, 


''I  saw  he  was  dying.  I  took  his  hand  in  mine.  He  said, 
'My  son,  my  body  is  returning  to  my  mother  earth,  and  my 
ppirit  is  going  very  soon  to  see  the  (ireat  Spirit  (3hlef.  When 
I  am  gone,  thiidi  of  your  country.  You  are  the  chief  of  these 
j)eople.     They  look  to  you  tog\iid(j  them.     Always  remember 

Vou  must  stop  youi 


that 


your  lather  never  sold  liis  country 


Id  h 


ears  whenever  you  are  asked  to  sign  a  treaty  selling  your 
home.  A  few  years  more,  and  w'hite  men  will  bo  all  around 
you.  They  have  their  eyes  on  this  land.  My  son,  never  f()r- 
get  my  dying  words.     This  country  holds  your  father's  body. 


ju.si;i'ii'.s  m:/  I'EUcfls. 


635 


Never  sell  tlie  bones  of  yuur  father  and  your  mother.'  I 
pressed  my  father's  liand,  and  told  him  1  would  ])roteet  his 
{i^rave  with  my  life.  My  father  smiled  and  jjassed  away  to 
the  s])ii-it  land.     I   buried  him    in  that  beautiful   valley  of 


Windiuff  Waters.  I  love  that  Ian  1  more  than  all  the  rest  of 
the  world.  A  man  who  would  not  love  his  father's  grave  is 
worse  than  a  wild  animal." 

This  son  was  worthy  his  fa'.iier's  legacy.     His  name  was 
In-mut-too-yah-lat-lat  —  the  Thunder- Travelling -Over- the 


*  Tliis  cut  was  orii^iniilly  published  as  a  jiortrail  of  Josi'ph,  Ollacut 
having  boen  uiistakeu  for  his  brother  by  the  artist. 


636 


MASSAt'KKS  OF  THK   MOI'NTAIN.S. 


Moniitiiiiis.  To  tli(!  AinericiUiH  lie  was  known  as  Voiiii;; 
Josc'pli,  and  to  tliu  world,  since  1877,  lie  is  Chief  .Iosej)li  the 
Xez  IVrce.  lie  was  six  feet  in  heij^ht,  well-formed,  of  serious 
and  nolde  eountenance.  lie  was  ijrave  and  thoiij^litful,  as  be- 
comes a  ruler.  lie  was  shrewd  and  caiitious,  as  becomes  one 
wliL!  tra  isacts  business  for  a  nation.  lie  was  exact  and  reso- 
lute, as  becomes  one  who  must  preserve  ])eace  between  two 
factions  prone  to  misunderstanding  and  jealousy.  Nearest 
and  dearest  to  him,  after  the  death  of  his  father,  was  his 
brother  ( )l-la-cut,  a  little  youn<^er  than  himself,  tall,  hands(»me, 
and  gay.  Hoth  of  these  youths  were  students  in  Mrs.  Spal- 
din<;'s  school  in  the  haj)py  olden  time.  I'rohahly  the  good 
seed  which  was  sowi»  then  ripened  into  good  deeds  after- 
wards; possibly  it  accounts  for  their  honorable  conduct  when 
war  came.  If  so,  it  were  well  worthy  of  record  in  some  Ely 
volume.  The  white  men  grew  more  numerous  in  the  West. 
They  came  into  the  Nez  I'erce  country  to  .>iearch  for  gold, 
and  many  of  them  remained  there.  They  did  not  treat  the 
Indians  well,  but  the  young  chieftain  ruled  his  ])copIe  so  wise- 
ly that  no  warfare  occurred.  Says  Joseph,  '•  They  stole  a  great 
many  horses  from  us,  and  we  could  not  get  them  back  because 
we  were  Indians.  The  white  men  told  lies  for  each  other. 
They  drove  olf  a  great  many  of  our  cattle.  8ome  white  men 
branded  our  young  cattle  so  they  could  claim  them.  We  had 
no  friend  who  would  plead  our  cause  before  the  law  coun- 
cils." Still  there  were  no  hostilities.  In  1871  an  Indian  was 
killed  by  a  white  man.  The  Indians  took  no  revenge,  but  in- 
sisted that  the  whites  should  leave  their  country.  Troops 
were  sent  into  the  country  for  the  protection  of  both  parties. 
In  March,  1S7;"),  a  white  man  iiamcMl  Larry  Ott  killed  a  Xez 
I'ercu  in  a  quarrel,  and  the  grand  -  jury  returned  no  bill 
against  him.  In  August,  1875,  one  IJencdict  shot  at  some 
drunken  Indians  who  came  to  his  house  at  iiiKlit  demandinj; 
admittance,  and  killed  one  and  wounded  another.  This  man 
was  accused  of  selling  liquor  to  the  Indians.  In  the  spring, 
also,  one  Harry  Mason  whipped  two  Indians;  the  council  of 
arbitration  cli«>sen  in  this  matter — three  white  men — decided 
against  the  Indians.  In  June,  1870,  a  settler  named  Kinley 
Killed  a  brother  of  Joseph.     None  of  these  offences  were  pun- 


JosKi'irs  m;z  i'i:ucr,s. 


cr, 


i.slied,  and  for  none  did  tlic  Indians  tako  rcvcnj^o,  still  nrj^iii^ 
(inly  that  tliu  wliitcs  slmidd  leave  tlieir  lands. 

The  (jiiestion  of  title  had  drifted  alotij^  until  IsT-'i,  when 
the  Interior  Department  took  ste[)8  to  set  the  Wallowa  olT  un 
reserved  land  for  the  Lower  Nez  I'erces.  The  iniproveiiientK 
of  the  eighty-seven  squatters  who  were  to  he  honi;ht  out 
were  appraised  at  !S«17,btjU.  Kor  eifrhteeii  months  the  matter 
resteil  in  that  way,  all  |)arties  satisfied,  hut  in  the  sprinj^  of 
IST")  ConjLfress  refused  to  conlirni  tlie  purehase  ami  reserva- 
tion. Why  it  did  so  is  heyond  imat^ination,  exeept  it  may 
have  heen  from  the  inlluenee  of  (ioveriior  (irover,  who  had 
put  his  line-spun  theory  hefore  the  Government  in  the  sum- 
mer of  IST'J.  As  we  have  seet),  the  disappointment  was  al- 
most as  great  to  the  settlers  as  to  the  Indians.  Some  <»f  my 
readers  may  not  understand  the  theory  of  settlin<^  for  the 
jmrpose  of  heing  bought  out.  If  a  man  discover  where  a 
reservation  is  to  be  located,  he  cannot  do  better  tinancially 
than  to  locate  upon  it.  Appraisers  for  government  purchases 
aie  tisually  liberal.  The  Indians  were  (tast  down  in  spirit. 
When  Joseph  learned  of  the  decision,  Cajitain  Whipple  says 
"he  looked  disappointed,  and  aft«;r  a  short  silence  he  said  he 
hoped  I  could  tell  something  of  a  possible  doubt  of  their  be- 
ing obliged  to  relituiuish  this  valley  to  the  settlers.  1  told 
him  the  case  was  decided  against  the  Indians  by  higher  au- 
thority than  that  of  any  army  i)tlicer.  This  declaration  did 
not  make  the  countenances  of  the  Indians  more  cheerful. 
They  all  realize  that  after  they  go  to  Lapwai  reservation,  or 
one  similar,  they  will  be  obliged  to  give  up  their  horses, 
which  constitute  their  main  wealth,  and  that  as  a  community 
they  will  cease  to  exist." 

The  outlook  for  the  Lower  Nez  Perees  was  gloomy,  but 
there  was  yet  one  ray  of  hope.  There  were  still  a  few  people 
ill  Oreg(»n  who  remembered  the  good  services  of  the  Xez 
I'erces  in  the  |)ast,  and  did  not  wish  to  see  them  robbed.  Kev. 
A.  L.  Lindsley,  celebrated  for  his  mission  work  in  the  North- 
west and  in  Alaska,  with  others,  asked  that  a  con)mission  be 
appointed  to  investigate  the  matter  and  make  some  equita- 
ble settlement  with  the  Indians.  Gen.  ().().  Howard,  com- 
manding the  District  of  the  Columl)ia,  endorsed  the  proposi- 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-S) 


^ 


^ 


// 


{/ 


4^% 


-^ 


/- 


Z 
^ 


1.0 

E     1^  1^    112.2 

I.I 

1.25 

1.4    1  ,.6 

^ 6" ■ 

Phofejgraphic 

Sciences 

Corpomtion 


23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  14580 

(716)  872-4503 


4^   4^^ 


"^^ 


I 


.'^ 


^'^^ 


\ 


A 


638 


MASSACRES  OF  THE   MOUNTAINS, 


tion,and  suggested  that  he  be  made  a  member  of  the  Commis- 
sion. A  commission  was  appointed,  and  General  Howard  was 
made  a  member.     They  came  to  Lapwai  to  talk  with  Joseph 

and  the  other  "non- 
treaties"  that  had  never 
been  able  to  understand 
Governor  Grover's  loc- 
ic.  There  was  AVhite 
Bird's  band,  which  oc- 
cupied the  country  ad- 
jacent to  the  Salmon 
River.  Tiiere  was  a 
band  that  roamed  over 
the  rugged  country  be- 
tween the  Salmon  and 
the  Snake,  under  the  old 
chief  and  "medicine- 
man" Too-hul-hul-sute. 
There  was  a  small  band 
on  Ashotin  Creek,  north 
of  Joseph's  countr}',  and 
above  this  were  several  small  bands  under  the  authority  of  the 
young  chief  Hush-husli-cute  (Ilus-es-cruyt,  Ilus-ses-kutte — the 
Bald  Head).  There  was  also  the  band  of  Looking  Glass,  on 
whose  land  the  Lapwai  reservation  had  been  located,  and  who 
retained  their  home  in  common  with  the  "treaties"  who  had 
been  put  with  them.  These  bands  were  sufficiently  confed- 
erated in  interest,  and  sufficiently  sensible  of  Joseph's  abil- 
ity, to  make  him  the  common  leader  of  the "  non-treaty " 
party.  The  Commission  talked  with  them  in  November,  1876, 
in  the  mission  church  at  Lapwai,  but  Joseph  nonplnssed  the 
commissioners.  They  say,  "  An  alertness  and  dexterity  in  in- 
tellectual fencing  was  exiiibited  by  him  that  was  quite  re- 
markable." It  was  remarkable.  They  were  unable  to  answer 
his  arguments.  He  said  "  that  the  Creative  Power,  when  he 
made  the  earth,  made  no  marks,  no  lines  of  division  or  sepa- 
ration on  it,  and  that  it  should  be  allowed  to  remain  as  then 
made.  The  earth  was  his  mother.  He  was  made  of  the 
earth  and  grew  up  on  its  bosom.     The  earth,  as  his  mother 


GKNERAL   O.  O.  HOWARD. 


JOSEPH'S  NEZ  PEKCES. 


639 


and  nurse,  was  sacred  to  '.lis  affections,  too  sacred  to  be  valued 
hy  or  sold  for  silver  and  gold,  lie  could  not  consent  to  sever 
his  affections  from  the  land  that  bore  him.  lie  was  content 
to  live  upon  such  fruits  as  the  Creative  Power  placed  within 
and  upon  it,  and  unwilling  to  barter  these  and  his  free  habits 
away  for  the  new  modes  of  life  proposed  by  us.  Moreover, 
the  earth  carried  chieftainship  (which  the  interpreter  explain- 
ed to  mean  law,  authority,  or  control),  and  therefore  to  part 
wifh  the  earth  would  be  to  part  with  himself  or  with  his  self- 
control,  lie  asked  nothing  of  the  President.  lie  was  able 
to  take  care  of  himself.  He  did  not  desire  Wallowa  Valley 
as  a  reservation,  for  that  would  subject  him  and  his  band  to 
the  will  of  and  dependence  on  another,  and  to  laws  not  of 
their  own  making.  He  was  disposed  to  live  peaceably.  He 
and  his  band  had  suffered  wrong  rather  than  do  wrong.  Olq 
of  their  number  was  wickedly  slain  by  a  white  man  during 
the  last  summer,  but  he  would  not  avenge  his  death.  But 
unavenged  by  him,  the  voice  of  that  brother's  blood,  sanctify- 
ing the  ground,  would  call  the  dust  of  their  fathers  back  to 
life,  to  people  the  land  in  protest  of  this  great  wrong." 

The  commissioners  knew  that  Joseph's  statements  were 
true.  His  brother  had  been  killed,  as  stated,  in  a  quarrel 
about  some  stock,  by  a  man  named  Finley,  and  the  Indians 
had  refused  even  to  appear  as  witnesses  against  the  murderer 
in  court.  Joseph  said,  "  When  I  learned  that  they  had  killed 
one  of  my  people  I  was  heart-sick.  When  I  saw  all  the  set- 
tlers take  the  murderer's  part,  though  they  spoke  of  bringitig 
him  to  trial,  I  told  them  that  the  law  did  not  favor  murder. 
I  could  see  they  were  all  in  favor  of  the  murderer,  so  I  told 
them  to  leave  the  country.  As  to  the  murderer  I  have  made 
up  my  mind.  I  have  come  to  tiie  conclusion  to  let  him  es- 
cape and  enjoy  liealth  and  not  take  his  life  for  the  one  he 
took.  I  am  speaking  as  though  I  spoke  to  the  man  himself. 
I  do  not  want  anything  in  payment  for  the  deed  he  commit- 
ted. I  pronounce  the  sentence  that  he  shall  live."  The 
causes  for  removal  given  by  the  Commission  were  not  brought 
into  prominence  in  the  council.  Tiiey  were  not  of  a  nature 
that  would  admit  of  consistent  urging.  The  first  was  of  a 
religious  character.    A  part  of  the  Kez  Percda  had  become 


640 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


Catholics;  a  part  adhered  to  "  Mr.  Spalding's  religion;"  and 
a  part  had  become  believers  in  a  form  of  spiritualism  which 
had  recently  been  introduced  in  Eastern  Oregon  by  Stno-hal- 
lie,  a  chief  wlio  dwelt  with  a  little  band  of  followers  across 
the  Columbia  from  Wallula,  the  village  on  the  site  of  old 
Fort  Walla- Walla.     lie  was  a  small  and  deformed  sorcerer, 
but  the  abnormally  large  head  that  surmounted  liis  humped 
shoulders  had  evolved  the  mystic  faitii  of  the  "Drumnier- 
dreamers,"  wiiich   threatened  to  stop  the  progress  of  good, 
old-fashioned,  ortliodox  conversion.     They  were  a  queer  lot. 
Their  young  men  saw  visions  and  their  old  men  dreamed 
dreams.     Tiiey  taught  that  land  ought  not  be  divided  up,  or 
forced  b}'  cultivation  to  yield  more  than  its  natural  fruits ; 
that  schools  and  churches  were  innovations  of  the  devil ;  and 
that  a  savior  would  be  raised  up  in  the  East  who  would  bring 
their  dead  to  life,  expel  the  white  man  from  tiie  country,  and 
restore  the  Indians  to  tiieir  own.     This  last  was  probably  a 
relic  of  the  story  of  the  second  coming  of  Christ,  which  Brig- 
ham  Young  had  left  in  their  country  twenty  years  before. 
These  theories  seem  odd,  but  the  Indians  defended  them  in 
a  way  that  was  hard  to  answer.     Said  General  Shanks  to 
Joseph,  "  Do  you  want  schools  atid  school-houses  on  the  Wal- 
lowa reservation  ?"'     "  No,"  said  Joseph,  "  we  do   not   want 
schools  or  school-houses  on  the  Wallowa  reservation."    "  Why 
do  you  not  want  schools?"     "They  will  teach  us  to  have 
churches."    "Why  do  you  not  want  churches?"     "  Tiiey  will 
teach  us  to  quarrel  about  God,  as  the  Catholics  and  Protestants 
do  on  the  Nez  Perce  reservation,  and  at  other  places.     We 
do  not  want  to  learn  that.     We  may  quarrel  with  men,  some- 
times, about  things  on  this  earth,  but  we  never  quarrel  about 
God.     AVe  do  not  want  to  learn  that."     These  tenets  appar- 
ently stood  in  the  way  of  an  adoption  of  our  customs,  biit 
there  is  certainly  nothing  about  them  that  is  either  criminal 
or  improper,  notwithstanding  they  so  impressed  Father  Wil- 
bur in  that  way  that  he  recommended  that  the  Indians  be 
"  brought  within  the  Christianizing  influences  of  the  reserva- 
tion," even  if  force  were  necessary  to  accomplish  the  removal. 
Apropos  of  this,  are  not  the  Indians  entitled  to  a  share  in  the 
temporal  comforts  of  spiritualism,  considering  the  immens(! 


JOSEPH'S  NEZ  PEKCfiS. 


641 


amount  of  service  their  disembodied  spirits  Lave  to  perform 
ais  "controls"  in  the  white  man's  stances?  Our  spiritualistic 
brethren  have  not  had  any  tribe  assigned  to  them  for  mission- 
ary labor — in  fact  they  do  not  appear  to  be  ardent  missiona- 
ries— and,  in  consequence,  the  red  man  has  been  obliged  to 
get  along  without  any  rappings,  or  materializations,  or  dark 
cabinets. 

Another  objection  was  that  they  went  every  year  to  the 
"buffalo  illahie" — the  Powder  River  country — to  procure 
their  winter's  supply  of  meat.  They  did  not  disturb  any  one 
in  going  or  coming,  but  it  made  the  "  treaty  "  Indians  jealous 
and  restless  to  be  thus  reminded  that  they  had  sold  their 
birthright  for  a  mess  of  pottage.  Their  uiiha])piness  was  in- 
creased by  the  fact  that  they  did  not  always  get  the  pottage. 
A  fellow  named  Langford  had  taken  and  lield  possession  for 
months  of  the  old  mission  claim  of  six  hundred  and  fort}' 
acres,  on  which  the  agency  buildings  were  situated,  and  shut 
down  the  mills,  forcing  the  treaty  Indians  to  sell  their  grain 
at  a  sacrifice  and  buy  flour.  One  Finney  claimed  and  occu- 
pied six  hundred  and  forty  acres  of  the  reservation ;  one 
Colwell  claimed  and  occupied  seventy -five  acres;  one  Ran- 
dall claimed  fifty  acres,  and  had  a  permit  to  place  a  stage 
station  on  the  land.  The  deeds  which  had  been  promised  the 
Itidians  for  their  twenty-acre  lots  had  never  been  issued  to 
them.  There  was  due  them  $4005  for  services  and  for  horses 
furnished  the  Oregon  volunteers  in  1856,  which  it  had  been 
definitely  agreed  should  be  paid  ir»  the  treaty  of  1S03.  It 
was  oidy  thirteen  years  since  that  treaty  had  been  executed, 
and  the  governmental  agents  had  not  had  time  to  attend  to 
these  minor  details.  It  is  quite  possible  that  these  things 
made  the  "  treaties "  jealous  of  the  "non-treaties"  also.  In 
connection  with  the  objection  to  the  "  non-treaties"  going  to 
hunt  buffalo,  it  is  interesting  to  remember  that  the  Sioux  and 
their  allies  were  doing  the  same  thing,  and  that  we  had  kindl}' 
guarantiicd  them  the  right  to  do  so,  because  they  were  strong, 
and  fouglit  back,  and  made  our  occupation  of  the  biiffalo  il- 
lahie 60  uncomfortable  that  we  were  glad  to  abandon  the 
Montana  road  and  leave  them  as  they  were. 

Now  why  did  these  Nez  Perces  object  to  going  on  the 

41 


(142 


MASSACRES  OF  TlIK  MOUNTAINS. 


Lapwai  reservation  1  The  fi'st  reason  was  that  they  preferred 
their  own  country,  and,  in  connection  with  tliis  feeling,  they 
knew  tliat  the  money,  goods,  and  the  rest  thai  were  so  glibly 
promised  them  in  the  councils,  in  j)ayment  for  their  country, 
would  not  be  forthcoming.  They  had  the  experience  of  their 
"  treaty "  brethren  constantly  before  them  in  proof  of  that. 
The  second  reason  was  that  they  desired  personal  liberty  to 
go  from  one  ])lace  to  another.  They  knew  that  going  on  a 
reservation  meant  staying  there,  except  on  permission  of  the 
authorities,  and  also  a  practical  dissolution  of  their  tribal  or- 
ganization. After  the  wrong  was  consummated,  when  Joseph 
had  been  permitted  to  go  to  Washington  and  talk  to  our  wise 
men,  he  said,  "I  have  asked  some  of  the  great  white  chiefs 
where  they  get  their  authority  to  say  to  the  Indian  that  he 
shall  stay  in  one  place,  while  he  sees  white  men  going  where 
they  please.  They  caimot  tell  me."  The  third  reason  was 
that  their  chief  wealth  was  in  herds  of  horses,  from  the  in- 
crease of  which  they  had  a  plentiful  support,  with  but  little 
labor,  and  these  they  would  have  to  give  up  if  they  went  on 
the  reservation.  Why?  Because, on  the  reservation,  twenty 
acres  of  land,  and  uo  more,  were  allotted  to  each  head  of  a 
family,  out  of  which  he  was  to  make  his  living.  Stock-raising 
on  twenty  acres  is  necessarily  a  limited  business.  The  care 
of  these  herds,  the  visits  of  the  Indians  to  the  settlements 
to  trade,  and  their  annual  buffalo  hunts,  are  what  constituted 
the  "nomadic  habits"  that  the  Comniission  objected  to. 

The  "judicious  men"  came  to  a  conclusion  at  last.  They 
revamped  that  false  and  fallacious  theory  of  Governor  Gro- 
vers,  that  Old  Joseph's  joining  in  the  treaty  of  1855  "  implied 
a  surrender  of  any  specific  rights  to  any  particular  portion  of 
the  whole  reserve."  They  adopted  his  monstrous  proposition 
that  from  the  treaty  of  1803  a  contract  should  be  implied 
which  neitlier  of  the  contracting  parties  contemplated  and 
neitlier  had  a  right  to  make.  The  thing  is  too  absurd  for 
serious  argument.  Joseph  disposed  of  it,  though  he  did  not 
put  his  case  so  strongly  as  he  might,  in  this  manner:  "Sup- 
pose a  white  man  should  come  to  me  and  say,  '.Joseph,!  like 
your  horses,  and  I  want  to  buy  them.'  I  say  to  him,  'No, my 
horses  suit  me;  I  will  not  sell  them.'     Then  he  goes  to  my 


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JOSEPH'S  NEZ  PERCfiS. 


646 


neighbor,  and  says  to  him, 'Joseph  has  some  good  horses.  I 
want  to  buy  them  but  he  refuses  to  sell.'  My  neighbor  an- 
swers, '  Pay  nic  the  money  and  I  will  sell  you  Joseph's  liorses.' 
The  white  man  returns  to  me  and  says, '  Joseph,  I  have  bought 
your  horses  and  you  must  let  me  have  them.'  If  we  sold  our 
lands  to  the  Government,  this  is  the  way  they  were  bought." 
In  short,  the  Commission  recommended  that  if  the  Lower  Ncz 
Percds  did  not  peaceably  take  up  their  residence  on  the  Lap- 
wai  reservation  within  a  limited  time,  that  they  should  "  be 
placed  by  force  upon  the  reservation,  and,  in  satisfaction  of 
any  possible  rights  of  occupancy  which  they  may  have,  the 
same  aid  and  allotments  of  land  granted  to  the  treaty  Nez 
Percus  should  be  extended  to  them  on  the  reservation."  The 
same  commission  recommends  that  the  Umatilla  reservation 
— the  peaceful  hoitie  of  the  Cayuses,  Umatillas,  and  Walla- 
Wallas  for  twenty  years  past — be  vacated,  because  it  "  would 
be  eagerly  purchased,"  was  "of  the  best  quality  of  land," 
and  was  "  occupied  by  a  mere  handful  of  Indians  who  are  in- 
capable of  developing  its  rich  treasures."  By  all  means,  put 
all  Indians  on  lands  that  have  no  rich  treasures  to  develop. 
Then  nothing  will  be  lost.  To  be  sure,  there  are  a  few  mill- 
ions of  acres,  with  undeveloped  treasures,  that  can  be  had  for 
the  pre-emption,  but  they  are  not  quite  so  convenient. 

But,  it  will  be  said,  surely  the  commissioners  did  not  un- 
derstand the  real  state  of  affairs.  Go  softly.  General  Howard 
had  been  looking  over  the  matter  ever  since  he  was  put  in 
command  of  the  Department  of  the  Columbia.  Papers  con- 
taining full  statements  of  the  historic  services  of  the  Nez 
Perces,  of  the  rights  of  the  "  non-treaties,"  and  of  the  influ- 
ences actuating  them,  had  passed  through  his  hands  and  re- 
ceived his  endorsement  and  approval.  In  his  report  of  Sep- 
tember 1, 1875,  he  had  said, "  I  think  it  a  great  mistake  to 
take  from  Joseph  and  his  band  of  Nez  Percd  Indians  that 
[the  Wallowa]  valley.  The  white  people  really  do  not  want 
it.  They  wished  to  be  bought  out.  I  think  gradually  this 
valley  will  be  abandoned  by  the  white  people,  and  possibly 
Congress  can  be  induced  to  let  these  really  peaceable  Indians 
have  this  poor  valley  for  their  own."  Lieut.- Col.  II.  Clay 
Wood  was  another   member  of  the  Commission  who  was 


646 


MASSACUES  OF  THE   MOUNTAINS. 


fully  posted.  On  August  1,  1S76,  lie  reported  at  length  on 
"The  Status  of  Young  Joseph  and  his  liand  of  Nez  Perec 
Indians,"  and  gave  his  opinion  that  the  governinont  had  so 
far  failed  to  comply  with  its  agreements  in  the  treaty  of  1855, 
that  none  cf  the  iS'ez  Perccs  were  bound  by  it.  Let  us  alsi> 
record,  to  his  honor,  that  ho  made  a  minority  report,  as  com- 
missioner, recommending  that  although  Joseph's  band  would 
have  to  be  moved  eventually,  yet  that  "until  Joseph  commits 
some  overt  act  of  hostility,  force  should  not  be  used  to  put 
him  upon  any  reservatit>n."  The  other  commissioners  were 
D.  II.  Jerome,  William  Stickney,  and  A.  C.  Barstow.  What 
previous  knowledge  they  had  of  the  n'atter  I  ciinnot  say ;  but 
there  was  leaven  enough  for  the  whole  lump  in  the  two  mil- 
itary members. 

The  Commission  made  its  report,  and  the  Department  of 
the  Interior,  acting  on  its  recommendations,  ordered  the  non- 
treaties  to  be  placed  on  the  Lapwai  reservation.  By  virtue  of 
his  office,  General  Howard  was  the  agent  to  enforce  this  or- 
der. He  met  the  non-treaties  in  May,  and  found,  as  he  must 
Lave  anticipated,  that  they  were  unwilling  to  go  to  the  reser- 
vation. He  held  three  councils  with  them — the  last  on  May 
7th.  Too-hul-hul-sute,  the  too -at  (*' Drummer -d/eamer" 
priest)  and  chief,  was  their  spokesman.  He  talked  boldly,  and 
as  word  came  back  to  word  he  said, "The  Indians  may  do 
what  they  like,  but  I  am  not  going  on  the  reservation."  How- 
ard threatened  him  with  arrest.  "Do  you  want  to  scare  me 
with  reference  to  my  body  ?"  asked  the  old  man.  He  was 
arrested  and  led  out  of  the  council.  The  Indians  murmured. 
Should  they  kill  Howard  and  the  rest  ?  They  were  well- 
armed  and  self-confident.  Joseph  bade  them  not.  The  posi- 
tion of  the  government  was  now  plain  to  the  Indians.  They 
must  go  to  the  reservation  or  fight.  They  decided  to  go. 
Would  yon  have  done  so,  reader?  Would  you  liave  swal- 
lowed the  injustice,  and  meekly  agreed  to  go,  without  striking 
one  blow  at  least  for  liberty  and  rigiit?  I  remind  you  that 
the  Nez  Perccs  had  never  fought  the  white  man,  atid  Joseph 
was  not  the  man  to  begin.  He  says,  "  I  said  in  my  heart  that 
rather  than  have  war  I  would  give  up  my  country.  I  would 
give  up  my  father's  grave.      I  would  give  up  everything 


JOSEPH'S  NEZ    TEUCJES. 


647 


rather  than  liavo  tlie  bU)od  of  white  men  upon  the  hands  of 
my  people."  The  Indians  were  given  thirty  days  from  May 
14th,  in  whicli  to  gather  their  cattle  and  move;  Ihish-husli- 
cnte's  band  had  thirty-five.  They  say  it  was  not  time  enongli, 
bnt  tliat  was  of  no  consequence.  We  must  have  firmness  in 
dealing  with  Indians,  even  if  we  have  nothing  else. 

The  Indians  went  to  make  their  preparations.  They 
looked  on  their  old  home,  and  their  love  for  it  doubled  under 
the  realization  that  they  must  leave  it.  Too-hul-hul-sute's 
spirit  burned  because  of  his  impiisoiunent  for  the  offence  of 
telling  his  determination  in  the  council.  There  was  a  warrior 
whose  father  had  been  killed  by  a  white  man,  five  years  be- 
fore, who  brooded  over  the  unavenged  wrong.  There  were 
the  two  warriors  who  had  been  whipped  by  Harry  Mason. 
There  were  the  kinsmen  of  the  murdered  men.  They  assem- 
bled at  llocky  Canon.  Several  hundred  of  their  horses  and 
cattle  were  missing.  They  held  councils.  A  desire  to  resist 
removal  sprang  up  and  spread  rapidly.  They  determined, 
over  Joseph's  counsel,  to  fight  the  soldiers  when  they  came. 
It  was  the  desire  of  a  part  that  the  settlers  should  not  be  mo- 
lested, in  the  hope  that  they  would  remain  neiitral,  but  the 
others  overruled  them ;  they  said  it  was  the  settlers  that  had 
brought  all  the  trouble.  Tiiey  bought  arms  and  ammuni- 
tion where  they  could.  They  practised  military  movements, 
in  which  they  were  already  quite  proficient.  General  Shanks 
says,  that  "Joseph's  party  was  thoroughly  disciplined;  that 
they  rode  at  full  gallop  along  the  mountain  side  in  a  steady 
formation  by  fours;  formed  twos,  at.a  given  signal,  with  per- 
fect precision,  to  cross  a  narrow  bridge ;  then  galloped  into 
line,  reined  in  to  a  sudden  halt,  and  dismounted  with  as  much 
system  as  regulars."  June  13th  arrived  ;  the  thirty  days  were 
up;  the  soldiers  had  not  arrived.  Over  on  Salmon  River 
three  Indians  killed  an  old  hermit  ranchman  named  Devine. 
The  taste  of  blood  whetted  their  appetites.  On  the  morning 
of  the  14th  they  killed  three  more,  and  in  the  afternoon 
another.  They  mounted  the  horses  of  their  victims,  and 
hurried  to  Camas  Prairie,  where  the  main  body  of  Indians 
was  encamped.  They  rode  through  the  camp  displaying  the 
spoils  of  their  bloodshed,  and  calling  on  others  to  join  them. 


6:18 


MASSACltES  OF  THE   iMOUNTAINS. 


Joseph  and  Ollticut  wore  not  in  the  ciUDp;  they  hail  placed 
their  teepees  away  from  the  others  on  account  of  Joseph's 
wife,  who  was  sick.  Wliite  Bird,  tiio  next  in  rank  and  in- 
fluence, gave  way.  He  rode  through  the  camp,  crying,  "AH 
must  join  now.  There  is  blood.  You  will  bo  punished  if 
you  delay."  Seventeen  warriors  joined  the  three,  and  they 
hastened  back  to  tlie  Salmon  Kiver.  Eight  more  fell  vic- 
tims to  them,  including  Harry  Mason,  who  had  whipped  the 
two  Indians.  On  the  night  of  the  l-tth  another  i)arty  at- 
tacked the  people  of  the  Cottonwood  house — a  ranch  on  tlio 
road  between  Mount  Idaho  and  Fort  Lapwai — who  were  try- 
ing to  escape  to  Mount  Idalio.  'two  men  and  a  boy  were 
killed  and  the  otliers  badly  wounded,  tU'o  men  subsequently 
dying  of  their  injuries.  It  is  said  that  two  women  were  out- 
raged. Joseph  denies  it,  by  implication.  It  may  have  been 
done  without  his  knowledge.  lie  was  not  there.  He  pro- 
tested against  hostilities  until  they  had  gone  so  far  that  war 
was  inevitable ;  then  he  took  command,  and  the  Indians 
moved  to  White  Bird  Caiion,  where  they  prepared  to  light 
soldiers. 

Tliey  had  not  long  to  wait.  Colonel  Perry  was  hurry- 
ing down  from  Fort  Lapwai  with  ninety  men.  lie  reached 
Grangeville,  four  miles  from  Mount  Idaho,  on  the  evening  of 
the  16th,  was  joined  by  ten  citizens,  and  marched  on  through 
the  night  to  White  Bird  Canon,  sixteen  miles  away.  He 
reached  the  head  of  ';iie  cauon  at  daybreak,  and  began  ids  de- 
scent of  the  broac  .-rail,  to  surprise  the  Indians  and  prevent 
their  escape  across  the  Salmon.  Down  in  the  canon  Joseph 
watched  his  approach  through  a  field-glass.  Some  of  the  In- 
dians became  nervous,  and  suggested  that  it  would  be  better 
to  move  across  the  Salmon,  where  the  soldiers  could  not  reach 
them.  Joseph  said,  "  We  will  tight  them  here."  A  party 
of  mounted  warriors  were  put  in  ambush  behind  a  hill  on 
the  south  side  of  the  canon.  The  re'st,  under  Joseph,  were 
crouched  on  the  ground,  squarely  across  the  trail,  hidden  be- 
hind rocks  and  in  hollows.  On  came  the  soldiers  until  well 
within  range,  when  every  bush  and  rock  poured  out  its  fire. 
At  the  same  time  the  party  of  mounted  warriors  appeared  on 
the  left.     The  foremost  raidcs  deployed  to  engage  the  force 


JOSEPH'S  NEZ  PERCRS. 


049 


ill  front,  and  tlie  r.;ar  wheeled  to  meet  tlic  flauk  moveineiit. 
Aleii  were  falling;  the  Itidiaiis  were  moving  up  on  the  hills, 
making  towards  the  rear;  some  one  cried  to  fall  back  to  tho 
next  ridge.  The  next  ridge  was  gained,  with  the  enemy  on 
tiieir  heels.  There  was  no  time  to  stop.  Tho  attempts  of 
the  officers  to  rally  the  men  were  only  momentarily  success- 
ful. The  IndiaJio  were  pressing  along  the  sides  of  the  cailcm 
to  gain  the  head  and  cut  off  retreat.  Part  of  tho  command 
reached  the  ascent  and  Inirried  out.  Tho  remainder,  under 
Lieutenant  Theller,  were  cut  off.  The,)  .  'v  the  bar  across 
the  way,  and  wheeled  into  a  ravine  to  the  ieit.  The  Indians 
were  upon  them  in  a  moment,  thinning  them  out  with  their 
murderous  fire,  through  which  only  .  few  i-tragglcd  made 
their  way  unscathed  to  the  summit.  Across  'he  ;uggcd  coim- 
ry  the  Indians  pursued  the  flying  troops  1"  ;•  twelve  miles; 
but  the  eoldiers  were  out  of  that  dreadful  canon  now  and 
had  regained  their  wits.  The  officers  obtained  control,  and 
the  retreat  of  the  sixty-five  who  escaped  from  the  cafion  was 
conducted  in  order.  Four  miles  from  Mount  Idaho  Joseph 
withdrew  his  men.  He  had  fought  and  won  his  first  battle. 
The  military  reputation  of  the  Nez  Perces  was  altered. 
It  would  require  more  men  to  whip  them.  Reinforcements 
were  started  from  all  neigliboring  points.  Skirmishing  and 
minor  engagements  continued.  A  detachment  was  sent  to 
arrest  Looking  Glass,  who  had  not  yet  joined  t!ie  hostiles,  ai<d 
bring  him  in.  Ills  camp  was  destroyed  and  seven  hundred 
and  twenty-five  ponies  captured,  but  the  Indians  all  escaped 
and  went  to  Joseph.  Lieutenant  Rains,  with  ten  men  and  a 
scout  named  Fq^ster,  was  sent  on  a  reconnoissanco.  The  party 
was  surrounded  and  every  man  killed.  A  company  of  vol- 
unteers, under  Captain  Randall,  was  attacked  on  the  Mount 
Idaho  road ;  two  were  killed  and  two  wounded.  The  re- 
mainder would  have  been  killed  if  relief  had  not  arrived. 
On  July  11th  General  Howard  and  his  assembled  troops 
were  in  sight  of  the  enemy,  who  had  crossed  the  country  to 
the  Lapwai  reservation,  and  taken  position  on  the  Clearwater 
to  give  him  battle.  Howard  had  four  hundred  fighting  men 
besides  his  teamsters  and  train  men.  He  had  a  howitzer  and 
two  Gatling  guns.     Joseph  had  about  three  hundred  war- 


650 


MASSACRES   OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


riors,  with  the  squaws  for  assistants.  The  soldiers  advanced 
in  line  of  battle,  leaving  the  supply  trains  unguarded.  Jo- 
seph saw  this  and  sent  thirty  warriors  to  attack  them.  The 
glass  of  an  officer  caught  this  movement  just  in  the  nick  of 
tiirie.  A  messenger  was  sent  back  to  hurry  them  into  tlie 
lines,  and  a  company  of  cavalry  galloped  to  their  protection. 
The  Indians  gained  the  smaller  train  first,  killed  two  packers, 
and  disabled  their  animals,  but  the  fire  of  the  cavalry  drove 
them  off.  The  large  train  gained  the  lines  uninjured.  All 
that  afternoon  the  battle  raged,  with  its  charges  and  counter- 
charges, its  feinting  and  lighting.  All  niglit  both  parties 
strengthened  their  breastworks  and  kept  up  a  desultory  fire. 
In  the  morning  tiie  battle  was  renewed  and  kept  up,  with  no 
perceptible  advantage  to  either  side  until  the  middle  of  the 
afternoon.  Then  a  fresh  company  of  cavalry  appeared  to 
reinforce  Howard.  The  artillery  moved  back  to  meet  tliem, 
and,  having  made  a  junction,  they  struck  the  enemy's  line  on 
the  left  and  charged  down  it.  The  Indians  fought  stubbornly 
for  a  few  minutes,  gave  way,  and  fled.  The  victorious  troops 
pressed  after  tliem  so  hotly  that  the  artillery  covered  their 
camp,  beyond  the  Clearwater,  before  their  lodges  could  be 
struck.  The  Indians,  however,  made  their  escape  with  their 
herds,  and  sufficient  supplies  for  their  purposes,  and,  before 
the  troops  could  cross,  a  large  body  of  warriors  was  seen  on 
the  right  front,  apparently  returning  for  an  attack.  While 
preparations  were  being  made  to  meet  this  force,  the  remain- 
der of  the  Indians  continued  their  flight;  and  when  the  prep- 
arations of  the  soldiers  were  complete,  the  returning  warriors, 
having  accomplished  their  purpose  by  this  feint,  were  found 
to  have  disappeared.  In  the  morning  the  troops  continued 
the  pursuit  of  the  retreating  Indians,  who  were  still  in  sight 
from  the  heights,  only  to  fall  into  an  ambuscade  by  the  Nez 
Perces  rear -guard  and  be  thrown  into  confusion.  Night 
found  the  Jinlians  safely  encamped,  in  an  almost  impregna- 
ble position,  at  the  entrance  to  the  Lolo  trail.  Joseph  had 
fought  his  second  battle,  against  heavy  odds,  and  though 
beaten  had  brought  off  his  forces  most  creditably. 

Wiiat  was  to  be  done?    There  was  another  trail  which 
formed  a  junction  with  the  Jiolo,  fifteen  miles  back  of  Jo- 


JOSEPHS  NEZ  PERCfiS. 


651 


sepli's  position  ;  send  a  detachment,  by  a  masked  movement, 
to  that  point,  to  cut  off  liis  retreat  and  strike  him  from  tiie 
rear.  General  Joseph  was  not  so  easily  trapped.  The  de- 
tachment was  hardly  under  way,  on  its  pretended  inarch  to 
Lapwai,  before  Joseph's  camp  was  broken,  and  tiie  Indians 
were  falling  back  beyond  the  dangerons  point.  It  was  at 
first  intended  to  follow  him  closely,  bnt  that  plan  was  aban- 
doned. A  small  force,  which  was  started  up  the  trail,  ran 
into  the  rear-guard  i-ather  disastrously,  and  then  that  ubiqui- 
tous rear-guard  dropped  back  on  the  settlements  and  carried 
off  a  lot  of  horses.  The  settlers  were  sure  that  as  soon  as  the 
soldiers  were  started  on  the  trail  the  Nez  Perccs  would  be 
back,  by  some  other  route,  devastating  the  settlements.  What 
a  wonderful  trail  that  was  for  a  highway  !  It  begins  on  Lolo 
Creek,  a  tributary  of  the  Clearwater,  crosses  the  Bitter  T».oot 
Mountains,  and  comes  to  the  lowland  again  by  the  Lou-Lou 
fork  of  the  Bitter  Root  River  on  the  east.  Any  mountain 
trail,  especially  any  Indian  trail,  is  bad  enough,  with  its  siiarp 
rocks,  its  fallen  timber,  its  slippery  pitches,  and  its  roaring 
torrents ;  bnt  this  one  seems  to  have  been  made  for  its  ster- 
ling impassable  qualities.  Says  General  Sherman,  "This  is 
universally  admitted,  by  all  who  have  travelled  it — from  Lewis 
and  Clarke  to  Captain  Winters — as  one  of  the  worst  trails  for 
man  and  beast  on  this  continent."  The  Nez  Perces  came 
safely  across  it.  In  tiie  valley  of  the  Lou -Lou  they  were 
confronted  by  a  hastily  prepared  fort,  held  by  Captain  Rawn 
with  a  few  regulars  and  some  volunteers.  Looking  Glass 
talked  to  them.  "  We  will  not  fight  the  settlers  if  they  do 
not  fight  us.  We  are  going  by  you  to  the  buffalo  country. 
Will  you  let  us  go  in  peace?"  Ra^vn  refused  to  let  them 
pass,  but  the  volunteers  rebelled.  The  Nez  Perces  had  al- 
ways been  "good  Indians"  on  the  Bitter  Root.  The  settlers 
had  no  grounds  for  complaint  in  their  conduct,  as  they  had 
passed  annually  to  and  from  the  buffalo  coantry.  They  de- 
cided that,  in  the  expressive  frontier  phrase, "  they  had  not 
lost  any  Indians,"  and  consequently  were  not  hunting  for 
any.  The  Nez  Percds  might  go  by,  and  God  speed  them  otit 
of  the  country.  The  Indians  not  only  passed  in  peace,  but 
they  stopped  at  the  villages  of  Stevensville  and  Corvallis  and 


G52 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


traded  with  these  pacific  whites.  They  also  left  a  spy  at 
Corvallis,  who  stopped  until  Howard  had  come  up  and  passed 
on,  and  then  sped  away  on  his  cayuse  to  General  Joseph  with 
full  particulars. 

Meantime  a  potent  ally  of  the  white  man  had  been  at 
work.  The  telegraph  liad  ticked  its  message  of  alarm  all 
through  the  country  to  the  east,  and  the  troops  at  the  various 
posts  were  on  the  alert.  General  Gibbon,  with  one  hundred  and 
ninety  cavalrymen,  had  hastened  from  Helena  across  to  Fort 
Missoula,  on  the  I'.tter  Root,  but  arrived  too  late  to  intercept 
the  Indians.  They  had  gone  on  to  the  south,  up  the  Bitter 
Root  valley,  past  Ross's  hole,  and  into  the  valley  of  the  Big 
Hole  River.  Gibbon  followed  on  their  trail.  He  came  close 
up  to  them  on  August  8th,  while  they  were  all  unsuspecting. 
He  waited  through  the  night,  and  in  the  stillness  of  "the  hour 
before  the  dawn  "  he  swept  through  their  camp  in  a  furious 
charge,  completely  surprising  them.  Surely  now  the  Nez 
Perces  were  whipped.  Not  a  bit  of  it.  They  rallied  and  re- 
took their  camp.  They  drove  the  soldiers  back  to  a  wood- 
ed point  where,  behind  rude  barricades  and  in  hastily  dug 
trenches,  they  defended  themselves  through  the  following 
day.  At  eleven  o'clock  that  night,  having  captured  Gibbon's 
howitzer,  ti)ey  withdrew,  leaving  Gibbon  wounded,  and  his 
command  so  crippled  that  it  could  not  pursue.  Joseph  had 
fought  and  won  his  third  battle.  Howard  joined  Gibbon 
here,  and  in  the  presence  of  officers  and  men,  his  Bannock 
scouts  scalped  and  mutilated  the  bodies  of  the  Nez  Perce 
dead.  There  were  many  dead,  men,  women,  and  children,  but 
worst  of  all  Looking  Glass,  their  ablest  diplomat,  lay  stark 
upon  that  field.  The  Nez  Perec's  neither  took  scalps  nor 
mutilated  during  this  war.  They  were  neither  civilized  nor 
the  allies  of  civilization.  They  were  only  defrauded  Indians. 
A  few  days  later  they  captured  an  Indian  scout  attached  to 
Howard's  command,  and  said  to  him, "Your  men  kill  our 
women  and  children  ;  your  men  are  worse  than  the  Indians." 
'*No,  no,"  said  the  scout,  "  my  chief  is  kind.  I  saw  him  and 
his  officers  bury  the  women  and  children  with  their  own  hands. 
They  don't  want  to  hurt  the  women  and  children."  Theu 
his  captors  released  him  unharmed. 


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JOSEPH'S  NEZ  PERCfiS. 


&B6 


Sunday,  August  19tli,  Joseph  had  crossed  tlie  continental 
divide  again  into  Idaho,  and  camped  on  the  great  Camas  prai- 
rie wliich  lies  west  of  the  National  Park,  on  the  Yellowstone. 
lie  had  captured  two  hundred  and  fifty  good  horses,  replen- 
ished his  supplies  and  put  his  forces  in  excellent  condition. 
Howard's  forces  were  one  day's  march  behind  him.  They 
camped  on  the  prairie  also.  A  detachment  had  been  sent 
ahead,  under  Lieutenant  Bacon,  to  hold  Tacher's  Pass,  the 
most  accessible  roadway  across  the  divide  into  the  park.  The 
sentinels  and  pickets  were  properly  posted  and  the  weary  sol- 
diers slept  peacefully.  In  the  faint  starlight  swarthy  forms 
crept  through  the  long  grass.  Hobbles  were  cut  and  bells 
were  retnoved  from  bell-mares.  Off  to  the  east  a  troop  of 
horsemen  came  in  sight,  riding  back  over  the  trail  of  the  Nez 
Perc(;8.  They  rode  in  column  of  fours,  regularly  and  with- 
out haste.  "It  must  be  Bacon's  men  coming  back,"  said  the 
pickets.  They  came  within  hailing  distance  and  were  chal- 
lenged. Their  answer  betrayed  them.  The  picket  opened 
fire.  Then  arose  a  wild  yell  that  startled  the  soldiers  from 
their  sleep,  and  a  confused  discharge  of  small -arms,  after 
which  all  the  horses  and  mules  that  were  not  fastened  were 
seen  scampering  away  with  a  crowd  of  Indians  after  them, 
yelling  like  demons.  Fortunately  enough  horses  and  mules 
were  left  to  mount  three  companies  of  cavalry.  They  hurried 
out  into  the  night  after  the  Indiatis,  came  up  with  part  of 
them,  and  recovered  half  a  hundred  of  the  lost  animals.  Be- 
fore morning  the  Indians  were  back  after  these,  and  stam- 
peded a  part  of  them.  Then  they  went  on  with  their  retreat, 
leaving  the  soldiers  with  one  dead  and  six  wounded  men  to, 
care  for;  also  to  wait  till  more  horses  and  supplies  could  be 
obtained  from  Virginia  City.  We  must  credit  General  Jo- 
seph with  a  successful  surprise. 

On  went  the  Nez  Percys  through  Tacher's  Pass,  where 
Bacon  had  missed  them,  and  into  the  park ;  on  through  the 
pleasant  open  conntry  of  the  western  portion  to  the  region 
of  the  hot  springs,  the  geysers,  and  the  sulphur  lands.  Jlere 
they  met  Cowan's  party,  consisting  of  Mr.  Cowan,  his  wife, 
sister-in-law,  brother-in-law,  and  two  others.  Three  of  the 
men  were  left  for  dead;  one  and  the  two  ladies  were  carried 


656 


MASSACRES  OF  THE   MOUNTAINS. 


away.  Horrible  fate! — carried  into  Indian  captivity.  Gen- 
eral Howard  says  they  were  "afterwards  rescued."  Josepli 
says,  "On  the  way  we  captured  one  white  man  and  two 
white  women.  We  released  them  at  the  end  of  three  days. 
They  were  treated  kindly.     Tiie  women  were  not  insulted. 


IlUt   BTINKINO   AVATEK. 


Can  the  white  soldiers  tell  me  of  one  time  when  Indian 
women  were  taken  prisoners  and  held  three  days,  and  then 
released  without  being  insulted  ?  Were  the  Nez  Perco 
women  who  fell  into  the  hands  of  General  Howard's  sol- 
diers treated  with  as  much  respect?     I  deny  that  a  Nez 


JOSEPH'S  NEZ   PERCfiS. 


657 


ndian 

then 

Perct) 

's    60l- 

Nez 


Percd  was  ever  guilty  of  such  a  crime."  On  went  tlie  In- 
dians, down  hy  Yellowstone  Lake,  over  the  Yellowstone  Riv- 
er, burning  Baronett's  Bridge  behind  them,  and  then,  after 
a  feint  in  the  direction  of  the  Stinking  Water,  they  slipped 
through  a  narrow  cauon  to  Clark's  Fork,  and  down  it  to  the 
Yellowstone  again.  By  this  movement  Joseph  avoided  Colo- 
nel Sturgis,  who  had  been  warned,  and  come  over  from  the 
Powder  River  country  with  six  companies  of  cavalry  (three 
hundred  and  fifty  men) 
and  some  friendly 
Crows.  Deceived  by 
Joseph's  movement,  and 
by  the  messages  he  had 
received,  Sturgis  hast- 
ened to  block  up  the 
trail  down  the  Stinking 
Water.  He  discovered 
his  mistake  quickly, 
however,  and  took  up 
the  chase  at  once.  On 
September  13th  he  over- 
took the  Nez  Perccs  on 
the  alkaline,  sage-brush 
plains  across  the  Yellow- 
stone. The  rear- guard 
of  the  Indians  engaged 
the  troops,  while  the  remainder  turned  into  the  narrow  valley 
of  Canon  Creek ;  but  a  detachment  under  Captain  Benteen 
circled  around  the  fight  and  pressed  the  retreating  herds  so 
closely  that  over  four  hundred  ponies  had  to  be  abandoned. 
The  Indians  then  reunited  at  the  mouth  of  the  caiion,  post- 
ing themselves  wherever  there  was  a  chance  for  shelter. 
There  was  but  one  way  of  reaching  them,  and  that  was  direct 
pursuit.  All  day  the  Indians  dropped  back,  fighting  for  ev- 
ery foot  of  ground,  and  at  dark  the  exhausted  soldiers  with- 
drew to  camp  at  the  mouth  of  the  cailon.  In  the  morning 
Sturgis  was  reinforced  by  a  large  party  of  Crow  Indians, 
who  pressed  the  Nez  Perces  so  vigorously  that  five  hundred 
more  of  the  ponies  were  abandoned.     March  as  they  would, 

42 


OEXRRAL   S.  n.  STURGIS. 


058 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


the  soldiers  could  not  lessen  the  distance  between  themselves 
and  the  Nez  Percds,  who  retired  up  the  Mussel  Shell  River, 
and  then,  circling  back  of  the  Judith  Mountains,  struck  the 
Missouri  at  Cow  Island  on  the  23d.  Joseph  had  fought  his 
fourth  battle,  had  held  in  check  a  greatly  superior  force,  and 
brought  off  his  people  in  comparative  safety. 

Cow  Island  is  the  limit  of  low-water  navigation  on  the 
Upper  Missouri,  one  hundred  and  twenty-three  miles  below 
Fort  Benton,  which  is  the  high-water  limit.  The  boats  that 
run  up  to  it  are  little  steamers  that  have,  in  addition  to  or- 
dinary steamboat  machinery,  long  wooden  arms,  which  are 
thrust  out  and  worked  by  steam  windlasses,  to  push  the  boat 
oflE  fvom  sand-bars  and  snags.  Their  navigation  is  much  like 
that  of  those  big  water-beetles,  which  swim  where  there  is 
water  enough,  and  crawl  where  there  is  not.  The  landing  is 
close  by  the  mouth  of  Cow  Creek.  There  was  no  settlement 
at  the  place;  only  a  landing,  with  a  little  intrenchment  near 
by,  held  by  twelve  soldiers  and  four  citizens.  The  Nez  Per- 
ces  attacked  it,  but  drew  off  at  night,  after  wounding  two  of 
the  garrison  and  burning  all  the  freight  at  tlie  landing.  Ma- 
jor Ilges  came  down  from  Fort  Benton  with  a  small  force, 
and  followed  them  for  a  day  or  two,  but  wisely  abandoned 
the  pursuit  after  a  skirmish  with  them.  The  Indians  moved 
on  leisurely  to  the  north.  They  were  now  coming  into  a 
beautiful  country,  a  "  very  Eden  "  it  has  been  called,  lying 
about  the  Bear  Paw  and  Little  Rocky  Mountains.  It  is  a 
country  of  romance  also,  the  reputed  locality  of  the  cele- 
brated "Lost  Cabin  of  Montana,"  that  miners  have  been 
crazy  over  for  tlie  last  decade.  They  established  their  camp 
in  a  crescent  curve  of  Snake  Creek,  a  tributary  of  Milk  Riv- 
er, thirty-five  miles  south  of  the  British  line.  They  had  rid 
themselves  of  every  force  that  had  attacked  them,  but  the 
telegraph  and  the  messengers  of  the  whites  had  done  their 
work  again.  From  Fort  Keogh,  away  over  on  the  Yellow- 
stone, Col.  Nelson  A.  Miles  was  coming  with  nine  companies 
of  mounted  men,  a  company  and  a  half  of  infantry,  a  com- 
pany of  white  and  Indian  scouts,  a  breech-loading  Ilotchkiss 
gun,  and  a  12-pounder  Napoleon.  They  reached  Carroll,  on 
the  Missouri,  below  Cow  Island,  and  learned  of  the  events  at 


JOSEPH'S  NEZ   PERCfiS. 


659 


the  latter  place.  On  the  evening  of  the  25th  three  hnndred 
and  seventy-five  men  began  their  march  from  Carroll  to  cut 
off  the  retreating  Nez  Perc(js.  Joseph  did  not  know  of  this 
new  and  powerful  enemy.  lie  was  resting  quietly  only  one 
(lay's  mrfrch  from  his  bravely-earned  safety.  If  he  had  only 
known — but  he  had  no  telegraph  wires. 

On  the  morning  of  the  30th  the  camp  of  the  Indians 
was  attacked  by  the  soldiers.  The  Nez  Percys  knew  of  their 
coming  only  long  enough  to  gain  the  ravines  which  led  into 
tlie  creek  valley  along  the  bluffs.  Their  herd,  to  the  num- 
ber of  eight  Inindred,  was  cut  off  by  one  battalion  of  cavalry, 
while  two  more,  with  the  scouts,  charged  the  camp.  These 
barely  reached  the  village  before  they  recoiled  under  the  fear- 
ful fire  of  the  Indians,  with  one-fifth  of  their  force  killed  and 
wounded.  For  four  days  and  nights  the  forces  remained  fac- 
ing each  other.  The  whites  controlled  the  situation.  They 
were  unwilling  to  attempt  the  capture  of  the  camp  by  storm, 
for  that  would  involve  a  heavy  loss  of  life,  but  they  had  the 
Indians  surrounded  and  were  damaging  them  with  shells. 
The  Indians  could  not  escape  through  the  lines  without 
abandoning  their  wounded  and  helpless.  Says  Joseph,  "  We 
could  have  escaped  from  Bear  Paw  Mountain  if  we  had  left 
our  wounded,  old  women,  and  children  behind.  We  were 
unwilling  to  do  this.  We  had  never  heard  of  a  wounded 
Indian  recovering  while  in  the  hands  of  white  men."  How 
deftly  does  this  spiritualistic  heathen  strike  us,  and  how  keen- 
ly do  his  blows  cut !  There  was  only  one  power  on  eartli 
from  which  they  could  hope  for  aid.  Over  the  British  line 
was  Sitting  Bull,  who  had  been  fighting  Miles  all  summer. 
Perhaps  this  chief,  who  had  said,  "  There  is  not  one  white 
man  who  loves  an  Indian,  and  not  a  true  Indian  but  hates 
a  white  man,"  actuated  by  enmity  to  the  whites,  would  come 
to  the  rescue.  So  they  sent  messengers,  impi-oved  their 
defences,  and  held  their  ground,  occasionally  parleying  with 
Colonel  Miles;  but  Sitting  Bull  did  not  come,  and  on  the 
mornirjg  of  October  5th  tliey  surrendered — those  who  were 
left.  Ollacut  had  fallen  here  at  Snake  Creek,  and  so  had  the 
old  Dreamer-drummer,  Too-hul-hul-sute,  with  twenty-seven 
others.    White  Bird  had  fled  in  the  night  with  a  band  which, 


«!60 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


it  was  afterwards  learned,  iiniiibcred  one  hundred  and  five. 
They  leached  British  America.  Joseph,  be  it  understood, 
surrendered  on  lionorable  terms.  Colonel  Miles  says,  "  1 
acted  on  what  1  supposed  was  the  original  design  of  the  gov- 
ernment to  place  these  Indians  on  their  own  reservation,  and 
80  informed  them,  and  also  sent  assurances  to  the  war  parties 
tliat  were  out,  and  those  who  had  escaped,  that  they  would 
be  taken  to  Tongue  Iliver,  and  retained  for  a  time,  and  sent 
across  the  mountains  as  soon  as  the  weather  permitted  in  the 
spring."  The  Indians  understood  also  that  they  were  to  re- 
tain what  Siock  they  still  had.  General  Howard  had  come 
up  and  was  present  at  the  surrender.  The  negotiations  were 
conducted  tlwough  his  Nez  Perce  scoxits.  He  issued  direc- 
tions to  Colonel  Miles  to  send  the  Indians  to  his  department 
in  the  spring,  unless  he  received  "instructions  from  higher 
authority."  "  Thus,"  says  General  Sherman,  "  has  terminated 
one  of  the  most  extraordinary  Indian  wars  of  which  there  is 
any  record.  The  Itidians  throughout  displayed  a  courage  and 
skill  that  elicited  universal  praise;  they  abstained  from  scalp- 
ing, let  captive  women  go  free,  did  not  commit  indiscriminate 
murder  of  peaceful  families,  which  is  usual,  and  fought  with 
almost  scientific  skill,  using  advance  and  rear  guards,  skirmish 
lines  and  field  fortifications." 

Of  course  the  Nez  Perces  were  sent  back  to  the  Lapwai 
reservation,  as  Colonel  Miles  had  agreed.  Well,  no.  They 
were  sent  to  Fort  Lincoln  ;  then  to  Fort  Leavenworth,  where 
they  remained  for  a  few  weeks;  and  then  to  the  Quapaw 
Agency  in  Indian  Territory.  Says  Commissioner  Ilayt,  in 
his  report  of  November  1, 1877,  "  Upon  the  capture  of  Joseph 
and  his  Indians,  the  first  question  that  arises  is, 'What  shall 
be  done  with  them?'  Humanity  prompts  us  to  send  them 
back  and  place  them  on  the  Nez  Perce  reservation,  as  Joseph 
and  his  followers  have  shown  themselves  to  be  brave  men 
and  skilful  soldiers,  who,  with  one  exception,  have  observed 
the  rules  of  civilized  warfare,  and  have  not  mutilated  their 
dead  enemies.  There  is,  however,  an  insuperable  difficulty  in 
the  way,  owing  to  the  fact  that  at  the  beginning  of  the  out- 
break of  the  Nez  PercC;  war,  twenty-one  whites  in  the  imme- 
diate vicinity  of  Joseph's  home  were  murdered  in  cold  blood 


I) 

Ci 

J. 

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Ii 
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si  I 
lie 
sp- 
ec 
Ti 

sill 

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of 

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ref 

Joe 

nel 


JOSEPH'S  NEZ   I'EKCfiS. 


668 


by  tlie  Iiuiians,  and  six  white  women  were  outriiged.  lie- 
cause  of  these  crirne8,  there  would  bo  no  peace  nor  safety  for 
Joseph  and  liis  Indians  on  their  old  reservation,  or  in  its  vi- 
cinity, as  the  friends  and  rehitives  of  the  victims  would  wage 
an  unrelenting  war  ujjon  the  offenders.  But  for  these  foul 
crimes  these  Indians  would  be  sent  back  to  the  reservation 
in  Idaho.  Now,  however,  thoy  will  have  to  be  sent  to  the 
Indian  Territory  ;  and  tliK,  will  be  no  hardship  to  them,  as  the 
difference  in  the  temperature  between  that  latitude  and  their 
old  homo  is  inconsiderable."  IIow  complacently  does  this 
gentleman  sit  in  his  easy-chair  in  Washington,  and  thrum  the 
'(■  artstrings  of  this  outraged  people.  "  Humanity,"  indeed  ! 
What  did  honesty  and  common  decency  prompt?  Was  it 
nothing  that  these  warriors  laid  down  their  arms  on  Colo- 
nel Miles's  promise,  in  General  Howard's  presence,  that  they 
should  be  returned  to  Idaho?  Cannot  a  commander  in  the 
field  plight  the  faith  of  this  nation  and  have  his  word  re- 
spected ?  "Foul  crimes!"  What  men  were  "  murdered  in 
cold  blood?"  and  what  "six  white  women  were  outraged?" 
There  seems  to  be  a  feeling  here  that  an  Indian  should  never 
shoot  any  one  but  a  soldier.  Had  the  soldiers  done  them  any 
injury  ?  Had  any  one  injured  them  directly  except  these  set- 
tlers who  located  on  their  lands  and  "  wished  to  be  bought 
out?"  Had  Harry  Mason  and  Finley  and  the  rest  done 
them  no  wrong?  But  suppose  there  were  here  twenty-seven 
cold-blooded  crimes,  how  many  times  over  did  the  whites  ex- 
ceed that  number  in  this  trouble?  What  of  the  four  Indians 
murdered  before  they  lifted  a  hand  ?  What  of  the  stock- 
stealing?  AVhat  of  the  scalping  and  mutilation,  on  three  dif- 
ferent occasions,  by  Bannock  and  white  scouts?  What  of  tiie 
treatment  of  captiired  women  ?  What  of  our  cold-blooded 
steal  of  their  country  ?  What  of  our  cold-blooded  violation 
of  Colonel  Miles's  agreement  ?  What  of  the  one  thousand  or 
more  of  horses  that  they  had  when  they  surrendered,  which 
were  to  be  returned  to  thenj,  and  of  which  Joseph  says  only, 
"  Somebody  has  got  our  horses?"  What  of  the  cold-blooded 
refusal  of  the  authorities  to  return  the  Indians  to  Idaho,  when 
Joseph  told  them  he  would  never  have  surrendered  if  Colo- 
nel Miles  had  not  promised  this — when  he  begged  them  to 


664 


MASSACRES   OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


keep  that  promise?  We  have  too  ninch  "humanity;"  it 
might  be  profitable  to  experiment  witli  honesty  and  good 
faith  for  a  time. 

But  passing  the  coloring  of  the  commissioner's  statement, 
what  truth  was  there  in  liis  two  reasons  for  locating  the  Nez 
Perces  in  Indian  Territory;  namely,  that  there  would  be  no 
liardship  from  the  change  of  climate,  and  the  existence  of  a 
thirst  for  revenge  in  Idaho  ?  To  avoid  question  as  to  the 
truth  of  Joseph's  sad  story,  we  will  take  up  only  official  state- 
ments. In  his  report  of  November  1,  1878,  Commissioner 
Ilayt  says,  "  The  number  of  prisoners  reported  by  the  War 
Department,  December  -ith  last,  was  as  follows  :  79  men,  178 
women,  and  174  children,  making  a  total  of  431.  A  few  scat- 
tered members  of  the  band  were  siibscquently  taken  by  the 
military  and  also  sent  to  Fort  Leavenworth.  .  .  .  The  number 
reported  to  have  been  turned  over  to  tiie  inspector  and  agent 
was  410,  three  of  whom — children — died  on  the  route.  In- 
spector McNeil  reported  that  the  cam  ping- place  selected  by 
the  commandant  for  these  Indians,  and  where  he  found  them, 
was  in  the  Missouri  River  bottom,  about  two  miles  above  the 
fort,  'between  a  lagoon  and  the  river,  the  worst  possible  place 
that  could  liave  been  selected ;  and  the  sanitary  condition  of 
the  Indians  proved  it.'  The  physician  in  charge  said  that 
'one-half  could  be  said  to  be  sick,  and  all  were  affected  by  the 
poisonous  malaria  of  the  camp.'  After  the  arrival  of  Joseph 
and  his  band  in  the  Indian  Territory,  the  bad  effect  of  their 
location  at  Fort  Leavenworth  manifested  itself  in  the  prostra- 
tion by  sickness  at  one  time  of  260  out  of  the  410,  and  within 
a  few  months  they  have  lost  by  death  more  than  one-quarter 
of  the  entire  number.  A  little  care  in  the  selection  of  a 
wholesome  location  near  Fort  Leavenworth  would  have  saved 
very  much  sickness  and  many  lives."  In  .iddition  to  the  facts 
mentioned,  the  agent,  II.  W.  Jones,  repoi*^ed  that  they  had 
been  without  medicine,  and  concluded  thus:  "I  am  now  glad 
to  be  able  to  say  that  their  sickness  is  abating,  and  I  believe 
the  worst  is  over.  They  now  number  S6  men,  168  women, 
and  137  children."  Was  this  all  due  to  the  malaria  from  the 
Missouri  bottom-lands  v     Let  us  see. 

In  June,  1879,  the  Nez  Perces  were  removed  to  a  new 


JOSEPH'S  NEZ   PERCfiS. 


665 


it 


i^lad 


new 


reservation,  just  west  of  the  Ponca  agency  (strange  that  these 
two  sliarnefnlly  mistreated  tribes  should  be  thrown  together), 
on  the  Salt  Fork  of  the  Arkansas  River.  The  philosophic 
Agent  Whitenian  reported  of  them  on  August  31,1879: 
"  The  location,  1  think,  is  a  healthy  one,  and  the  Indians  are 
as  healthy  as  could  he  expected.  There  is  this  fact  about  the 
Xez  Perccs,  which,  perhaps,  is  hardly  ever  considered,  viz., 
that  most  of  the  young,  able-bodied  men  and  women  were 
engaged  in  their  late  war  with  the  government,  and  many  of 
them  were  killed  and  wounded,  and  a  large  proportion  of  the 
Nez  Perccs  brought  to  the  Indian  Territory  were  old  people 
and  children,  which  accounts  in  a  great  measure  for  the  many 
deaths  which  have  occurred  among  tlietn.  I  have  also  ob- 
served both  among  the  Xez  Perces  and  Poncas,  who  came 
from  northern  climates,  that  lung  diseases  arc  very  prevalent. 
I  think  that  seven  Indians  out  of  every  ten  have  their  lungs 
diseased  so  badly  that  they  could  not  live  in  any  climate;  and 
while  I  do  not  desire  to  depreciate  the  fearful  ravages  made 
by  malaria  on  Northern  Indians  in  the  Indian  Territory,  yet 
I  give  it  as  my  opinion,  which  I  believe  will  be  borne  out  by 
statistics,  that  more  Indians  die  from  pulmonary  diseases  in 
the  Northwest  than  die  from  the  etfects  of  malaria  in  the  In- 
dian Territory  ....  The  Xez  Percos  number  at  this  time 
three  hundred  and  seventy."  It  is  to  be  regretted  that  Mr. 
Wliiteman  did  not  explain  why,  und'U"  his  theory,  the  Indians 
of  the  Northwest  were  not  exiiiict  nuuiy  years  ago.  On 
August  31, 18S0,  Agent  Whiting  reported  :  "  The  old  Ponca 
,saw-niill  was  removed  to  the  Nez  Perec  reservation  in  July 
last,  and  we  are  now  sawing  out  lumber  for  the  purpose  of 
erecting  houses  for  the  Indians,  and  I  hope  to  have  them  all 
comfortably  housed  before  cold  weather."  The  statistical  ta- 
bles for  the  same  year  show  nine  births  and  twenty-one  deaths 
for  the  year,  but  give  the  total  remaining  on  the  reservation 
at  only  three  hundred  and  forty-four. 

On  September  6,1881,  Agent  Jordan  reported;  "The 
Nez  Percds  located  at  Oakland  comprise  three  hundred  and 
twenty-eight  souls,  and  I  am  sorry  to  be  compelled  to  report 
that  tliere  has  been  a  large  amount  of  sickness  and  many 
deat'is  among  them  during  the  last  year.     This  arises  from 


666 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


the  fact  that  they  have  not  become  acclimated,  and  are  to  a 
great  extent  compelled  to  live  in  teepees,  the  cloth  of  which 
has  become  so  rotten  from  long  wear  and  the  effects  of  the 
weather  as  to  be  no  longer  cap-ble  of  keeping  out  the  rain, 
by  which  they  were  soaked  during  the  last  spring.  The 
tribe,  unless  something  is  done  for  them,  will  soon  become 
extinct,  .  .  .  They  are  greatly  in  need  of  a  church  in  which 
to  hold  services,  and  for  want  of  one  are  compclied  to  meet 
under  an  arbor  covered  with  brandies  and  leaves.  They 
keep  the  Sabbath-day  holy,  abstaining  from  all  kinds  of 
work,  and  the  service  at  the  arbor  is  attended  by  every  mem- 
ber of  the  tribe,  whether  a  communicant  or  not.  .  .  .  Poor  as 
they  are,  they  have  contributed  forty-five  dollars  with  which 
to  buy  the  lumber,  etc.,  necessary  to  build  a  house  for  their 
pastor.  .  .  .  Love  of  country  and  home,  as  in  all  brave  people, 
is  very  largely  developed  in  this  tribe,  and  they  long  for  the 
mountains,  the  valleys,  the  streams,  and  the  clear  springs  of 
water  of  their  old  home.  They  are  cleanly  to  a  fault,  and 
most  of  them  have  adopted  the  dress,  and  as  far  as  possible 
the  habits,  of  the  white  man.  They  keep  their  stock  in  good 
order,  and  are  a  hard-working,  painstaking  people.  I  hope 
by  the  time  winter  comes  on  to  have  them  all  in  comfortable 
houses."  This  is  enough  to  show  the  justice  of  Mr.  llayt's 
statement  that  a  removal  to  Indian  Territory  would  be  "  no 
hardship"  to  them.  It  is  probably  enough  for  all  present 
purposes.  Picture  to  yourself  these  wretched  people,  sick, 
destitute,  with  no  decent  shelter,  longing  for  the  clear  waters 
and  balmy  breezes  of  their  stolen  home.  God  help  the  vic- 
tims of  ovv  "  humanity."  In  all  seriousness,  it  would  have 
been  far  more  humane  to  have  put  them  in  some  peniten- 
tiary, where  they  could  at  least  have  had  medical  attention, 
and  shelter  from  the  rain  and  snow. 

Comment  on  Mr.  llayt's  climate  proposition  is  needless. 
How  about  the  revengeful  whites?  It  does  not  appear  that 
the  government  took  any  active  steps  to  find  what  the  senti- 
ment of  their  former  white  neighbors  was.  Mr.  llayt's  the- 
ory was  evidently  put  on  paper  before  investigation,  for  it  is 
dated  less  than  a  month  after  the  surrender.  There  was  sub- 
sequently much  difference  of  opinion,  in  a  speculative  way. 


JOSEPH'S  NEZ  PERCfiS. 


as  to  what  the  feeling  was.  In  1883  Eev.  A.  L.  Lindsley 
set  about  ascertaining  it  definitely.  He  prepared  a  series  of 
questions,  which  ho  submitted  to  prominent  residents  of  the 
Wallowa  and  Salmon  River  country,  and  from  their  answers 
drew  the  following  conclusions:  "There  appears  to  be  no  ac- 
tive ill-will  cherished  towards  these  Indians,  nor  any  opposi- 
tion to  the  return  of  the  exiles.  There  was  a  general  agree- 
ment, in  Judge  Leland's  opinion,  who  thought  the  aggrieved 
whites  will  take  revenge.  This  will  excite  the  Indians  to  re- 
taliation ;  and  that  again  will  probably  occasion  another  out- 
break, or  at  least  create  public  disturbances.  There  is  only 
one  way  of  prevention:  to  surrender  to  the  authorities  of 
Nez  Perco  County  the  survivors  of  the  thirty-two  Indians 
who  were  indicted  for  outrage  and  murder  committed  before 
the  war  began.  It  is  known  that  a  number  of  these  are  still 
living;  some  of  them  are  with  White  Bird,  who  is  in  Can- 
ada, and  some  with  Joseph.  The  Attorney-general  of  the 
United  States  answered  a  former  demand  for  them  by  ad- 
vising a  suspension  of  all  action  in  the  case,  with  which  the 
Idaho  court  complied.  It  is  a  suspension  only;  the  return 
of  these  indicted  men  free  will  not  escape  the  notice  of  the 
court.  Even  if  it  should,  there  are  men  who  would  excite  a 
popular  demand  for  justice.  There  is  great  reason  to  fear, 
however,  that  there  are  men  in  Kamiah  Prairie  and  Mo  int 
Idaho  who  would  not  wait  for  the  court  to  take  actioTi  if 
these  indicted  Indians  return  free.  A  frequent  remark  used 
to  be  heard  that  certain  Indians  would  be 'shot  on  sight.' 
Agent  Monteith  and  others  have  no  doubt  that  some  men 
would  carry  out  their  threats.  One  of  them  is  well  known — 
'he  don't  think  he'd  hunt  'em  up  to  kill  'em;  he  thinks  it 
mean  to  shoot  even  an  Indian  in  the  dark ;  but  it  wouldn't 
be  safe  for  any  of  them  to  come  where  he  is.'  I  must  re- 
strain my  pen  and  assume  much.  The  sum  is  this:  that  the 
peace  can  be  preserved  in  the  return  of  these  Indians  by  the 
surrender  of  the  indicted  ones  to  the  Idaho  anthorities-^or 
sending  them  off  to  join  White  Bird  in  Canada.  What  the 
full  effect  of  the  alternative  would  be  it  would  be  difficult 
to  estimate." 

I  submit  that  there  is  here  no  desire  for  revenge  which 


668 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


would  justify  the  nation  in  breaking  its  faith  with  these  In- 
dians. I  subniit  that  an  American  who  is  sufficiently  civil- 
ized to  admit  that  it  is  "mean  to  shoot  even  an  Indian  in  the 
dark,"  is  luimane  enough  not  to  have  liarassed  the  wretch- 
ed remnant  of  tliese  victims  when  he  had  been  informed  of 
their  sufferings  in  exile.  But  supposing  it  were  otherwise, 
what  force  was  there  in  this  plea?  Is  tiie  nation  to  be  pre- 
vented from  being  jnst  because  a  score  of  men  threaten  to  be 
lawless?  Where  was  our  army?  There  was  no  trouble  in 
finding  soldiers  when  it  was  anticipated  that  the  Indians 
would  rebel  under  the  outrage  put  upon  them.  There  had 
been  no  trouble  in  finding  soldiers  to  station  in  the  South 
when  it  was  claimed  that  negroes  were  dejirived  of  the  right 
of  suffrage.  There  had  been  no  trouble  in  finding  soldiers 
when  strikers  interfered  with  the  property  of  capitalists.  Is 
it  unlawful  to  protect  Indians,  or  was  the  government  afraid 
of  these  desperate  people  of  the  West'?  If  the  latter,  would 
it  not  have  been  well  to  have  appointed  a  committee  of  "ju- 
dicious men  "  to  beg  tliem  not  to  become  murderers?  There 
remains  another  matter  for  consideration  back  of  this.  Sup- 
posing that  the  blood-thirsty  people  of  Idaho  could  have  been 
satisfied  only  by  leaving  the  Nez  Perces  in  Indian  Territory, 
and  that  it  were  necessary  to  satisfy  them,  why  were  these 
Indians  left  in  such  destitution?  (The  alternative  of  sur- 
rendering the  indicted  Indians  is  not  considered,  because  the 
government  could  not  honorably  have  adopted  it.)  Why 
were  not  their  ponies  returned  to  them?  What  became  of 
the  lumber  that  was  sawed  for  them  in  1880?  How  did  it 
happen  that  they  must  deepen  their  poverty  by  purchasing 
lumber  for  their  pastor's  house  in  1881,  while  they  sat  under 
the  drippings  of  their  rotten  teepees?  Why  were  they  not 
paid  for  their  share  of  the  Nez  Perccs  lands,  if  the  govern- 
ment must  persist  in  holding  them  bound  by  the  treaty  of 
1863?  They  had  certaiidy  received  none  of  the  purchase- 
money  before  they  were  sent  to  Indian  Territory. 

It  was  not  possible  that  Mr.  Ilayt's  fliinsy  reasons  for 
keeping  them  in  exile  should  long  be  regarded  by  any  one 
but  himself,  although  the  lack  of  information  concerning  their 
case  was  not  supplied  in  the  Indian  Bureau  for  years.     In 


JOSEPH'S  NEZ  PERCfiS. 


lese 

snr- 

the 

Why 


1882  Commissioner  Price  said  of  Joseph's  band  :  "Not  in  tlie 
least  excusing  or  attempting  to  palliate  the  crimes  alleged  to 
have  been  committed  by  them,  it  is  but  fair  to  say  that  their 
M'arfare  was  conducted  with  a  noticeable  absence  of  savage 
barbarity  on  their  part,  and  that  they  persistently  claim  that 
wheii  they  surrendered  to  General  Miles  it  was  with  the  ex- 
press stipulation  that  they  should  be  sent  back  to  Idaho. 
AVIicther  this  alleged  stipulation  be  true  or  not  [General 
Miles  hail  said  officially  that  it  was],  it  is  a  fact  that  their  un- 
fortunate location  near  Fort  Leavenworth,  when  in  charge  of 
the  military,  and  the  influences  of  the  climate  where  they  are 

now  located  in  the  In- 
dian Territory,  have 
caused  much  sickness 
among  them  ;  their 
ranks  have  been  sadly 
depleted,  and  it  is  claim- 
ed that  if  they  are  much 
longer  compelled  to  re- 
main in  their  present 
situation,  the  entire 
band  will  become  vir- 
tually extinct.  It  is 
now  about  five  years 
since  the  surrender,  and 
a  sufticient  time  has 
])robably  elapsed  to  jus- 
tify the  belief  that  no 
concerted  effort  will  be  taken  to  avenge  wrongs  alleged  to 
have  been  perpetrated  by  these  people  so  many  years  ago. 
The  band  now  numbers  only  about  three  hundred  and  twen- 
ty-two souls,  and  the  reservation  in  Idaho  is  ample  to  ac- 
commodate them  comfortably,  in  addition  to  those  who  are 
already  there,  who  are  substantially  self-supporting  and  who 
have  enough  to  spare  a  portion  for  their  less  fortunate  breth- 
ren, and,  as  I  understand,  are  willing  to  give  them  such  aid. 
The  deep-rooted  love  for  the  'old  home'  which  is  so  con- 
spicuous among  them,  and  their  longing  desire  to  leave  the 
warm,  debilitating  climate  of  the  Indian   Territory  for  the 


liENKIlAL   N.  A.  MILRS. 


670 


'lASSACUES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


more  healthy  and  invigorating  air  of  the  Idaho  mountains, 
can  never  be  eradicated,  and  any  longer  delay,  with  a  hope 
of  a  final  contentment  on  their  part  with  their  present  situa- 
tion, is,  in  my  judgment,  futile  and  unnecessary.  In  view  of 
all  the  facts,  I  am  constrained  to  believe  that  the  remnant  of 
this  tribe  should  be  returned  to  Idaho,  if  possible,  early  next 
spring,  and  I  respectfully  suggest  that  this  matter  be  submit- 
ted to  Congress  at  its  next  session,  with  a  recommendation 
that  an  appropriation  be  made  sufficient  to  meet  the  necessa- 
ry expenses  of  a  removal  thither.'' 

No  immediate  action  was  taken  on  this  recommendation, 
but  in  the  succeeding  year  the  work  of  undoing  this  great 
wrong  was  begun.  When  the  agency  school  broke  up  for 
vacation  in  May,  1883,  the  teacher,  James  Reuben,  started  for 
Idaho  with  twenty-nine  of  the  e'"^3S,  mostly  widows  and  or- 
phans. James  Reuben,  by-the-way,  was  a  Nez  Percd,  who 
liad  been  educated  and  converted  through  the  labors  of  Miss 
McBetl),  a  lady  who  went  among  the  Nez  Perces  many  years 
ago,  and  has  devoted  her  life  and  her  fortune  to  their  advance- 
ment. Success  has  attended  her  devotion,  and  her  preachers 
and  teachers  have  done  excellent  work  among  other  bands. 
It  was,  indeed,  chiefly  to  the  efforts  of  native  missionaries, 
whom  she  had  prepared  fc  the  work  and  sent  out,  that  the 
rapid  growth  of  Ciiristianity  among  Joseph's  band  in  the  In- 
dian Territory  was  due.  The  remainder  of  the  band  was 
still  left  there  to  suffer  and  mourn.  On  August  15,  1884, 
Agent  Scott  reported  :  "  They  are  extremely  anxious  to  return 
to  their  own  country.  They  regard  themselves  as  exiles. 
The  climate  does  not  seem  to  agree  with  them ;  many  of  them 
have  died ;  and  there  is  a  tiige  of  melancholy  in  their  bear- 
ing and  conversation  that  is  truly  pathetic.  I  think  they 
should  be  sent  back,  as  it  seems  clear  they  will  never  take 
root  and  prosper  in  this  locality."  Whether  this  report  moved 
the  government,  or  whether  the  pleadings  of  their  friends  in 
Oregon  at  last  induced  the  authorities  to  abandon  the  cruel 
injustice  of  the  past  eight  years,  I  do  not  know ;  but  last 
spring  the  remnant  of  the  band,  now  numbering  only  two 
hundred  and  sixty-eight,  were  sent  back  to  their  mountain 
homes.    Joseph  and  a  few  others  were  placed  at  Colville 


JOSEPH'S  NEZ  PERCfiS. 


mt 


Agency,  in  Washington  Territory,  and  the  remainder  were 
put  with  their  brethren  on  Lapwai  reservation.  The  return 
of  the  exiles  was  a  great  occasion  at  Lapwai.  The  Indians 
collected  from  every  part  of  the  reservation  to  greet  them. 
Addresses  of  welcome  were  made  by  Silas  Whitman  and  James 
Lawyer,  native  preachers,  and  then,  says  a  witness  of  the  scene, 
"an  earnest  response  was  made  by  'Tom  Hill,' on  behalf  of 
the  returned  wanderers.  His  heart  was  too  full  for  him  to 
command  his  words,  but  as  it  was,  he  made  a  most  impressive 
speech,  delivered  with  matchless  oratory.  He  touched  on 
their  long  confinement  in  a  dreary  land,  a  land  of  many  sor- 
rows; spoke  feelingly  of  their  constant  longings  for  their 
mountain  home,  which  they  had  given  up  all  hopes  of  ever 
seeing  again ;  humbly  acknowledged  the  goodness  and  mercy 
of  God  in  permitting  some  of  them  to  stand  once  more  on 
the  banks  of  the  Lapwai  in  the  presence  of  so  many  old-time 
friends ;  refeiyed  gratefully  to  the  interposition  of  the  Church 
and  the  law  in  their  behalf,  and  closed  with  the  announce- 
ment that  their  only  desire  now  is  to  be  henceforth  law-abid- 
ing people  and  believers  in  the  God  of  heaven.  At  the  close 
of  the  speech  hand-shaking  began,  which  lasted  for  over  an 
hour.  Headed  by  your  correspondent  (Rev.  G.  L.  Deffen- 
baugh),  the  long  procession  of  our  people  tiled  past,  and  took 
the  hand  of  every  man,  woman,  and  child.  Friend  met  with 
friend,  fathers  and  mothers  with  their  long-lost  sons  and 
daughters.  It  was  very  touching  to  watch  the  play  of  feat- 
ures as  the  mind  went  through  the  process  of  identifying  the 
face  of  a  relative  or  friend,  and  then,  after  the  decision  was 
made,  to  hear  the  glad  expressions,  'Is  this  you?'  mention- 
ing the  name;  'Is  it  you,  father?'  or  'Is  that  you,  brother?' 
Only  one  who  had  a  heart  of  stone  could  have  stood  by  and 
not  entered  with  spirit  into  the  joys  of  the  occasion.  But  to 
one  standing  near  the  end  of  the  line  a  diflferent  scene  pre- 
sented itself.  Some  having  taken  the  hands  of  all  present, 
and  missing  the  faces  of  those  they  had  hoped  to  see,  gave 
vent  to  their  sorrow  in  uncontrollable  weeping.  Certainly, 
the  most  cruel-hearted  Indian-hater  could  not  have  stood  by 
unaffected."  And  Joseph  could  not  share  in  even  this  small 
recompense  for  past  suffering.     It  was  feared  that  local  preju- 


672 


MASSACRES   OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


dice  would  make  it  dangerous  for  hitn  to  come.  Joseph — ali 
no !  he  had  been  guilty  of  fighting  like  a  man  for  justice  and 
for  the  right.     lie  was  a  criminal — in  Idaho. 

Who  is  to  be  blamed  for  all  this  wickedness  and  wrong? 
Incidentally,  various  persons  who  have  been  mentioned,  but 
the  greatest  responsibility  is  apparently  with  the  Commission 
of  1876,  sent  out  to  arrange  for  an  equitable  settlement  with 
these  Indians,  who,  with  the  exception  of  Lieutenant-colonel 
Wood,  reported  that  the  Indians  ought  to  be  sent  to  the  reser- 
vation, by  force,  if  necessary.     Their  names  are  Gen.  O.  O. 
Howard,  D.  11.  Jerome,  William  Stickney,  and  A.  C.  Barstow. 
It  has  been  luentioned  that  in  1875  General  Howard  took 
the  position  that  the  Lower  Nez  Perces  ought  to  have  the 
Wallowa  country.     Why  he  changed  his  mind  in  1876  does 
not  appear.     Joseph  says  that  when  Howard  came  back  he 
said,"  I  will  not  let  white  men  laugh  at  me  the  next  time  I 
come."     Whether  Joseph  means  that  he  used  tliese  words,  or 
merely  thus  indicates  his  own  guess  at  the  general's  motives, 
the  chances  are  that  he  struck  the  correct  theory.      In  the 
spring  of  1879,  when  there  appea'-ed  in  the  North  American 
Review  Joseph's  statement  of  his  case — the  most  magnificent 
piece  of  Indian  eloquence  that  was  ever  known,  with  the 
exception  of  the  much  disputed  speech  of  Logan — General 
Howard  rushed  into  print  with  a  reply.     Therein  he  promised 
a  book  on  the  subject,  which  appeared  in  1881.     If  the  exist- 
ence of  the  publications  be  not  sufficient  evidence  of  his  sen- 
sitiveness to  public  opinion,  the  inquiring  reader  will  find  am- 
ple confession  of  it  in  the  pages  of  both  productions.    I  do 
not  find  that  his  part  in  the  work  of  the  Commission  is  brought 
prominently  forward  in  either.     If  there  is  any  mention  of 
the  fact  that  he  was  a  member  of  the  Commission,  in  his  book 
I  have  failed  to  discover  it.     I  do  find  his  objection  to  the 
public  holding  responsible  an  "army  officer  who  is  subject  to 
the  requisition  of  the  Indian  Department,"  and  his  statement 
that  "the  Indian  management  did  not  belong  to  my  depart- 
ment."    I  do  find  him  giving  a  summary  of  Governor  Gro- 
ver's  letter,  the  ideas  of  which  the  Commission  adopted,  and 
then  adding  these  words,  "  80  much  for  our  ideas  of  justice. 
First,  we  acknowledge  and  confirm  by  treaty  to  Indians  a  sort 


JOSEPH'S  NEZ  PERCfiS. 


673 


of  title  to  vast  regions.  Afterwards  we  continue,  in  a  strictly 
legal  manner,  to  do  away  with  both  the  substance  and  the 
shadow  of  title.  Wiser  heads  than  Joseph's  have  been  puz- 
zled by  this  manner  of  balancing  the  scales."  Who  would 
read  these  words  and  imagine  that  their  author  had  sat  as  a 
judge  in  this  case,  and  recommended  the  injustice  over  which 
he  sighs. 

I  do  not  presume  to  criticise  General  Howard's  conduct 
of  the  campaign.  It  is  quite  probable  that  he  did  the  best 
he  could — possibly  as  well  as  any  one  would  have  done.  He 
had  for  an  enemy  the  hardest  fighting  Indians  on  the  continent, 
led  by  the  ablest  uneducated  chief  that  the  \yorld  ever  saw.  I 
do  criticise  him  for  his  part  in  the  Commission,  where  he  could 
probably  have  induced  a  recommendation  of  fair  and  honor- 
able treatment  of  these  Indians,  instead  of  the  mistreatment 
that  was  recommended.  I  do  criticise  him  for  writing  in 
1879,  those  cruel  words:  "Let  them  settle  down,  and  keep 
quiet,  in  the  Indian  Territory,  as  the  Modocs  have  done,  and 
they  will  thrive  as  they  do,"  I  do  criticise  him  for  evading 
the  real  issue  in  his  attempted  defence.  I  do  criticise  him 
for  trying  to  make  a  defence.  I  would  that  he  had  been  no- 
ble enough  to  say,  "  I  was  mistaken."  I  would  that  he  had 
said  to  the  government  and  the  people,  "When  I  recommend- 
ed the  removal  of  these  Indians,  I  thought  they  would  go 
without  fighting.  I  thought  that  they  would  have  real  ad- 
vantages on  the  reservation  which  would  compensate  them 
for  their  loss  of  freedom.  I  did  not  imagine  that  they  would 
be  roused  to  madness  by  the  wrong  we  were  doing.  I  did 
not  think  that  the  plighted  faith  of  Colonel  Miles  and  myself 
would  be  broken.  I  did  not  dream  that  the  Indians  would 
be  taken  to  swampy  bottom-lands  and  shelterless  plains  to  die 
of  unknown  diseases.  I  was  wrong,  and  I  wish  to  have  my 
wrong  righted,  as  far  as  possible,  by  having  them  sent  back 
to  their  mountain  homes."  If  he  had  said  this,  the  wrong 
would  probably  have  been  righted  long  ago. 

The  great  majority  of  the  American  people  desire  that  the 
Indians  should  be  treated  fairly  and  honorably — not  because 
they  are  Indians,  but  because  they  are  men,  and  we  desire 
that  all  men  should  be  so  treated.     It  can  but  be  humiliating 


m 


MASSACRES  OP  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


that  our  second  century  should  begin  with  such  a  wrong 
against  that  race,  whicli,  it  must  be  confessed,  has  suffered  at 
our  hands,  despite  the  wishes  of  the  people.  Yet  there  is 
nothing  to  relieve  its  monstrosity.  It  was  not  committed  by 
rude  and  lawless  men  of  the  border,  but  by  men  selected  from 
the  nation  for  their  supposed  fitness  for  the  work.  It  was 
not  done  when  public  sentiment  might  have  been  supposed 
to  sustain  harsh  and  unjust  measures,  but  in  the  day  of  "  ad- 
vanced ideas"  and  under  the  lauded  "humanitarian  Indian 
policy"  of  our  government.  IIow  tarnished  are  the  tinsel 
vauntings  of  the  admirers  of  that  policy,  in  the  liglit  of  this 
case!  Taking  it  all  in  aU,  from  the  first  time  an  Indian  was 
kidnaped  on  the  New  England  coast,  and  sold  into  slavery, 
down  to  the  present  day,  Conestoga,  Sand  Creek,  Bloody 
Point,  and  all,  the  treatment  of  the  Nez  Perces  is  the  worst 
crime  that  the  white  man  has  perpetrated  upon  the  red  man. 
Heedless  of  this  beam  in  our  own  eye,  we  have  groaned  over 
the  wrongs  of  the  Bulgarian  Christians,  waxed  indignant  at 
the  harrying  of  the  Russian  Jews,  and  raged  about  England's 
treatment  of  the  Irish.  Look  to  your  hands !  They  are  red 
with  innocent  blood  and  dark  with  the  stains  of  plunder. 
We  may  seek  to  justify  ourselves  by  shallow  casuistry,  but  if 
the  time  shall  ever  come  when  a  just  God  shall  judge  be- 
tween us  and  the  Lower  Nez  Percds,  what  answer  can  we 
make  ? 


CHAPTER  XX. 


WHITE  RIVEK  AGENCY. 

"The  Utcs  must  go!"  How  that  cry  resounded  through 
Colorado  in  1879  and  1880.  "  The  IJtes  nuist  go  !"  Every- 
body said  so.  If  any  one  had  been  rash  enougli  to  dispute 
tlie  proposition  he  would  have  been  denounced  as  an  enemy  to 
public  peace  and  prosperity.  The  newspapers  kept  the  words 
standing  for  head-lines.  People  talked  it.  met  together  and 
resolved  it,  and  finally  accomplished  it.  It  was  a  sentiment 
that  arose  several  years  before  and  gained  strength  steadily. 
Its  original  basis  was  that  their  reservation  was  rich  in  miner- 
als and  included  the  best  agricultural  and  grazing  lands  in  the 
state;  that  the  Utes  did  not  and  would  not  develop  these  re- 
sources; and  that  the  wiiitus  desired  to  develop  them.  At 
first  this  feeling  was  not  so  strong,  because  the  whites  were 
not  nnmei'ous;  and  there  were  hundreds  of  acres  of  arable 
land  that  had  not  been  taken  up,  and  thousands  of  acres  of 
miiieral  land  that  had  not  been  prospected.  But  Colorado 
and  all  the  adjoining  territory  were  destined  to  a  mighty  rev- 
olution. It  originated  in  the  obscure  mining-camp  of  Slab- 
town,  or  Oro  City,  in  California  Gulch,  on  the  head-waters  of 
the  Arkansas  River.  The  place  first  attracted  attention  in 
the  time  of  the  Pike's  Peak  excitement,  when  hardy  gold- 
hunters  were  searching  all  through  the  ranges  nearest  the 
plain?,  for  deposits  of  the  yellow  metal.  California,  Stray 
Horse,  and  Iowa  gulches  were  discovered  ;  the  towns  of  Oro, 
Malta,  and  Granite  were  established  ;  and  a  population  esti- 
mated at  10,000  occupied  the  region.  In  the  course  of  four 
years  they  took  out  about  $13,000,000  of  gold  ;  but  after 
that  the  placers  decreased  in  value,  and  were  gradually  aban- 
doned until,  in  1874,  they  were  practically  deserted.  Work 
was  prosecuted  on  them  at  intervals,  howevei',  and  ranches. 


670 


MASSACRES  OF  THE   MOUNTAINS. 


which  had  been  established  aloii^  the  Arkansas  and  its  tribu- 
taries were  still  occupied. 

During  the  placer  niinin^f  in  California  Gulch,  the  miners 
had  been  much  annoyed  by  a  peculiar  heavy  substance,  resem- 
bling clay,  that  clogged  their  rockers  and  interfered  '.vith  their 
work.  In  187S  it  was  ascertained  that  this  stutT  was  carbo- 
nate of  lead,  and  that  it  carried  enough  silver  to  make  it  valu- 
able. It  was  already  known  that  there  were  large  deposits  of 
it  above  the  town.  Then  ensued  the  most  remarkable  mill- 
ing excitement  ever  known  in  America.  Times  were  hard  in 
the  East.  The  country  was  still  suffering  from  the  financial 
disorders  of  1873  and  1875.  Tlailroads  afforded  speedy  and 
cheap  transportation  ahnost  to  the  mines.  Why  not  try  the 
West?  In  August,  1877,  tl)e  camp  of  Slabtown  was  com- 
posed of  a  score  of  shanties.  In  June,  1878,  it  had  a  popu- 
lation of  400.  In  October,  1878,  the  city  of  Leadville  had 
C.OOO  inhabitants;  in  April,  1870,  it  had  12,000,  with  addi- 
tions coming  at  the  rate  of  from  300  to  500  per  day.  But 
this  represented  only  a  fraction  of  the  people  coming  West. 
Tlie  rival  railroad  lines  across  the  plains  had  placed  before 
the  public  everywhere  their  most  alluring  prospectuses  of 
the  country  bordering  on  their  lines,  and  beyond  their  ter- 
mini, inducing  thousands,  who  had  been  originally  awak- 
ened to  the  desirability  of  Western  fields  of  labor  by  the 
Leadville  discoveries,  to  go  to  other  points.  It  was  as  well 
that  they  did,  for  Leadville  was  already  overloaded,  and  the 
neighboring  oountrv  for  miles  was  staked  out  in  mining 
claims,  that  wore  worth  less,  actually,  than  the  cost  of  sur 
veying  them,  tli  Migh  their  market  value  was  for  a  time  quite 
respectable.  'Che  same  thing  occurred  in  many  other  places. 
There  were  hundreds  of  acres  that  looked  like  overgrown 
prairie-dog  towns,  so  covered  were  they  with  the  dumps  of 
sanguine  prospectors,  who  had  about  as  much  knowledge  of 
mining  as  they  had  of  the  precession  of  the  equinoxes.  "  Got 
any  indications?"  some  new  arrival  would  ask,  "Nothin' 
very  good,  but  you've  got  to  dig  for  it  if  you  find  it.  That's 
the  way  George  Fryer  struck  it."  Then  the  inquiring  tender- 
foot would  seek  the  most  convenient  unclaimed  spot,  adjust 
the  red  flannel  rag  around  his  neck,  worn  to  prevent  pneumo- 


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WHITE    RIVER  AGENCY. 


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Ilia,  and  begin  digging.     lie  liad  the  same  answer  stored  away 
for  any  one  who  asked  him  the  reason  of  his  faith. 

Tl>e  immigration  increased  until  the  summer  of  1880,  be- 
fore it  began  its  gradual  return  to  a  natural  basis.  Every  train 
over  the  Union  Pacific,  Kansas  Pacific,  and  Atchison,  Topeka, 
&  Santa  Fo  voads  was  uncomfortably  overloaded.  It  ap- 
pears, from  the  best  data  that  are  obtainable,  that  by  railroad 
and  wagon  there  came  into  Colorado  on  some  days  as  many 
as  five  thousand  people,  and  very  seldom  less  than  one  thou- 
sand. Many  of  these  returned,  after  a  short  stay,  but  the  ma- 
jor part  remained,  or  pressed  on  into  the  wilder  country  be- 
yond. The  influx  of  humanity  was  like  a  rising  river.  It 
filled  the  eastern  valleys,  crept  up  the  mountain  ranges,  and 
poured  into  the  valleys  beyond.  Onward,  ever  onward,  it 
moved,  gaining  strength  continually,  until  it  was  beating 
against  the  barrier  of  the  reservation  lines.  Then  the  senti- 
ment that  "the  Utcs  must  go"  gained  strength  rapidly.  It 
was  told  in  mysterious  whispers  that  the  reservation  was  a 
very  trca^nre-house;  the  E\k  Mountains  were  full  of  silver; 
there  were  placers  on  all  the  rivers.  It  was  known  that  there 
were  large  deposits  of  coal  and  iron,  and  gold  generally  goes 
with  iron.  The  impossibility  of  verifying  the  stories  made 
them  ten  times  greater,  and  increased  credence  in  an  equal 
ratio.  What  was  the  use  of  having  the  Utes  there?  There 
was  plenty  of  land  elsewhere,  not  rich  in  mineral,  that  would 
do  just  as  well  for  iIkjui.  Blank  blank  the  Utes,  any  way. 
They  were  a  miserable,  lousy  lot  of  savages,  and  a  detriment 
to  the  country.  Still,  the  sentiment  did  not  obtain  universally 
until  the  outbreak  of  1879 ;  then  the  whole  state  was  put  i.i  a 
furor.  The  Utes  were  ^jtrong  in  numbers,  well-ai  ned,  well  sup- 
plied with  horses,  and  were  warriors  of  no  mean  repute.  They 
could  cross  either  the  Saguache  or  the  Snow  range,  and  strike 
the  cr.atern  settlenrjnts  by  a  dozen  different  routes.  The  north- 
ern and  southern  settlements  were  at  their  mercy.  Inforination 
was  meagre  and  contradictory.  There  wore  hundreds  of  wild 
rumors.  The  only  way  to  be  safe  was  to  be  prepared  for  any- 
thing. Accordint'lv,  men  abandoned  their  work  and  oraau- 
ized  for  defence,  at  dozens  i>f  points,  where  there  was,  in  fact, 
no  danger  at  all.     After  the  trouble  was  ail  over,  it  was  learned 


680 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


that  two  or  three  hundred  Indians,  who  had  no  intention  of 
lighting  except  on  their  own  lands,  had  thrown  into  confusion 
a  hundred  thousand  people ;  but  the  scare  had  settled  the  mat- 
ter. There  were  few  who  knew  who  the  Utes  were,  or  cared 
what  thej  were.  It  made  no  difference  wha  vere  their  rights 
or  what  had  been  their  wrongs.  They  were  an  injury  to 
the  interests  of  the  entire  state.  If  the  United  States  did 
not  remove  them  the  people  of  Colorado  would.  The  Utes 
must  go ! 

There  is  no  doubt  that  the  Utes  had  been  treated  badly ; 
there  is  no  doubt  that  at  least  nine  tenths  of  the  cliarji^es  made 
against  them  were  unfounded.  On  the  otiior  liiUKV,  h  is  clear 
that  their  mistreatment  had  little,  if  anythinj^-  Ic  du  ■  \x  the 
outbreak.  The  country  of  the  Utes  was  not,  alleet''cl  by  any 
of  the  transcontinental  thoroughfares.  It  lay  I'oiith  of  the 
South  PasG  routes,  and  north  of  the  road  through  the  Spanish 
settlements.  To  the  settlements  on  their  borders  they  had  been 
of  so  little  trouble  that  no  treaty  with  them  was  considered 
necessary  until  1863.  In  the  early  days  of  the  West  some 
bands  of  them  engaged  in  marauding,  jointly'  with  tiieir  allies, 
the  Navahos and  Apaches.  On  Christmas  Day,  1854,a  hundred 
Utes  and  Jicarillas,  under  Tierra  Blanco,  destroyed  the  settle- 
ment on  the  Arkansas,  above  the  mouth  of  the  Huerfano,  kill- 
ing fifteen  men,  capturing  two  women  and  some  children,  and 
running  off  all  the  stock  of  the  settlement.  Colonel  Fauntlo- 
roy  marched  against  these  Indians  from  Fort  Massivchusetf . , 
which  had  been  esta!)lished  as  a  threat,  for  the  preservation  of 
peace,  in  the  San  Luis  valley.  His  force  consisted  of  two  c  Tii. 
panics  of  regulars,  two  companies  of  ^'olunteers,  and  K:L  Car- 
son's scouts.  They  surprised  the  Utes  on  the  nigl.c  of  April 
28,  1855,  on  the  Arkansas,  near  Chalk  Creek,  about  twenty 
miles  above  Poncha  Pass.*     The  Indians  had  been  holding  a 


*  This  pass  leads  from  San  Luis  Park  to  the  South  Arkansas  vallcj'. 
The  name  was  originally  Punrha  or  Ptiuche,  the  Ute  v.'ord  for  a  small  plant, 
that  they  use  for  kil-li-kiunick,  which  grows  abumlautly  in  the  pass,  "V'heu 
the  post-offloe  was  established  at  Poncha  Springs,  in  1879,  some  bar  v  ooda 
philologists  thought  the  word  waf  the  Mexican  poncho,  a  blanket  ch  .  .  v  ml 
the  Post-offlce  Department,  with  an  admirable  spirit  of  compromise,  i.ov. .} 
it  Poncha,  which  does  not  mean  anything. 


WHITE   RIVER  AGENCY. 


6S1 


and 
itlo- 

!Ctt,-, 


alloy. 
plant, 
Vhcu 

,  i.'ud 


scalp-diuice  all  night,  and  were  struck  at  daybreak.  Forty 
weie  killed,  many  wounded,  si.x  children  were  made  prisoners, 
and  all  their  property  was  captured.  This  blow  had  a  very 
salutary  efPect  on  them.  There  were  afterwards  some  petty 
depredations  by  the  southern  tribes,  occasional  disturbances 
with  the  Colorado  miners,  and  some  rather  serious  troubles  on 
the  Utah  side,  arising  from  Mormon  influence,  but  never  any- 
thing in  tlie  way  of  a  general  war.  It  has  been  claimed  that 
as  many  as  forty  men  were  killed  by  them  from  1860  to  1879 ; 
bnt  many  of  these  were  people  who  were  found  dead,  or  had 
disappeared,  and  their  taking  off  was  blamed  to  the  Utes  in  the 
absence  of  any  other  known  cause.  It  should  be  remembered, 
also,  that  the  plains  Indians  often  entered  this  country,  on  war 
expeditions,  and  were  at  times  mistaken  for  Utes.  The  Ara- 
pahoes  engaged  in  the  Rawlin's  Springs  massacre  claimed  to 
be  Utes,  and  were  supposed  to  be  until  after  that  affair  was 
over.  On  the  whole,  the  Utes  may  be  called  friendly,  and 
were  so  regarded  ;  bnt  they  were  not  admirers  of  civilization, 
and,  with  the  exception  of  a  few  of  the  New  Mexican  bands, 
never  showed  much  disposition  to  adopt  "  the  white  man's 
road."     They  preferred  to  live  by  the  chase. 

In  1863  the  Tabequaclie  Utes  made  a  treaty  accepting,  as 
a  reservation,  a  part  of  the  lands  they  had  always  held  in 
Western  Colorado.  There  was  some  dissatisfaction,  because 
payments  were  not  made  to  tiiem  as  they  should  have  been ; 
but  it  was  smoothed  over,  and  peaceful  relations  were  main- 
tained. In  a  few  years  it  was  thought  best  to  put  all  the 
eastern  Utes  together.  A  treaty  to  effect  this  pui'pose  was 
made  with  the  principal  bands  on  March  2,  1868,  by  Kit  Car- 
lson, N.  G.  Taylor,  and  (Jovernor  Hunt*;  and  the  western  part 
of  Colorado,  included  between  longitude  107°,  a  line  fifteen 
miles  north  of  latitude  40°,  and  the  southern  and  western 
boundaries  of  the  territory,  was  set  apart  to  be  theirs  forever. 
There  were  seven  principal  bajids.  The  Yampas  (Bear  Rivers) 
and  Grand  Rivers  were  located  in  the  northern  part  '^f  the 
reservation,  with  their  agency  on  White  River.  The  Tabe- 
quaches  and  Uncoinpahgres  were  in  the  central  part,  with  their 
agency  at  Los  Pinos.  The  Wee-mi-nu-ches,  Mu-o-clies,  and 
Ca-po-tes,  who  were  Southern  Colorado  and  New  Mexican  In- 


682 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


dians,  were  located  in  the  soutliern  part  of  the  reservation. 
They  had  their  agency  at  Los  Pinos,  with  the  Tabeqnaches 
and  Uncouipahgres,  until  the  San  Juan  cession,  in  1873,  and 
then  a  separate  agency  was  established  for  them  in  their  own 
country.  A  number  of  these  southern  Indians,  principally 
Muaches  (Maqiiaches),  had  land  under  cultivation  on  the  llio 
La  Plata  and  other  tributaries  of  the  Rio  San  Juan,  of  which 
they  retained  possession  for  several  years,  but  were  then  for- 
cibly dispossessed  by  settlers  who  claimed  that  the  Indians 
"ad  no  rights  otf  the  reservation.  The  annuities  promised  in 
his  treaty  were  not  paid  ;'ntil  after  unreasonable  delay.  The 
lines  established  were  claimed  uy  the  Indians  to  be  fraudu- 
lent. They  said  the  lines  were  explained  to  them  as  being 
on  the  tops  of  the  niountains,  i.  <?.,  the  continental  divide,  but 
the  line  as  surveyed  cut  oil  the  beautiful  valleys  of  the  Gun- 
nison, Ton)iclii,  and  other  streams.  It  took  away  also  Middle 
Park  and  North  Park,  wlrch  they  said  they  did  not  sell. 
Worst  of  all,  the  whites  continually  invaded  the  reservation. 
It  had  been  the  great  desire  of  the  Utes  to  have  a  country  that 
was  absolutely  their  own,  and  accordingly  the  following  strong 
promise  was  put  in  the  treaty :  "  The  United  States  now 
solemnly  agrees  that  no  persons,  except  those  herein  author- 
ized so  to  do,  and  except  such  officers,  agents,  and  employes 
of  the  government  as  may  be  authorized  to  enter  upon  In- 
dia?! reservations  in  discharge  of  duties  enjoined  by  law, 
shall  ever  be  i)ermitted  to  pass  over,  settle  upon,  or  reside  in 
the  territory  described  in  this  article."  The  Indians  consid- 
ered this  treaty  as  giving  them  the  fee-simple  of  these  lands. 
The  first  proceeding  of  part  of  the  bands  was  to  move  off  the 
reservation,  which  they  said  they  intended  to  keep  for  a 
hunting-ground.  They  abandoned  this  plan,  after  remon- 
strance by  their  agents,  and  located  on  their  reservation,  witli 
the  privilege  of  hunting  outside  of  it. 

Looking  back  through  the  years,  it  seems  questionable 
whether  the  men  who  negotiated  this  treaty,  or  the  senators 
who  ratified  it,  had  any  expectation  that  these  agreements 
would  be  kept,  so  repeatedly  had  similar  ones  been  broken. 
Tiie  Utes  ha<l  scarcely  received  their  first  payments  before  the 
mines  of  the  San  Juan  country  were  discovered,  and  great 


WHITE    RIVER  AGENCY. 


683 


J  yes 
in- 


luble 
iitors 
leiits 
»keti. 
the 
great 


crowds  of  people  went  to  them,  notwitlistanding  they  were 
whoiiy  witliin  the  Ute  reservation.  Tlie  Indians  complained, 
and  soldiers  were  ordered  to  remove  the  intruders.  Before 
the  enforcement  of  the  orders  began,  the  President  was  "in- 
formed that  their  chief, 
Ouray  (Ure,Uray— The 
Arrow),  had  expressed 
a  willingness  to  nego- 
tiate for  the  sale  of  a 
portion  of  the  reserva- 
tion," and  the  orders 
were  countermanded. 
Wlio  vouchsafed  this 
information  does  not 
appear  from  the  pub- 
lished records.  A  com- 
mission was  at  once  sent 
to  the  Utes  (in  1872), 
and  they  utterly  refused 
to  sell.  The  miners 
remained  undisturbed, 
and  in  the  following 
year  Felix  Brunot  was 
sent  to  talk  to  the  In- 
diaiis.      lie    persuaded 

them  that  he  came  from  pure  friendship  for  them,  and  in- 
duced them  to  make  a  cession  of  the  San  Juan  and  San  Mi- 
guel countries,  a  bljck  of  land  sixty -five  miles  wide  by 
ninety-five  n-'les  deep.  This  left  them  a  strip  fifteen  miles 
wide  along  tlie  southern  line  of  the  state,  and  one  twenty 
miles  wide  along  the  western  line  up  to  ten  miles  north  of 
parallel  3S,  above  which  the  reservation  stood  as  formerly. 
Tills  cession  was  made  on  the  express  understanding  that  it 
was  not  to  include  any  farming  lands,  but  only  the  mines 
on  the  mountains.  Most  of  the  farming  lands  on  the  reser- 
vation were  in  the  southern  part.  The  Tabeqnaches  and  Un- 
compahgres  had  only  a  limited  amount  of  arable  land — a  strip 
on  tile  San  Miguel,  the  Uncompahgre  Park,  atid  a  small  tract 
on  the  Uncompahgrdltiver.    No  one,  white  or  Indian,  thought 


084 


MASSACRES   OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


at  that  time  that  the  lands  on  the  Gunnison  and  the  Grand, 
in  the  western  part  of  the  reservation,  which  are  now  fanned 
so  profitably,  were  worth  anything  for  agriculture. 

The  Utes  said  they  thought  the  north  line  of  the  proposed 
cession  would  cut  off  part  of  the  Unconipahgrd  Park.  To 
meet  this  objection  it  was  agreed  that,  if  it  did,  an  offset 
would  be  made  to  exclude  it  from  the  cession.  This  under- 
standing was  inserted  in  the  treaty  in  these  words:  ^'■pro- 
vided, that  if  any  part  of  the  Uncompahgrd  Park  shall  be 
found  to  extend  south  of  the  north  line  of  said  described 
country,  the  same  is  not  intended  to  be  included  therein,  and 
is  hereby  reserved  and  retained  as  a  portion  of  the  Ute  reser- 
vation." This  agreement  was  ratified  by  Act  of  Congress, 
April  29,  1874,  "treaties"  with  Indians  being  at  that  time 
]>rohibited  by  law.  The  former  agreement  as  to  the  exclusion 
of  white  persons  from  the  reservation  was  reaflirmed,  but  the 
Indians  agreed  to  allow  one  road,  across  the  southern  part  of 
the  reservation,  to  the  ceded  lands.  The  Utes  made  this  ces- 
sion with  much  hesitancy,  and  chiefiy  in  the  hope  that  it  would 
avoid  any  further  trouble  from  miners,  but  they  still  feared 
that  the  miners  would  want  more.  Said  Ouray  to  Brunot : 
*'  The  lines  in  regard  to  the  mines  do  not  amount  to  anything; 
it  is  chansrinff  them  all  the  time — takins:  a  little  now  and  a 
little  again  — that  makes  trouble.  You  said  you  do  not  know 
anything  in  regard  to  these  lines  [those  established  under  the 
treaty  of  1SG8],  and  it  may  be  the  same  in  regard  to  lines  you 
make.  There  are  many  men  talk  about  it  to  us;  they  say  they 
are  going  to  have  the  lines  as  they  want,  whether  the  Utes  like 
it  or  not.  It  is  common  talk  ;  everybody  tells  it  to  the  Utes. 
The  miners  care  very  little  about  the  government.  It  is  a  long 
way  off  in  the  States,  and  they  say  the  man  who  comes  to 
make  the  treaty  will  go  off  to  the  States,  and  it  will  all  be  as 
they  want  it."  True  old  Arrow !  He  went  straight  to  the 
mark. 

This  treaty  was  not  complied  wjth  by  us  in  three  impor- 
tant particulars,  not  to  mention  minor  ones.  In  the  first  pUice, 
the  Utes  were  to  receive  $25,000  annually  forever,  in  com- 
pensation for  the  cession,  but  Congress  provided  for  this  by 
placing  bonds  to  tlieir  credit,  the  interest  on  which  was  to 


WHITE  RIVER  AGENCY. 


meet  these  payments,  and  the  first  instalment  did  not  fall  due 
for  one  year.  Consequently  the  first,  or  casli  payment,  was 
not  provided  for.  After  several  years  of  protestation  and 
bickering  this  was  made  good,  but  by  this  time  there  had  been 
twice  that  atnount  withheld  from  tiie  annual  payments  under 
"the  discretion  of  the  President."  The  amount  thereafter 
continuously  due  the  Utes,  under  this  agreement,  fluctuated 
from  $65,000  to  $90,000.  At  the  time  of  the  outbreak  it  was 
$65,000.  In  the  second  place,  the  south  line  of  the  cession 
was  run  so  as  to  cut  off  a  large  amount  of  farming  and  graz- 
ing lands.  Sapavanari,  a  young  Uncompahgrc  chief,  went 
with  the  surveying-party,  to  protect  them  from  interference, 
"  until  he  saw  with  his  own  eyes  "  that  the  line  was  cutting  off 
some  15,000  acres  of  farm  lands,  including  some  of  the  Ute 
farms.  Then  ho  left  them,  fearing  that  he  would  be  com- 
promised with  his  tribe,  and  his  tribe  compromised  with  the 
government,  if  he  did  not  protest  against  the  line.  The  In- 
dians said  that  as  the  agreement  was  explained  to  them  they 
were  to  have  ten  miles  more  on  the  south  side,  and  twenty 
miles  more  on  the  west  side,  than  was  given  them.  In  the 
third  place,  the  north  line  of  the  cession  w-as  run  through  the 
centre  of  Uncompahgrc  Park,  and  no  offset  was  made  to  cover 
the  part  cut  off.  This  fact  was  pointed  out  to  the  surveyor, 
J.  W.  Miller,  and  he  promised  to  correct  it,  but,  instead  of 
doing  so,  went  on  to  Washington,  had  his  survey  approved, 
got  his  money,  and  dropped  out  of  the  controversy.  The 
Indians  were  greatly  disappointed,  and  begged  to  have  justice 
done  them  in  this  matter.  After  much  correspondence  the 
authorities  concluded  to  humor  them  by  complying  with  the 
treaty,  and  on  August  17,  1876,  President  Grant  issued  an 
order  withdrawing  from  the  public  domain  four  miles  square 
of  the  cession,  including  the  part  of  the  Park  that  had  been 
cut  off,  and  adding  it  to  the  Ute  reservation. 

By  this  time  a  number  of  settlers  had  loci'ted  in  this  part 
of  the  Park,  which  was  the  only  convenient  farming  land  in 
the  neighborhood  of  Ouray,  the  principal  mining-town  of  the 
San  Juan  country.  Tliey  declined  to  remove  except  at  the 
point  of  the  bayonet.  Some  of  their  attorneys  advised  them 
that  the  President  had  no  right  to  add  to  a  reservation  after 


G86 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


it  had  been  established  by  Congress,  and  one,  C.  II.  Mclntyre, 
prepared  and  forwarded  to  tlie  Interior  Department  a  brief 
maintaining  tiiis  proposition.  It  seems  to  have  escaped  Mr. 
Mclntyre's  notice  that  tiiis  had  nothing  to  do  witli  the  ques- 
tion. Tlie  reservation  as  established  by  Congress  included  all 
of  the  Uncompahgre  Park.  The  trouble  was  that  an  execu- 
tive officer  had  wilfully  failed  to  comply  with  the  provisions 


IIKNIIY    M.   TELLEU. 


made  by  Congress,  and  this  the  Executive  Department  not 
only  had  the  right,  but  was  in  duty  bound  to  rectify.  Under 
Mr.  Mclntyre's  profound  logic,  a  United  States  deputy  sur- 
veyor had  abrogated  an  Act  of  Congress.  Troops  were  or- 
dered to  remove  the  intruders  in  the  spring  of  1877,  but 
II.  M.  Teller,  of  counsel  for  the  settlers,  since  Secretary  of 
the  Interior,  of  Backbone  Land-grant  fame,  wrote  a  touching 


WHITE   RIVER  AUENCY, 


687 


letter  to  Secretary  Selmrz,  dutailitig  the  Imrdsliips  that  this 
would  cause  to  these  people,  who  "  weut  on  the  land  in  good 
faith,"  and  Mr.  Schurz  weakly  allowed  tlieni  six  nioiitlis  of 
grace,  in  which  to  harvest  their  crops  and  move.  None  of 
them  agreed  to  move — their  attorney,  even,  did  not  promise 
it — in  order  to  obtain  this  kind  concession  of  the  rights  of  a 
tliird  party,  and  none  of  them  did  move.  In  the  spring  of 
1878  another  order  was  made  for  their  dispossession,  but  by 
this  time  the  Park  was  full  of  defiant  settlers.  They  refused 
to  move,  and  said  that  if  the  soldiers  put  them  off  before  the 
commission,  which  had  been  sent  to  treat  for  the  four  miles 
square,  had  been  heard  from,  they  would  kill  Indians  and  pre- 
cipitate an  Indian  war.  This  threat  so  terrified  the  I'te  agent, 
J.  B.  Abbott,  that  he  withdrew  the  troops. 

The  commission  arrived  in  August,  1878,  headed  by  Gen- 
eral Hatch.  Their  mission  was  to  purchase  the  four  miles 
square  and  also  the  southern  strip,  below  the  San  Juan  cession. 
At  first  the  Indians  refused  to  talk  to  them.  They  had  not 
yet  received  the  first  payment  for  the  San  Juan  cession.  They 
said  they  w  'd  r  t  talk  of  selling  land  to  people  who  would 
not  ;  ay  for  wwat  they  had  already  bought.  Finally,  on  prom- 
ise that  this  should  be  nuide  right,  they  went  into  council. 
There  was  no  difficulty  about  the  southern  strip.  The  south- 
ern Utes  had.  already  proposed  to  take  another  reservation, 
"provided  the  government  would  pay  them  the  previous  in- 
debtedness," and  this  the  connnission  did,  to  the  amount  of 
$15,534,  letting  the  remainder  stand.  In  this  transaction  the 
southern  Utes  gave  up  over  1,800,000  acres  of  land  and  took 
a  reservation  of  something  over  700,(100  acres,  with  the  under- 
standing that  they  should  have  compensation  for  the  excess  of 
1,100,000  acres.  This  was  left  out  of  the  treaty  by  the  com- 
missioners, but  shows  in  the  minutes  of  the  couticil,  as  the  In- 
dians claimed.  (During  the  past  summer,  by  the  way,  they 
have  been  reported  as  reduced  to  starvation  and  bt  jming  des- 
perate.) Thefour  miles  S(|uare  was  more  troublesome.  The  Utes 
wanted  all  of  the  Park  because  it  was  their  best,  almost  their 
only,  winter  range  for  their  stock — they  had  about  six  thousand 
horses,  besides  cattle  and  sheep.  In  addition  to  this,  it  con- 
tained a  hot  spring  which  was  valuable  to  them  for  medicinal 


688 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


purposes.  It  was  urged  by  tlie  commission  tliat  the  President 
wanted  to  give  the  miners  some  land,  on  which  to  raise  vege- 
tables. Said  Ouray  :  "  I  can't  see  that  the  President  wants  it; 
the  settlers  want  it."  It  was  urged  that  tlie  settlers  and  their 
backers  were  making  strong  claims  to  the  government.  Said 
Ouray:  "If  the  government  wants  to  take  it  and  break  the 
treaty,  all  right."  It  was  urged  that  the  land  was  not  of  im- 
portance, but  that  it  was  very  desirable  to  end  all  difficulty. 
Said  Ouray  :  "  I  don't  think  that  would  end  it.  They  would 
want  more."  The  value  of  §10,000,  the  price  offered,  was 
dwelt  upon.  Said  Sapavanari :  "Wo  don't  want  to  sell  it; 
don't  want  money."  The  commissioners  said  they  were  talk- 
ing for  the  good  of  the  Indians,  not  the  white  men.  Said 
Ouray  :  "  If  you  were  talking  for  the  Indians,  you  would  put 
the  settlers  out."  The  commission  abandoned  the  task,  in 
despair,  but  a  delegation  of  Utes  was  brought  on  to  Washing- 
ton in  the  following  winter,  and  the  purchase  was  accomplished. 
The  Utes  wanted  one  thing  distinctly  understood,  and  they 
had  it  put  on  record  ;  it  was  that  they  consented  to  this  sale, 
not  because  they  desired  it,  but  because  the  government  did. 
They  wanted  the  $10,000  paid  in  cash,  but  were  informed  that 
they  would  have  to  wait  until  it  was  appropriated  by  Congress. 
They  got  it  several  years  later. 

While  all  these  things  are  true,  and  while  -they  are  very 
dirty  spots  on  our  enlightened  Indian  policy,  it  is  not  true,  as 
some  have  inferred,  that  they  caused  the  Ute  outbreak.  They 
were  all  settled  several  months  before  it  occurred.  The  In- 
dians simply  agreed  to  submit  to  these  wrongs,  and  as  disturb- 
ing forces  they  were  removed.  Moreover,  the  Indians  who 
made  the  outbreak  were  not  materially  affected  by  these 
wrongs.  Soon  after  the  establishment  of  the  reservation  the 
Indians  divided  themselves  into  three  groups,  with  independ- 
ent governments,  corresponding  to  the  three  agencies.  Tiie 
smaller  tribes,  principally  Pah-Utes,  who  were  afterwards 
placed  on  the  reservation,  joined  one  or  the  other  of  these 
groups.  Ouray  was  treated  as  head  chief  of  all  the  Utes,  by 
the  whites,  but  he  did  not,  in  fact,  have  general  authority.  The 
Southern  Utes  did  not  recognize  him  at  all.  Their  head  chief 
was  Ignacio,  a  Muache,  who  was  aided  by  several  sub-chiefs, 


WniTK    KIVKR   A(iKN('Y. 


OS!) 


rery 
as 


lese 
the 


ards 
lese 
,  by 
The 
Izhief 
liefs. 


inclndiiig  Kii-iii-iv-ehe  (The  One  Wlio  was  Taken  Down). 
An-ka-tosh  (the  lied),  anil  others.  lijjnaeio  wonUl  have  noth- 
ing to  do  witli  Ouray.  Tin's  was  cliieHy  owing  to  the  fact 
that,  by  tlie  Brunot  agreement,  Ouray  was  to  receive  !?l(»(>n 
annually  for  his  services,  an  arrangement  at  tlie  time 
nid<nown  to  the  other  Indians.  The  Los  Pinos  and  Wliite 
lliver  Utes  did  not  even  claim  any  interest  in  the  sontiiern 
and  western  strips  of  land.  When  the  commission  of  187>*^ 
desired  to  purchase  these 
lands,  they  said  they 
woidd  agree  to  whatever 
Ignacio  said  ;  that  they 
had  no  claim  to  the  low- 
er country.  The  Tal)e- 
(juatdies,  Uncompahgres, 
and  others  of  the  Los 
Pinos  agency  recognized 
Ouray's  authority  fully. 
Among  their  minor 
chiefs  were  Sha-va-no 
(Chavanaugh,  Shawana 
—  nine  Flower),  (luero 
(Wa-ro — Light  hair),  and 
Captain  I'illy,  of  the 
Tabequaches,  and  I'n- 
com-mutc  ( IJn  -  kuin- 
good,  Uncom,  T'ncah, 
L'nqua),  and  Sapavana- 
ri,""'  of  the  ITncompah- 
gres.     The  White  llivcr  ITtos  recognized  Ouray's  authority  to 

.  *  TIrtc  is  some  coil  fusion  about  tills  iiiinu!.  Inofliciiil  r(Mi>  it  is  ofti'ii 
iiilstakfu  for  the  Spanish  Saponiere  (Xiibonicir— a  soap-maker),  Sapona- 
vero  (which  may  bt;  transhitcil  "  genuine  soap  ").  or  Saponarhi  (soapwort). 
Tlie  airent  at  Ouraj"  writes  me,  on  Auirust  13,  1885:  "  I  have  made  iiupiiry 
and  learn  that '  Sap|)ovaiiaro  'means  anything  white, and  I  am  free  to  confess 
there  are  many  of  the  Utes  who  seem  to  know  more  aliout  it  than  '  Old  Si.p ' 
himself.  One  says  'something  white,  all  same  pony  or  paiier,'  and  another 
explained  by  pointing  to  a  white  toadstool.  The  interpreter  says  it  means 
a  water-cloud  or  waterspout.  Sappovanaro  says  the  name  was  given  him  by 
Kit  Carson,  and  was  taken  from  the  Mexican  Indians."  lu  his  correspond- 
ence Mr.  Carson  spelled  the  name  Sa-pa-wu  ne-ri. 

44 


CAITAIN    niM.Y. 


9m 


MASSACRES   OF  THE   MOUNTAINS. 


a  very  liinitcd  extent ;  in  ordinary  affiiirs  not  at  all.  Tliey  were 
in  two  factions ;  one  led  by  Donj^las,  and  tlie  other  i)y  Jack. 
Among  tlie  lesser  chiefs  were  Colorado  (lied),  coiiiiiioiiiy  called 
Colorow,  Piah  (The  I>lack-tailed  Deer),  Sa-rap  (The  Kainbow), 
Sah-patch  (White  Hot),  and  Johnson.  These  Indians  had  no 
real  interest  in  the  San  Juan  cession,  the  south-line  dispute, 
or  the  four  miles  square.  The  first  concerned  both  of  the 
other  groups;  the  second  aiTceted  only  the  Southern  Utes; 
and  the  last  was  the  affair  of  the  Los  Pinos  Indians.  The 
White  Kivers  took  very  little  interest  in  these  matters.  They 
received  no  part  of  the  money  for  the  San  Juan  cession,  and 
claimed  no  interest  in  it.  The  lands  ceded  did  not  belong  to 
them.  They  said  the  other  bands  were  fools  for  selling  their 
land,  and  that  it  was  good  enough  for  them  if  tiiey  were 
cheated.  The  Uintah  Utes  were  not  on  this  reservation. 
Their  chief  was  called  Tabby  (Taw-vi),  and  they  were  located 
on  a  reservation  in  Utah. 

The  trouble  with   the  White   River   Indi;  ose   from 

disagreements  M'ith  their  agent,  N.  C.  Meeker,  ile  was  best 
known  as  the  leader  of  the  colony  that  settled  the  town  of 
(ireeley,  Colorado,  under  the  patronage  of  Horace  (ireeley, 
and  was,  for  a  long  time,  a  correspondent  of  the  iV'tw  York 
TrlbuJir,  over  the  initials  N.  C  M.  Ills  reputation  for  hon- 
esty was  excellent,  but  he  prided  himself  on  his  practical 
qualities,  and  greatly  overestimated  his  ability  to  civilize 
savages.  lie  said,  in  a  letter  to  Senator  Teller,  on  December 
23,  1878 :  "  When  I  get  round  to  it  in  a  year  or  so,  if  I  stay 
as  long,  I  shall  propose  to  cut  every  Indian  down  to  bare 
starvation  point  if  he  will  not  work.  The  'getting  around  to 
it'  means  to  have  plenty  of  tilled  ground,  plenty  of  work  to 
do,  and  to  ha^'e  labor  organized  so  that  whoever  will  shall  be 
able  to  earn  his  bread."  A  friend  characterized  him  thus: 
"  A  man  of  the  Puritan  stamp,  an  enthusiast  in  whatever  work 
he  undertook,  he  had  given  his  whole  soul  to  the  work  of 
civilizing  the  Utes.  It  is  a  waste  of  words  to  say  that  he  was 
honorable  and  upright  in  all  his  dealings  with  them,  for  his 
life  has  been  public  and  his  character  beyond  reproach."  Ad- 
mitting this  to  be  true,  the  fact  still  remains  that  he  did  not 
understand  the  Indian  character,  and  could  not  manage  them. 


WIIITli   lilVEli  A(ii:NCY. 


(ij)l 


rk  to 
ill  be 


Iwoi'l 


was 


Id  not 


Ho  took  charge  of  tlie  ugcncy  in  INIay,  1878,  uiid  [)C'gaii  oper- 
ations by  moving  tlie  agency  to  Powell's  Valley,  on  White 
River,  fifteen  miles  below  the  old  asrency.  The  Indians  op- 
posed this  because  they  used  this  valley  for  a  winter  camp,  it 
affording  the  best  pasturage  for  their  horses.  Meeker  studied 
the  situation,  and  adopted  the  plan  of  playing  one  of  the 
factions  against  the  other.  lie  first  took  up  the  Douglas 
faction,  which  was  recognised  as  "the  government,"' although 
Jack's  party  was  the  larger.  The  feeling  had  become  such 
that  whatever  one  faction  favored  the  other  would  oppose. 
The  next  ditHculty,  after  moving  the  agency,  to  which  the 
Indians  yielded  a  reluctant  assent,  on  being  assured  that  the 
commissioner  would  be  *'a  hea))  mad"  if  they  did  not,  was 
to  get  their  consent  to  the  appropriation  of  .s30U0  of  their 
money,  for  an  irrigating  ditch.  'I  ais  was  never  obtained  di- 
rectly, but  was  taken  for  granted,  because  a  part  of  the  In- 
dians were  en)ployed  in  the  work,  on  the  theory  that  by  taking 
part  in  the  work  they  consented  to  the  appropriation,  "as 
much  so  as,  when  a  man  marries  a  woman,  they  consent." 
The  Indians  who  assisted  in  the  work,  for  which  they  re- 
ceived in  all  ^303,  were  twenty -five  men  of  the  Douglas 
faction.  Jack's  party  not  only  refused  to  work,  but  also  ob- 
jected to  the  others  working,  on  the  grounds  that  it  was  the 
white  men's  business  to  do  all  the  work,  and  that  the  Indians 
at  Los  Pinos  did  not  work.  After  being  threatened  with  re- 
port to  the  commissioner,  he  withdrew  this  objection,  and  all 
his  party,  with  a  number  of  the  others,  went  on  a  hunting  ex- 
cursion off  the  reservatioTi,  as  had  been  their  custom  every 
summer. 

To  understand  what  Sleeker  was  contending  against,  it 
must  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  ITtes  had  not  yet  emerged 
from  "  the  hunter  state."  They  subsisted  on  game  to  the  ex- 
tent of  fully  fifty  per  cent.,  and  derived  most  of  their  money 
from  the  products  of  the  chase,  particularly  buckskin.  Deer 
were  yet  very  numerous  in  the  mountains  of  Colorado,  and 
the  greater  part  of  them  made  their  way  beyond  the  divide 
in  the  summer.  Their  habit  is  to  spend  the  winter  months 
ill  the  foot-hills,  bordering  on  the  plains,  bxit  in  the  spring  to 
run  back  into  the  mountains,  ranging  as  far  as  the  beginning 


092 


MAS.SACUES  01'  THE   MOUNTAINS. 


of  tlio  desert  laiuls  in  Western  Colorado.  Elks  were  quite 
abniulunt,  and  a  small  herd  of  buffalo  remained  in  Middle 
Park.  Tlie  Indians  roved  where  they  chose,  bnt  their  best 
huntin<i;-<i;ronnds  lay  between  the  reservation  and  the  divide, 
in  Middle  Park,  in  North  Park,  and  in  the  country  west  of 
it.  This  country,  they  claimed,  belonged  to  them  under  the 
treaty  of  IStiS,  being  west  of  the  Continental  Divide.  Xorth 
J*ark  is  east  uf  it,  but  is  drained  to  the  north  by  the  North 
Platte.  They  also  hunted  buffalo  on  the  plains  east  of  Den- 
ver, where  these  animals  were  quite  numerous  until  1875. 
Their  last  visit  to  the  plains  was  in  1S78.  They  prided  them- 
selves on  being  "peaceable,''  but  their  visits  were  regarded 
by  settlers  with  much  the  same  dread  that  Eastern  people 
have  t)i  a  catiip  of  gypsies  or  a  colony  of  tramps.  l[nd<)ul>t- 
edly  they  committed  some  trespasses  and  frightened  some 
timid  peo])lc  in  1870,  but  the  reports  that  were  made  concern- 
ing them  were  so  wildly  exaggerated  as  to  deserve  the  name 
of  falsehoods.  The  principal  charge  that  was  urged  against 
them  was  that  they  were  setting  out  fires  by  which  the  for- 
ests were  destroyed  and  the  improven)ents  of  settlers  put  in 
jeopardy.  It  was  explained  by  some  that  this  was  a  cuf^om 
of  theirs,  the  object  of  which  was  to  drive  the  game  so  ti  .t  it 
could  be  more  easily  killed.  The  charge  and  explanation 
were  untrue  and  absurd.  The  Utcs  never  had  such  a  custom. 
T^le  existence  of  millions  of  acres  of  virifin  forests  ouijht  to 
have  been  sufficient  proof  of  it.  No  people  preserve  game 
more  carefully  than  Indians,  and  m)ne  know  better  than  they 
that  continuous  lires  would  drive  it  away.  Their  huntinjr 
was  like  the  white  man's;  the  ch'ef  object  was  to  induce  a 
deer  to  stand  still  long  enough  to  be  shot.  There  were  great 
and  destructive  foi'jst  fires  that  summer,  but  the  Indians 
were  responsible  for  very  few  of  tiiem.  Major  Tliornburgh, 
commanding  at  Fort  Fred  Steele,  Wyoming,  investigated  tiiis 
charge  thoroughly,  by  writing  to  reliable  settler.-*,  and  by  send- 
itig  out  men  to  look  for  evidence  of  i^,  but  the  reports,  with- 
out exception,  were  that  the  Indians  had  killed  no  ca'"tle,  of- 
feree" no  vi  jlonce  to  settlers,  and  set  Jio  fires.  One  man  went 
over  their  trail  and  satisflvd  himself  that  no  fires  originated 
from  their  cam])8.     They  did  set  fire  to  the  grass  at  several 


WIUTE    laVEU   AGENCY. 


693 


places  in  Middle  Park,  "to  luidvc  jjjood  grass  next  year,"  l)Ut 
they  claimed  that  Middle  Park  belonged  to  them,  and  repeat- 
edly ordered  settlers  and  others  to  leave  it.  They  ordered 
the  miners  out  in  18(50,  uie  iiivt  year  rtfler  the  treaty. 

The  truth  is  that  nearly  all  the  tires  were  occasioned  by 
the  carelessness  of  white  men,  and  partieniurly  from  the  care- 
lessness of  men  in  the  "  tie  camps,"  i.  c,  men  who  wore 
cutting  ties  for  the  Denver,  Pio  (rrande,  and  South  I'ark 
railways,  which  were  then  being  i)nshed  through  the  moun- 
tains. It  was  notorious  that  most  of  these  fires  occurred  in 
localities  where  there  were  no  Indians.     Many  a  prospector, 


e,  of- 
went 
nated 
•verul 


"^ 


SOITIIKIIN    ITKS. 


em 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


who  never  saw  a  Ute,  saw  hundreds  of  acres  of  pine  con- 
Bumed.  I  resided  in  a  district  that  was  nearly  all  burned 
over  in  1879,  and  there  was  not  an  Indian  in  it,  though  it 
was  within  fifty  miles  of  the  reservation.  Old  settlers  said 
there  had  not  been  a  mountain  fire  in  the  region  for  seven- 
teen years  before.  They  also  said  the  year  was  unnsnally 
dry,  and  that  fires  travelled  and  caught  easily.  It  is  true, 
however,  that,  owing  to  the  reports,  the  whites  generally  be- 
lieved that  the  Indians  were  firing  the  forests  at  other  places, 
to  drive  out  the  n)iners.  It  is  true  also  that  the  Indians 
killed  large  quantities  of  gpnie,  as  was  complained,  but  so  did 
every  one.  A  man  who  failed  to  shoot  at  a  deer  because  it 
was  against  tlie  law  would  have  been  laughed  at.  Venison  re- 
tailed, in  seaso.  ,  at  four  and  five  cents  the  pound,  while  beef 
was  fifteen  to  twenty.  There  was  not  a  mountain  stream  in 
which  dynamite  M'as  not  exploded  to  kill  trout,  if  there  were 
any  trout  in  it.  So  with  the  forests.  The  United  States  law 
airainst  cutting  timber  on  public  lands  was  no  more  regarded 
than  if  it  had  not  been  on  the  statute-books.  The  foiests  of 
stumps  are  there  to-day  to  prove  the  statement.  The  people 
of  Middle  Park  sent  a  memorial  to  General  Pope,  in  1877, 
representing  that  the  Indians  were  slaughtering  the  game, 
"  when  a  white  man  is  not  allowed  to  kill  a  pound  more  than 
he  can  use  to  sustain  life ;"  but  if  the  people  of  Middle  Park 
were  any  more  virtuous  or  law-abiding,  in  this  respect  or  any 
other,  than  the  rest  of  the  people  in  Colorado,  no  one  ever 
discovered  it.  It  was  not  many  months  later  that  half  the 
county  officials  of  Grand  County  (Middle  Park)  conspired  to 
murder  the  county  commissioners,  and  did  murder  them.  It 
is  notorious  that  two  of  the  signers  of  that  memorial  have 
committed  suicide  on  account  of  th((ir  participation  in  that 
crime,  and  that  Grand  County  to-day  is  a  slumbering  volcano 
of  hate,  remorse,  distrust,  and  revenge,  as  a  result  of  that  aw- 
ful tragedy  enacted  on  the  shore  of  Grand  Lake.  Let  it  be 
distinctly  understood  that  there  were  reputable,  law-abiding 
people  in  Middle  Park,  ai  elsewhere  in  Colorado — plenty  of 
them — but  to  all  snch  representations  of  uniformly  proper 
whites  and  uniformly  villainous  Indians,  coming  from  any  fron- 
tier settlement,  I  say  :  '•  In  the  name  of  the  Prophet — Bosh  1" 


WHITE   RIVER  AGENCY. 


While  the  Utes  behaved  comparatively  well  in  their  sutu- 
mer  excursions,  it  cannot  be  questioned  that  these  trips  were 
a  serious  impediment  to  their  civilization.  Of  course  they 
would  not  settle  down  to  fanning  while  they  could  live  by 
hunting.  That  would  have  been  unnatural.  But,  worse  than 
that,  there  were  no  restrictions  to  trade  with  them,  off  the 
reservation.  There  were  four  stores  on  Bear  Tliver,  and 
many  at  other  points,  where  they  could  obtain  guns,  ammu- 
nition, whiskey,  or  anything  else  that  they  were  able  to  pay 
for.  They  were  also  thrown  in  contact  with  the  worst  class 
of  whites,  and  there  were  some  very  bad  white  people  for 
them  to  come  in  contact  with.  Aside  from  the  ordinary  riff- 
raff, there  were  a  number  of  cattle-uien  about  the  reservation 
with  inore  property  than  character.  Two  of  these,  who  were 
the  subjects  of  repeated  complaints  by  the  agent,  were  the 
Morgan  brothers.  They  had  large  herds  of  cattle  near  the 
reservation,  and  were  accused  of  permitting  them  to  mix  with 
the  herd  belonging  to  the  White  River  agency,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  claiming  the  nnbranded  increase  (mavoricks)  of  the 
agency  herd.  They  were  also  charged  with  taking  branded 
cattle  and  burning  their  brand,  a  double  box  (DH),  over  the 
"I  ])"  of  the  Indian  Department.  They  were  not  the  only 
ones.  When  the  outbreak  came,  and  the  agency  herd  was 
scattered  and  uncarcd  for,  about  twelve  hundred  of  them 
disappeared.  It  was  supposed  at  the  time  that  tlie  Indians 
had  taken  them.  It  was  afterwards  learned  that  the}"^  were 
stolen  by  white  irien,  rebranded,  and  sold  to  the  government 
for  beef.  I  had  the  honor  to  be  acquainted  with  Wes 
Travis,  one  of  the  men  engaged  in  this  robbery — since  suc- 
cumbed to  the  combined  powers  of  bad  whiskey  and  death — 
and  have  heard  him  tell,  with  great  gusto,  how  he  and  a  com- 
panion, after  finishing  the  cattle  job,  killed  an  Indian  that 
they  met  when  coming  out  of  the  reservation.  They  cut  him 
open,  removed  his  intestines,  filled  him  with  stones,  sewed 
him  up,  and  dumped  him  into  a  deep  hole  in  Grand  River. 
Morgan's  partner,  W.  B.  Ilugus,  and  John  Gordon,  alias  Sam- 
uel Lemon,  were  brought  to  trial  for  this  affair,  in  Denver, 
but  they  had  the  good  fortune  to  bo  acquitted.  The  Morgans 
escaped  from  the  country. 


am 


MASSACRES  OF   THE   MOUNTAINS. 


The  complaints  iiiiide  against  the  Utes,  in  the  siininier  of 
1ST9,  Hew  on  wings  of  the  wind,  growing  as  they  went.  The 
only  palpable  foundation  for  them  was  the  alleged  destruction 

of  some  property  by 
two  Utes  called  IJen- 
nett  and  Chinaman.  It 
liad  been  agreed  l)y  the 
Utes  that  they  would 
deliver  up  accused  i)er- 
sons  ior  trial,  and  they 
liad  complied  with  this 
agreement  usually,  but 
on  this  occasion  Doug- 
las refused  to  surrender 
these  men  to  the  otlicer 
who  came  for  them,  and 
informed  him  that  he 
could  not  nuike  the  ar- 
rest on  the  reservation. 
The  treaty  also  con- 
tained this  clause: 
'■'^ J 't'ovidcd,  That  if  any 
chief  of  either   of  the 

JACK 

confederated  bands 
make  war  against  the  people  of  the  United  States,  or  in  any 
manner  violate  this  treaty  in  any  essential  part,  said  chief  shall 
forfeit  his  position  as  chief,  and  all  rights  to  any  of  the  bene- 
fits of  this  treaty  :  Hut. pi'ovldtd  furtliii\  Any  Indian  of  these 
confederated  bands  who  shall  rem.'in  at  peace,  and  abide  by 
the  terms  of  this  treaty  in  all  its  esscMtials,  shall  be  entitled 
to  its  benetits  and  provisions,  notwithst-Jiding  his  particular 
chief  and  band  may  have  forfeited  their  '-ights  thereto." 
Meeker,  although  he  had  no  personal  knowledge  of  what  was 
occurring  oil  the  reservation,  joined  in  these  complaints.  On 
March  17  he  reported  that  part  of  the  Utes  were  going 
north  "probably  to  supply  ammunition  to  the  hostiles,"'  /.  c, 
certain  Sioux  who  were  said  to  be  on  the  war-path,  and  asked 
tiiat  the  military  send  the  Indians  back  to  the  reservation. 
Jack  was  oeveral  times  confronted  with  reports  of  wrong-do- 


WHITE    KIVEli  AGENCY. 


69T 


ii'g,  and  the  statement  that  his  party  wanted  to  go  to  war. 
JJoing  conscience  clear,  lie,  with  three  others,  went  to  Denver 
to  sec  Governor  Pitkin,  lie  coin|ilained  of  this  treatment 
and  asked  for  ALeeker's  removal  ;  but  beinji;  there  confronted 
by  Meeker's  letters,  complaining  of  some  things  of  which  he 
had  no  knowledge,  and  of  others  that  he  could  meet  only  by 
denial,  he  became  disheartened  and  went  back  to  the  agency. 
In  this  interview  he  backed  up  his  claim  of  Meeker's  evil 
deeds  by  the  statement  that  Meeker  wanted  their  children 
tu  go  to  school  and  learn  to  work,  neither  of  which  the  Utes 
wanted.  Meeker  had  also  promised  him  a  wagon,  and  failed 
to  give  it  to  him,  which  satisfied  him  that  Meeker  could  not 
be  trusted.  At  the  agency  he  got  no  satisfaction,  and  became 
impressed  with  the  idea  that  Meeker  was  responsible  for 
everything  that  was  said  about  the  Utes  in  the  newspapers,  a 
theory  which  the  other  Indians  soon  adopted.  A  more  op- 
pressive burden  could  not  be  placed  on  any  man's  shoulders 
th  .n  such  a  responsibility.  The  Colorado  press  was  sensa- 
tional, to  say  the  least,  and  the  contents  of  the  papers  were 
frequently  communicated  to  the  Indiaas  by  their  white  ac- 
quaintances. 

In  the  mean  time  a  new  trouble  liad  arisen.  Powell's  Val- 
ley had  I)een  subdivided  by  Meeier  with  a  view  to  its  perma- 
nent settlement  by  the  Indians.  One  street  crossed  it  length- 
wise, and  another  at  right  angles  to  the  first.  The  agency  was 
located  at  the  crossing,  but  the  cross-street  was  as  yet  on  paper 
oidy.  Several  small  plots  had  been  marked  off  for  Indians 
who  desired  to  work.  The  first  one  provided  for  was  John- 
son, a  chief  with  "  three  cows  and  two  wives,"  who  showed  a 
commendable  disposition  to  civilize.  A  log- house  was  built 
fi»r  him,  near  the  agency  buildings,  and  f\»r  several  months  lie 
was  the  "  brag  Indian  "  of  the  place.  Horses  were  broken  for 
him,  and  fed  from  the  agency  supplies  to  keep  them  in  condi- 
tion for  work;  but,  finally.  Meeker  discovered  that  Johnson 
was  using  these  horses  to  race  with  the  other  Indians,  whose 
]ionies  were  picking  a  precarious  living  where  they  could  find 
it.  Johnson  stock  fell  rapidly  thereafter.  Instead  of  cidti- 
vating  the  land  set  off  for  him,  Johnson  used  it  to  pasture  his 
j'onies,  of  which  lie  had  about  a  hundred  and  fifty.     Early  in 


698 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


September  Meeker  undertook  to  plough  up  a  large  amount  of 
land  near  the  agency,  including  that  set  ofif  to  Johnson  and 
two  or  three  others.  Tliese  Indians  ol)jocted,  and  could  nei- 
ther be  talked  out  of  their  objections  nor  induced  to  take  oth- 
er locations.  They  got  their  guns,  and  ordered  the  ploughing 
stopped.  The  ploughing  went  on.  In  a  few  minutes  a  gun 
was  tired  in  a  clump  of  bushes  near  by,  and  a  bullet  whizzed 
unpleasantly  near  the  ploughman's  ears.  Meeker  then  stopped 
the  work  and  appealed  to  Douglas ;  but  Douglas  said  the  men 
who  claimed  land  wanted  it,  and  that  Meeker  should  plough 
in  some  other  place.  Having  exhausted  his  influence  in  that 
quarter.  Meeker  thought  he  would  try  the  otlier  faction.  He 
sent  for  Jack,  who  came  at  once  with  his  retainers.  A  council 
was  held,  and  the  conclusion  reached  that  Jack  and  his  men 
cared  nothing  about  it,  but  that  Meeker  might  plough  a  strip 
one  hundred  feet  wide  and  half  a  mile  long.  lie  told  them 
that  this  would  do  no  good ;  that  he  wanted  at  least  fifty  acres, 
besides  meadow  land.  He  understood  tiiat  they  consented  to 
this,  but  on  the  following  morning  the  work  was  stopped  again. 
Jack  was  sent  for  once  more  and  another  council  was  held. 
They  finally  decided  that  Meeker  niight  have  the  land  if  he 
would  give  Johnson  a  stove,  move  his  corral,  dig  a  well,  and 
help  build  a  house,  to  which  the  agent  consented.  He  said, 
however,  "that  it  was  the  wish  of  all  the  Indians  that  plough- 
ing might  be  stopped,  and  that  no  more  ploughing  at  all  shall 
be  done;  but  that  the  conclusion  which  they  reached  was 
based  upon  tiie  danger  they  ran  in  opposing  the  government 
of  the  United  States." 

This  influence  wore  off  and  the  bad  feeling  of  the  Indians 
grew.  Two  days  later  (September  10)  Johnson  assaulted 
Meeker  in  his  own  house,  drove  him  out,  and  beat  him  badly. 
Meeker  would  probably  have  been  killed  but  for  the  interfer- 
ence of  the  employes.  He  sent  at  once  for  military  aid,  and 
telegraphed  the  commissioner:  "Ploughing  stops.  Life  of 
self,  fan)ily,  and  employes  not  safe;  want  protection  immedi- 
ately. Have  asked  Governor  Pitkin  to  confer  with  General 
Pope."  On  the  same  day  he  wrote  to  W.  N.  Byers,  of  Den- 
ver, in  regard  to  Johnson's  attack,  and  added  :  "I  think  they 
will  submit  to  nothing  but  force.     How  many  are  rebellious  I 


WHITE  RIVER  AGENCY. 


699 


do  not  know ;  but  if  only  a  few  are,  and  the  rest  laugh  at  tiieir 
outrages,  as  they  do,  and  think  nothing  of  it,  all  are  compli- 
cated. I  didn't  come  here  to  be  kicked  and  hustled  out  of  my 
own  house  by  savages,  and  if  government  cannot  protect  me, 
let  somebody  else  try  it.  Yon  know  the  Indians  and  under- 
stand the  situation.  Please  see  Governor  Pitkin,"  etc.  From 
that  time  to  the  outbreak,  work  at  the  agency  was  at  a  stand 
still.  The  feeling  of  the  Indians,  with  very  few  exceptions, 
was  that  they  would  do  no  work ;  that  the  ploughing  must 
stop;  that  Meeker  was  their  enemy;  that  the  soldiers  were 
coming  to  have  the  land  ploughed,  to  arrest  Johnson,  China- 
man, Pennett,  and  others,  and,  probably,  to  make  everybody 
work  ;  that  the  soldiers  ought  not  to  come.  Meeker's  feeling 
may  be  inferred  from  his  telegram  to  the  coniinissioner,  of 
September  17:  "There  is  no  particular  change,  either  for 
worse  or  better.  No  ploughing  is  done,  nor  will  until  it  can 
be  done  in  safety.  It  remains  to  be  seen  whether  the  business 
and  industries  of  this  agency  are  to  be  conducted  under  the 
direction  of  the  Indians  or  of  yourself." 

In  response  to  Meeker's  application  for  protection,  Major 
T.  T.  Thornburgh  marched  from  Fort  Fred  Steele  with  a  hun- 
dred men — three  companies  of  cavalry  and  one  of  infantry. 
This  post  is  in  Wyoming,  at  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad's  cross- 
ing of  the  Platte.  The  road,  which  was  the  only  ordinary  ap- 
proach to  the  agency,  runs  to  the  southwest,  crossing  the  Si- 
erra Madre  at  Bridger's  Pass ;  thence  south,  bearing  east,  to 
the  crossing  of  Bear  River,  at  the  month  of  Elk  Head  Creek. 
From  this  pdint  its  general  course  is  southwest,  striking  the 
reservation  at  Milk  Creek.  On  the  26th,  Thornburgh  was  met 
at  Bear  River  by  a  party  of  five  Utes,  including  Jack  and 
Colorow.  They  wanted  to  k-  ■  '  why  he  was  coming.  He 
explained  that  the  agent  had  sent  for  him ;  tiiat  the  Indians 
had  been  acting  badly.  They  denied  everything,  and  asked 
that  the  soldiers  should  not  come  on  the  reservation.  They 
proposed  that  he  should  leave  the  soldiers  and  go  to  the  agen- 
cy, with  four  or  five  companions,  to  investigate  the  truth  of 
the  charges.  Major  Thornburgh  informed  them  that  his  or- 
ders were  to  go  on,  but  that  he  would  find  a  good  place  to 
camp,  closer  to  the  agency,  and  leave  his  men  there  while  he 


700 


MASSACRES  OF  TIIK    MOUNTAINS. 


went  on.  After  some  conversation,  by  which  he  thought  they 
were  bronglit  into  a  pacific  state  of  mind,  they  went  away. 
They  returned  to  the  agency  and  asked  Moel<er  to  stop  tlie 

soldiers,  but  lie  said  it 
was  none  of  his  busi- 
ness. Finally  he  yield- 
ed to  their  importuni- 
ties, and,  on  the  27tii, 
sent  a  letter  to  Thorn- 
burgh  advising  him 
that  it  would  be  the 
better  course  to  come 
on  alone.  To  this 
Thornburgh  replied  on 
the  2Sth  that  he  would 
discontinue  his  march 
on  the  2'Jth,  and  come 
on  with  live  men.  On 
tiie  29th,  in  the  morn- 
ing, the  commaJid 
reached  Milk  Creek 
and  entered  the  reser- 
vation. The  road,  after 
Milk  Creek  is  passed 
half  a  mile,  enters  a 
canon,  the  sides  and  top  of  which  are  covered  with  oak  brush. 
It  is  called  Ked  Canon.  An  Indian  trail  runs  along  the  ad- 
joining ridge,  or  "  hog-back,"  and  joins  the  road  near  the  creek. 
The  Indians  were  in  ambush  along  the  tops  of  the  cafion.  Just 
as  the  troops  were  beginning  to  enter  it,  shortly  before  noon, 
the  advance  guard,  under  Lieutenant  Cherry,  discovered  some 
Indians  moving  over  a  hill,  half  a  mile  in  advance,  and  sepa- 
rated to  recoimoitre.  After  flanking  the  canon  about  two  hun- 
dred yards,  the  ambuscade  was  discovered  and  at  once  reported. 
Cherry  was  ordered  to  make  a  reconnoissance  on  the  right, 
and,  if  possible,  communicate  with  the  Indians,  on  the  suppo- 
sition that  hostilities  might  be  averted  by  a  parley.  At  the 
same  time  Jack  started  from  the  Ute  position  to  talk  with 
the  soldiers;  but  when  Cherry's  command  galloped  off  to  the 


COLOKOW. 


WHITE    RIVER  AGENCY. 


101 


light  a  body  of  Indians  went  out  to  oppose  the  movement, 
and  both  parties  deployed.  An  Indian  tired,  and  the  figliting 
bofi^an  on  both  sides. 

Captain  Payne's  company  was  at  once  thrown  ont  on  the 
left  and  Captain  Lawson's  on  the  rii,'ht,  in  skirmish  line.  The 
waijjon  train,  which  was  crossing  a  small  plateau,  l)et\veen  one 
and  two  hundred  yards  from  the  stream,  was  ordered  to  park. 
The  Indians  pressed  the  trooi>s  hotly.  They  were  in  strong 
force.  Major  Thornbiirgh  saw  that  they  were  massing  to  cut 
off  his  retreat,  and  ordered  his  men  to  fall  back  on  the  wagon 
train.  The  movement  was  executed  in  excellent  order,  but  in 
the  midst  of  it  the  commander  was  shot  and  instantly  killed. 
Captain  Payne  took  command,  being  next  in  seniority.  He 
set  the  entire  force  at  work  fortifying.  Wounded  horses 
were  killed  for  temporary  shelter  for  sharpshooters.  Boxes, 
bundles  of  bedding,  sacks  of  corn  and  flour,  and  everything 
available  were  piled  up  for  cover,  while  pick  and  shovel  were 
plied  to  make  the  protection  more  substantial.  The  men 
worked  desperately — the  groans  of  the  dying,  the  agonized 
cries  of  the  wounded,  and  the  incessant  cracking  of  the  In- 
dians' rifles  serving  only  as  incentives  to  greater  activity'.  To 
add  to  the  peril  of  the  situation,  the  Indians  tired  the  grass 
and  sage  brush,  and  the  wind  was  hurrying  the  roaring  flames 
upon  the  little  band.  They  worked  on  with  feverish  haste. 
The  fire  reached  them,  and  stretched  out  its  forked  tongues  to 
lick  them  up.  There  was  no  water  within  reach.  They 
dropped  their  tools,  and  smothered  the  flames  with  blankets, 
blouses,  and  sacks.  Some  of  the  wagons  took  tire ;  but,  under 
cover  of  the  stifling  smoke,  these  were  extinguished  also. 
The  greatest  danger  was  now  past.  I>y  burning  the  brush 
the  Indians  had  deprived  themselves  of  cover  for  close  ap- 
proach, and  were  compelled  to  do  their  firing  from  the  sur- 
rounding blutfs.  at  a  distance  of  from  four  to  six  hundred  vards. 
They  commanded  the  situation,  but  could  inflict  no  material 
damage.  So  long  as  the  soldiers  remained  in  their  trenches 
they  were  safe  from  the  bullets  that  were  poured  in  on  them. 

The  news  of  the  attack  was  carried  to  the  agency,  twent}-- 
ti*n  miles  below,  by  an  Indian  messenger  who  arrived  at  about 
one  o'clock.     The  Indians  did  not  breathe  a  word  about  it  to 


T02 


MAS8ACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


tlio  whites.  They  iiad  held  another  council  with  Meeker,  on 
the  arrival  of  the  messenger  from  Thornbnrgli,  in  regard  to 
the  advance  of  tlie  soldiers,  jnst  as  tlioiigh  nothing  had  oc- 
curred. JSIeeker  prepared  a  note  to  Tliornburgh,  as  follows: 
"  I  expect  to  leave  in  the  morning  with  Donglas  and  Serriek 
to  meet  you  ;  things  are  peaceable,  and  Douglas  Hies  the  Unit- 
ed States  flag.  If  you  have  trouble  in  getting  through  the 
canon  to-day,  let  me  know  in  what  force.  We  have  been  on 
guard  three  nights,  and  shall  be  to-night,  not  because  we  know 
there  is  danger,  but  because  there  may  be.  I  like  your  last 
programme;  it  is  based  on  true  military  principles."  This 
message  was  dated  September  20,  1  v.  m.  He  little  dreamed 
that  Tliornburgh  was  then  lying  cold  and  stark  at  the  mouth 
of  the  cailon.  The  "last  programme"  referred  to  was  Major 
Thornbnrgh's  letter  of  the  2Sth,  in  which  he  informed  Meeker 
that  he  would  bring  his  troops  "within  striking  distance"  of 
the  agency  on  the  21)th.  He  said:  "  I  have  carefully  consid- 
ered whether  or  not  it  would  be  advisable  to  have  my  com- 
mand at  a  point  as  distant  as  that  desired  by  the  Indians  who 
were  in  my  camp  last  night,  and  have  reached  the  conclusion 
that,  under  my  orders,  which  require  me  to  march  this  com- 
mand to  your  agency,  I  am  not  at  liberty  to  leave  it  at  a  point 
where  it  would  not  be  available  in  case  of  trouble."  Meeker 
received  this  message  at  noon  on  the  29th.  Previous  to  that 
hour,  it  seems  certain  that  he  was  deceived  in  regard  to  Thorn- 
burgh's  intentions.  On  the  day  of  the  attack,  the  2t)th,  he 
telegraphed  AVashington  :  "  Major  Thornb':rgh,  4th  Infantry, 
leaves  his  command  fifty  miles  distant,  and  comes  to-day  with 
five  men.  Indians  propose  to  fight  if  troops  advance.  A  talk 
will  be  had  to-morrow.  Captain  Dodge,  9th  Cavalry,  is  at 
Steamboat  Springs,  with  orders  to  break  up  Indian  stores  and 
keep  Indians  on  reservation.  Sales  of  ammunition  and  guns 
brisk  for  ten  days  past.  Store  nearest  sent  back  10,000  rounds 
and  13  guns.  When  Captain  Dodge  commences  to  enforce 
law,  no  living  here  without  troops.  Have  sent  for  him  to 
confer." 

Meeker  knew  that  Red  Canon,  to  which  he  refers  in  the 
one  o'clock  message,  was  less  than  twenty-five  miles  from  the 
agency,  and  within  the  reservation.     If  he  knew  that  f  iiurn- 


wiiiTK  kivi:k  aoency. 


703 


biirgh  was  within  :i  day's  march  of  it,  lie  was  ti-ying  to  de- 
ceive the  Indians.  If  ho  had  nut  received  Th()rn!)urgh's  nies- 
sajjfe  of  the  2Sth,  before  writinj^  liis  telegram  to  Washinj^tun, 
of  the  29th — whieii  is  most  likely — he  probably  niisurulerstood 
Thoriibiirgh's  intentions,  bnt  communicated  his  understanding 
to  the  Indians.  The  Indians  were  misinformed  by  him  in 
either  event,  and  undoubtedly  thought  they  were  misinformed 
intentionally,  for  they  were  fully  posted  concerning  Thorn- 
burgh's  movements,  by  their  scouts,  and  believed  that  Meeker 
was  hostile  to  them.  With  this  belief  they  decided  to  meet 
treachery  with  treachery.  It  is  not  within  the  range  of  cred- 
ibility that  the  attack  and  massacre  were  planned  before  the 
20th.  If  they  had  been,  Ouray  would  have  known  it  sooner. 
There  was  no  evidence  of  it  at  the  agency.  According  to 
^Meeker's  statement,  guards  were  first  posted  on  the  night  of 
the  20th.  It  was  the  oj)in- 
ion  of  Mrs.  Meeker,  Josie 
Meeker,  and  the  employes 
that  the  plot  was  arranged 
on  the  28th,  when  the  sol- 
diers had  passed  the  fifty- 
mile  limit.  There  was  a 
war- dance  that  night,  in 
Douglas's  camj),  which  con- 
tinued till  daybreak  the  next 
morning.  The  acti(»n  of  the 
Indians  on  Monday  was 
marked  by  deep  cunning; 
their  behavior  at  the  coun- 
cil deceived  Meeker  com- 
pletely. He  despatched  his 
note  to  Thornburgh  by  "\Vil- 
mer  Eskridge,  a  man  em- 
ployed at  the  agency  as  a 
sawyer.  He  was  accom- 
panied   by    two    Indians — 

Antelope  (Wah-sitz)  and  Ebenezer.  After  going  two  miles 
the  Indians  murdered  Eskridge,  and  hastened  back  to  the 
agency.    In  the  mean  tim-e  the  other  Indians  had  managed  to 


ANTKI.Ol'K. 


704 


MAS.SACKK8  Ol'  TIIK  MOIINTAIN.S. 


got  into  the  storo-room  Jiiid  secure  all  tlio  agency  guns,  without 
attracting  attention. 

The  peoj)lc  at  the  agency  were  wholly  iinsuspocting.  Mrs. 
Meeker  and  Josio  were  wnsliing  dishes  in  their  house.  Mrs. 
Trice  was  washing  clothes  outside.  Siiaduck  Price,  post- 
faruKM',  and  Frank  Dresser,  laborer,  were  in  a  wagon,  throw- 
ing dirt  on  the  roof  of  the  new  builditig.  Arthur  Thompson, 
laborer,  was  on  the  roof,  spreading  the  dirt.  Meeker  and 
William  II.  Tost,  storekeeper  and  carpenter,  were  in  Mie 
larger  storehouse.  The  other  employes  weie  scattered  about 
the  place,  engaged  in  their  various  duties.  As  Ebenezer  and 
Antelo]u'  returned,  about  twentj'  Indians,  armed  with  guns, 
started  up  from  the  river.  They  met  Douglas,  who  was  walk- 
ing towards  his  teepee,  and  all  canie  on  to  the  buildings  to- 
gether. They  began  firing  as  soon  as  they  reached  the  new 
building — Ebenezer,  Antelope,  and  others  having  by  that  time 
secured  positions  for  attacking  the  other  men.  At  the  iir>^t 
volley  Price  was  killed  a  id  Thompson  fell  from  the  building. 
Fraidc  Dresser  was  woutided  in  the  leg,  but  managed  to  ru:» 
to  Meeker's  house  through  a  rain  of  bullets.  Mrs.  Price 
picked  up  her  little  boy  amJ  ran  to  her  room.  Dresser  fol- 
lowed her.  She  gave  him  Price's  gun,  which  lay  on  the  bed. 
As  he  came  out,  the  windows  of  the  dining-room  were  broken 
in.  He  tired  through  the  wiiu]ow  and  mortally  wounded 
Johnson's  brother.  The  Indians  then  left  them  and  began 
plundering  the  stores.  Tih<i  inmates  of  the  house  went  into 
Josie's  room  and  hid  under  the  bed,  but  as  soon  as  their  wits 
cleared  they  saw  that  this  position  aflforded  no  safety.  They 
then  ran  into  the  milk-house,  a  small  adobe  builditig  close  at 
hand.  Here  they  remained  all  the  after'  hhi  ''  turbed, 
Frank  Dresser,  the  three  women,  a'  tl  children.  Tiiey 
had  the  entrance  barricaded,  howi  chat  they  cnld  not 

see  what  was  being  done  outside.  r  half  an  hou.   Jie  fir- 

ing was  kept  up  quite  steadily;  tiiei  'lere  -re  intervals  of 
quiet,  broken  by  volleys.  It  is  probable  iiat  some  of  this 
firing  was  from  the  explosion  of  cartridges  in  the  burning 
buildings,  and  the  rest  was  drawn  by  some  of  the  employes 
who  had  secured  weapons  and  were  fighting  for  their  lives. 

Mrs.  Price  tells  their  story  thus:  ''We  were  in  the  milk- 


WIIITK    UIVEK   AGKNCY. 


705 


tir- 
s  of 
this 

ning 

loyes 

es. 

nilk 


hoHSO  ntitil  nearly  sundown.  They  set  Meeker's  honso  on 
firo  first.  The  lionse  sut  east  and  west,  with  winfjfs  built  on 
the  south  and  north  sides.  The  south  wing  was  Josie's  bed- 
room, und  on  the  north  was  my  bedroom.  In  the  east  part 
of  tlie  house  was  a  room  used  as  a  dining-room  and  kitchen, 
and  on  the  north  of  that  the  milk-house.  They  set  .losie's 
room  on  fire  first,  and  wo  stayed  until  we  begati  strangling 
in  the  milk-house,  and  had  to  go  out.  We  ran  into  Meeker's 
house.  I  do  not  think  it  is  ten  feet  to  the  corner  of  my  bed- 
room. We  opened  both  doors  and  thought  of  secreting  onr- 
seK'^s  under  the  bed  of  Mr.  ]\[eeker.  I  said  :  'No,  that  will 
not  do.'  We  looked  out  to  the  north.  The  blinds  were  open. 
They  were  busy  taking  out  goods;  they  were  taking  the  blan- 
kets, shirts,  and  everything  else  they  could.  I  said  :  '  Let's 
try  and  escape  to  the  north,  in  the  sage  brush  ;  it  will  not  do 
to  stay  hero  ;  they  will  be  here  in  a  minute.'  Frank  said, 
'  Let's  go  while  they  are  so  busy,'  and  we  went.  I  ran  out- 
side of  the  fence;  Josie,  Mrs.  Meeker,  and  Frank  opened  the 
gate  and  went  into  the  field,  and  I  crossed  over  through  the 
wire-fence.  They  then  saw  us;  we  liad  not  got  more  than 
ten  or  fifteen  stejis  froju  the  corner  of  the  fence  north  before 
tliey  saw  us  and  fired.  They  came  running,  on  foot  and  po- 
nies, and  fired  at  all  of  us,  and  hit  Mrs.  Aleeker.  The  bullets 
whizzed  by  my  head  and  hit  beside  mo.  They  shot  at  Frank 
Dresser,  and,  as  ho  would  take  a  step,  the  dust  would  fly. 
The  last  I  saw  of  him  he  was  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  from 
the  agency,  in  the  field,  still  running.  The  Indians  took  us. 
and  said  we  had  to  go  with  them.  As  I  was  going,  I  said  1 
had  read  so  much  about  their  treatment  of  captives,  that  I 
was  afraid  they  would  want  to  bnrn  mc.  They  said  :  '  No 
kill  white  squaw;  heap  like  them.'  I  said,  'You  are  going 
to  burn  mc,'  and  they  said,  '  No  burn  white  squaw.'  Then 
they  took  me  on  through  the  brush  to  the  river." 

Mrs.  Price's  captor  was  Ahu-u-tu-pu-M'it,a  small,  ill-favored 
Uncompahgrd.  Josie  Meeker  says  of  her  capture :  "  One 
called  to  me  and  said,  '  Come  to  me  ;  no  shoot  you.'  I  said, 
'  Going  to  shoot  ?'  He  said,  '  No.'  I  said,  '  Better  not.'  He 
said,  'Come  to  me.'  And  then  they  took  me  down  to  the 
camp."    This  was  Persune,  a  Yampa  warrior.    Douglas  tried 

45 


706 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


to  take  his  captive  from  him,  but  Persuiie  puslied  liim  away. 
Tliey  had  an  angry  dispute,  after  which  Doughis  went  away 
and  took  Mrs.  Meeker,  whom  no  one  else  had  claimed.  The 
Indians  moved  that  night  al)out  twelve  miles  to  the  south, 
and  camped  on  Pi-ceance  Creek,  on  the  Great  Hogback  of  the 
Roan  or  Book  plateau.  They  had  all  been  drinking.  They 
were  laden  with  plunder  and  flushed  with  success.  That  night 
the  three  women  were  "  taken  for  squaws  "  by  their  respect- 
ive captors,  and  were  so  held  during  their  captivity.  Mrs. 
Price  was  also  outraged  by  Johnson. 

The  news  of  these  affairs  came  to  the  settlements  slowly. 
There  were  weary  days  of  suspense,  in  which  no  trustworthy 
tidings  could  be  had,  and  no  assurance  as  to  the  extent  of  the 
war.  Ouray  was  on  a  hunting  expedition  with  his  band.  A 
messenger  brought  him  word  of  the  outbreak,  and  he  returned 
at  once  to  Los  Pinos  to  report  to  the  agent.  A  letter  to  the 
White  River  chiefs  was  prepared  and  signed  by  Ouray,  direct- 
ing them  to  stopflghting.  This  was  carried  by  Joseph  Brady, 
miller  at  Los  Pinos,  accompanied  by  Sapavanari.  On  receipt 
of  Ouray's  message  the  Utes  agreed  to  obey  his  directions. 
Brady  also  communicated  with  the  soldiers,  who  were  now 
under  command  of  Colonel  Merritt.  The  remnant  of  the 
original  command  had  held  their  fortification  alone,  without 
further  loss,  until  the  morning  of  the  2d,  when  Dodge's 
company  of  colored  soldiers  arrived.  These  had  marched 
from  Grand  liiver  on  September  27,  on  orders  to  report  at 
White  Itiver  agency.  On  the  Ist  of  October  they  found  a 
paper,  on  a  sage  bush  by  the  road,  with  the  words:  "  Hurry 
up.  The  troops  have  been  defeated  at  the  agency. — E.  E.  C." 
A  few  miles  farther  they  reached  the  village  of  Ilayden, 
which  was  deserted,  but  while  here  a  party  of  citizens  came 
up,  and  the  facts  of  the  situation  were  learned.  The  command 
movsjd  on  down  Bear  liiver  and  went  into  camp  as  usual,  to 
deceive  the  Indiin  spies,  if  any  should  be  watching.  At  half- 
past  eight  they  packed  up  again.  The  train  was  sent  to  the 
supply  cainp  on  Fortification  Creek,  and  the  remainder  of  the 
force,  forty  in  numbc,  took  an  Indian  trail  for  Milk  Creek. 
They  reached  the  intrenchnient  at  daybreak,  without  moles- 
tation, and  did  gallant  service  there.     Merritt  arrived  with 


N 


W- 


PLAN  OF  WHITE  RIVER  AGENCY. 

UU  Described  by  Cli.i<J  Doyglas.) 


k" 


1 

1 
1 
1 

1 

i 

H       ( 

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1 

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W       A 

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S             N 

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w«s^li-^-: 


qSj 


Land  which  MeektT 
duHiiud  to  |)loi;j;li 


A.  Acent'K  house. 

C.  Coinil. 

I>.  Diiii^'liin's  leepee. 

K.  Ernpl.iyf'scniiirtei'.i. 

FK.  I'loiitrhi'd  nelds. 


/.'■/.     Fence*  of  eiiclii.-t'd  Utld-, 


G.  Granary. 

H.  Ilay  ooniil. 

J.  .Idhnfiii'n  house  and  lodye. 

M.  Miik-1 ,v. 

y.  Ni>\v  buildlnif. 

W.  W,.|| 


witli 


1 

il 

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II 

V 

n 

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L 


ri 
fi 

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fl 
ill 
II 

ri 
T 
til 
w 
he 
di 


WHITE  RIVER  AGENCY. 


709 


reinforcements  on  the  morning  of  the  5th.  lie  found  the 
besieged  men  in  good  trim.  No  more  killed  had  been  added 
to  the  thirteen  who  fell  on  the  first  day,  though  several  hud 
been  struck.  The  wonnded  numbered  forty-three,  nearly  all 
of  the  wounds  being  slight.  The  Indians  were  preparing  to 
fight  Merritt  when  Brady  arrived  with  Ouray's  order.  No 
figliting  was  done  afterwards,  except  that  Lieutenant  Weir 
and  Captain  of  Scouts  Ilunnne  were  killed,  and  the  scouting 
party  of  Lieutenant  Hall,  from  which  they  had  detached 
themsf^lves,  was  attacked.  The  Indians  claimed  that  this  re- 
sulted from  llumme's  shooting  at  some  Indians  that  he  met, 
and  this  is  the  only  evidence  extant  on  the  subject.  On  the 
9th  word  was  received  at  Los  Finos  that  the  White  Kivers 
would  fight  no  more,  and  that  the  Southern  Utes  would  not 
join  in  any  hostilities. 

On  the  11th  Merritt  advanced  to  White  River  agency. 
All  along  the  road  were  ghastly  evidences  of  savage  fury.  In 
a  gulch,  six  miles  from  the  agency,  lay  the  body  of  Carl  Gold- 
stein, a  contractor  who  was  taking  supplies  to  Meeker.  A 
hundred  yards  away  was  Julius  Moore,  one  of  his  teamsters, 
with  two  bullet-holes  in  his  breast,  and  his  body  hacked  and 
mutilated.  A  little  farther  down  the  cafion  the  soldiers  came 
to  the  old  coal-mine,  in  which  was  found  the  body  of  Henry 
Dresser,  engineer  at  the  agency,  lie  lay  on  his  back,  with 
his  head  pillowed  on  his  folded  coat.  By  his  side  was  a  Win- 
chester rifie  containing  eight  cartridges.  In  one  of  his  pock- 
ets was  Meeker's  message  to  Thornburgh,  with  which  Esk- 
ridge  had  started.  It  is  evident  that  Dresser  had  escaped 
from  the  agency  wounded.  He  found  Eskridyc's  body,  and, 
remembering  that  he  bore  a  message,  had  taken  the  letter 
from  his  pocket  to  carry  it  forward.  He  had  become  weak, 
and  crawled  into  the  cave  to  rest,  but  his  life  was  spent.  The 
Indians  had  not  found  him.  Two  miles  from  White  iiiver  p]sk- 
ridge  was  found,  naked,  with  a  bullet-hole  through  his  head. 
The  agency  was  a  scene  of  overwhelming  desolation.  All 
the  buildings  but  one  were  burned  down.  No  sign  of  life 
was  near,  and  the  absence  of  life  was  emphasized  by  the  hap- 
hazard scattering  of  articles  of  all  kinds  over  the  ground,  in- 
dicating a  season  of  riotous  pillaging  before  the  burning.    Ly- 


710 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


ing  here  and  there  were  the  bodies  of  the  victims.  Father 
Meeker  hiy  nuked,  on  liis  back,  one  hundred  yards  from  the 
ashes  of  his  house.  A  bullet  had  pierced  his  brain,  and  the 
left  side  of  his  head  was  maslied  in  with  a  club.  A  liarrel 
stave  wiis  driven  into  his  mouth.  Around  Jiis  nock  was  a 
diain,  by  which  he  had  probably  I)een  dragged  from  the  store- 
house. Tliese  indi<rnitic8  to  him  meant  that  their  hatred  was 
directed  chiefly  towards  him.  Frank  Dresser's  corjise  lay 
over  in  the  tieid,  with  a  bullet  through  the  heart.     (Tcorge 

Eaton,  one  of  the  la- 
borers, lay  naked, shot 
through  the  left  breast. 
From  some  strange 
fancy,  the  Indians  liad 
placed  a  bundle  of  pa- 
per bags  in  bis  anns, 
after  stri|)piiig  him. 
The  wolves  had  been 
eating  him.  These 
bodies,  with  those  of 
Thompson,  Price,  and 
the  others,  were  all 
picked  up  and  buried. 
The  first  object  to 
which  the  government 
directed  its  attention, 
after  the  outbreak  was 
checked  by  ( )uriiy, 
was  the  recovery  of 
the  cai)tive  women. 
This  was  undertaken 
by  General  Charles  Adams,  special  agent  of  the  Indian  De- 
partme!it,  who,  with  an  escort  of  Hfteen  I'tes,  started  from 
Lus  I'inos  f<»r  the  hostile  camp,  on  October  21,  to  secure  their 
release.  A  stormy  coutK.il  was  held  on  his  arrival.  Part  of 
the  Indians  wanted  to  give  up  the  captives  and  make  peace. 
Tiie  rest  wislied  to  kill  Adams  and  go  on  with  the  war.  It 
was  understood  tliat  the  I'intal'.s,  Siioshonecs,  and  others  prom- 
ised assistance,  but  this  was  largely  a  result  of  Mormon  mis- 


Doror.As. 


WHITE    RIVER   AGENCY. 


711 


representations.  Tliere  were  a  few  members  of  other  tribes 
who  would  have  aided  the  Iiostilcs,  but  the  majority  favored 
preserviujr  the  peace.  The  Mormons  unquestionably  tried  to 
Jielp  oJi  the  war.  There  were  two  of  their  emissaries  in  the 
hostile  camp  while  Adatiis  was  there.  The  friendly  Utes 
always  said  that  the  Mormons  promised  aid,  and  the  hostiles 
would  neither  admit  nor  deny  it.  There  was  found,  be- 
hind the  breastworks  of  the  Indians  who  besieged  the  force 
on  Milk  Creek,  the  body  of  an  unknown  white  man,  in  the  at- 
titude of  tiring,  just  as  he  had  been  killed.  Jlo  cid  not  be- 
long in  that  locality.  The  chances  are  about  ten  to  one  that 
he  had  a  Mormon  brand  on  his  soul.  Opposing  these  influ- 
ences were  Ouray's  authority,  the  apprehension  of  being 
worsted  by  the  soldiers,  and  the  influence  of  a  little  knot  of 
friendly  Indians.  Prominent  among  these  were  two  squaws, 
Susan  and  Jane.  Susan  was  a  wife  of  Johnson  and  a  sister 
of  Ouray.  She  felt  under  obligations  to  the  whites.  Years 
before,  when  Governor  Evans  presided  over  the  alfairs  of  Col- 
orado Territory,  she  had  been  captured  by  the  Arapahoes. 
They  werq  making  preparations  to  burn  her,  when  she  was 
rescued  i)y  soldiers  and  taken  to  Fort  Collins.  Anxious  to 
get  to  her  people,  she  slipped  away  from  the  fort  and  nar- 
rowly escaped  recapture  by  the  Arapahoes,  who  were  looking 
for  her.  She  was  saved  by  a  ranchman,  who  hid  her  under 
some  caijbiiges  in  his  wagon  when  he  saw  the  Arapahoes 
coming.  She  was  taken  to  Central  City,  furnished  with  a 
horse,  and  returned  in  safety  to  her  people.  She  not  only 
treated  the  captives  kindly,  but  also  went  boldly  into  the 
c<nin(;il,  an  almost  unheard-of  thing  among  the  I'tes,  and  in- 
histcd  on  their  release.  .lane  was  the  wife  <»f  Pah-vitz.  She 
bad  been  cured  of  a  serious  illness  by  Mrs.  Meeker,  and  had 
iieen  treated  kindly  by  her  and  her  daughter.  She  manifested 
her  gratitude  by  numerous  acts  of  friendship. 

There  was  another  influence  that  atfei'ted  the  Indians.  It 
was  their  rage  ovi'r  some  piciures  that  they  claimed  to  have 
found  on  the  body  of  some  dead  person,  but  this  wap  directed 
more  particularly  towanls  Meeker.  The  story  is  somewhat  in- 
coherent, and  possibly  was  not  correctly  umlerstood.  It  was 
to  the  etTect  that  tlu^y  had  found,  on  this  body,  pictures  of 


712 


MASSACRES    OF   THE    MOINTAIXS. 


Meoker,  Mrs.  Aleekur,  Josie,  and  Mrs.  Price,  each  showing  a 
wound  in  some  mortal  part,  and  each  covered  witli  blood. 
Mocker's  showed  a  wound  in  the  head,  Josic's  in  the  breast, 
and  the  others  simiiarlj.  These,  the  Indians  said,  had  been 
sent  to  make  bad  feeling  against  them.  AVhenever  the  subject 
was  introduced  they  became  furious.  Some  thought  there 
was  nothing  in  it,  but  Miss  Meeker  and  Brady  were  both  of 
the  opinion  that  there  was,  because  the  stor^'  was  repeated  so 
often,  by  different  Indians,  and  always  the  same,  (-aptain 
Payne  otfered  two  possible  explanations.  One  was  that  in  his 
trunk,  which  was  captured  by  the  Indians,  there  was  a  picture 
of  an  Indian  that  had  been  given  him  a  short  time  before  by 
one  of  the  scouts.  When  Thornburgh's  body  was  recovered 
this  picture  was  lying  on  his  breast,  held  by  a  small  stone. 
The  Indian  was  not  known  to  Payne,  but  was  said  by  the  Utes 
to  be  one  of  the  rncompahgres.  This  occurrence,  however, 
has  so  little  identity  with  the  story  that  it  may  be  left  out  of 
consideration  as  an  explanation.  The  second  was  that  a  team- 
ster found  on  a  bush  a  sheet  of  paper  bearing  rough  drafts  of 
the  bodies  of  three  or  four  men,  with  holes  through  them,  that 
might  have  beeJi  meant  for  representations  of  bullet-wounds. 
Under  the  figures  were  M-avy  lines  like  writing.  'J'his  was 
brought  to  Pavne  on  the  night  of  the  attack  at  Milk  Creek. 
The  only  objections  to  this  are  that  the  i)icture8  were  recog- 
nized by  the  Indians  as  those  of  the  persons  mentioned,  and 
that  this  picture  did  not  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  Indians. 
On  the  other  hand,  it  may  have  be'en  in  t\m  possession  of  the 
Indians  before  it  was  found,  and  the  identity  of  the  ligures 
may  have  been  indicated  by  some  of  the  .<ign8  used  in  their 
system  of  j)ictography.  It  is  possible  that  the  body  referred 
to  may  have  ])een  that  of  Eskridge,  and  he  may  have  had  in 
his  pockets  ])hotographs,  which  had  been  defaced,  as  photo- 
gra]>hs  sometimes  are,  by  pencil  or  ink  marks. 

Put  to  resume:  the  tril)o  at  hitigth  decided  that  the  cap- 
tives should  be  given  up,  and  there  remained  no  objection  ex- 
cept from  Persunc,  who  had  become  madly  infatu.ited  with 
Misfi  M(!eker.  lie  implored  her  to  remain  with  him:  prom- 
ised that  she  i=lunild  never  do  any  work  ;  that  all  his  posses- 
sions should  be  hers,  and  similar  r.ish  vows.     He  wept  like  a 


WHITK   KIVKH  AliENCY. 


fm 


MAJOR  T.  T.  TiioRNnrimn. 


child,  but  his  prayers  and  tears  were  of  no  avail.  The  other 
Indians  regarded  all  this  as  a  good  joke  on  Persune,  and  after- 
wards, when  the  news  of  her  death,  while  a  Treasury  clerk 
in  Washington,  came  to  them  on  L'intah  Valley  reservation, 
they  nudged  one  another  slyly,  winked  signiticantly,  and  said 
that  Persune  (»ught  to  ])ut  on  his  mourning  paint  for  his  wife. 
(Jeneral  Adams,  with  the  captives,  reached  ^Nlerritt's  camp  on 
the  night  of  the  2'?d,  and  conveyed  them  thence  to  Los  Pinos. 
The  captives  then  claimed  that  they  had  not  been  subjected 
to  indiiftiitv,  and  General  Adams  stated  afterwards  that  this 


714 


MASSACRES   OF  THE   MOUNTAINS. 


was  his  reason  for  urging  the  witlidniwul  of  the  troops.  Tliny 
did  not  nuike  a  full  statement  ot  tlieir  treatment  to  any  of  tlie 
otticials  until  their  depositions  were  taken  at  Greeley,  on  No- 
vember 4,  and  then  very  reluctantly,  and  under  promise  that 
the  newspapers  should  not  have  information  of  it.  The  pub- 
lic did  not  learn  the  facts  for  several  weeks. 

The  story  of  the  remainder  of  the  Uto  trouble  is  mainly 
the  record  of  the  tedious  sessions  of  two  commissions.  The 
government  demanded  the  surrender  of  the  parties  guilty  of 
the  massacre  and  the  attack  on  Thornburgh,  but  could  get  no 
legal  evidence  of  their  identity.  The  white  survivors  could 
not  testify  to  the  killing  of  any  white  man  by  any  Indian.  The 
Indians  denied  everything,  except  what  favored  them.  They 
had  learned  the  white  man's  maxim:  "No  num  can  be  com- 
pelled to  criminate  himself,"  and  had  evidently  added  to  it  the 
words,  "or  any  of  his  friends."  Not  a  man  could  be  found 
who  knew  any  one  that  had  been  implicated.  The  chiefs  who 
undoubtedly  led  in  tlie  attacks  swore  that  they  were  not  pres- 
ent, or,  if  present,  were  trying  to  preserve  the  peace.  Finally, 
General  Hatch  demanded  the  surrender  of  the  parties  against 
whom  there  was  the  greatest  show  of  evidrnce ;  viz. .'  Douglas, 
Johnson,  Antelope,  Ebenezer,  Persune,  Ahu-u-tu-pu-wit, 
Johnny  (Douglas's  son-in-law),  Sah-witz  (Sawa-wick,  Sow-er- 
wick,  Serwick,  Serrick),  Crepah,  Tim  Johnson,  Thomas  (an 
Uintah),  and  Pah-vitz.  The  proceedings  were  also  delayed 
by  the  death  of  Ouray,  on  August  24,  1880,  and  of  Ka-ni-a- 
che,  who  was  struck  by  lightning  two  days  after  the  death  of 
Ouray.  In  one  sense  the  death  of  Ouray  furthered  the  final 
adjustment  of  the  difficulty.  He  did  not  wish  to  move,  though 
he  finally  consented  to  it,  and  ho  did  not  wish  to  leave  his 
tribe.  Ho  had  repeatedly  said  :  "  Ouray  will  Jievcr  leave  the 
great  mountains."  lie  and  his  tribe  had  the  clear  right  to  re- 
main and  retain  the  reservation,  under  the  treaty.  They  had 
not  only  not  been  hostile,  but  also  had  prevented  a  general  war. 
If  Ouray  had  desired  war — if  Me  had  even  refused  to  interfere 
with  the  White  Rivers — the  frontier  settlements  would  have 
been  damaged  incalculably.  Inspector  Pollock  well  wrote 
from  the  San  Juan:  "Saltpetre  would  not  save  this  country 
but  for  the  counsel  of  Ouray."     No  commissioner  with  a  sen- 


WHITE  RIVER  AGENCY. 


iir. 


tiinent  of  decency  or  honesty  could  advise  forcing  him  or  his 
people  to  give  up  the  reservation,  and  yet  the  rabble  forgot  his 
services,  and  could  no  longer  see  a  distinction  between  good 
and  bad  Indians.  Their  skins  are  all  of  the  same  color,  are 
they  not?  They  are  when  the  white  man  wants  their  prop- 
erty, at  any  rate. 

The  work  of  the  commission  was  further  complicated,  and 
perhaps  hastened,  by  the  invasion  of  the  reservation  by  armed 
bands  of  prospectors,  and  gangs  of  railroad  graders.  In  the 
fall  of  1880  war  was  almost  precipitated  by  the  ninrder  of 
Young  Johnson,  a  son  of  Shavano,  hy  a  drunken  teamster,  and 
the  lynching  of  the  teamster  by  the  Indians.  An  adjustment 
was  at  length  arranged,  on  the  basis  that  none  of  the  Indians 
should  be  punished,  but  that  they  should  all  move  to  new 
reservations.  Strict  justice  would  liave  required  that  the 
guilty  Indians  should  be  punished  and  the  peaceable  ones 
allowed  to  retain  the  reservation,  but  this  would  not  have  been 
satisfactory  to  either  party.  The  Indians  did  not  wish  to  be 
punished,  and  the  whites  wished  to  get  the  reservation.  Under 
the  circumstances,  the  solution  arrived  at  was  perhaps  the  best 
that  could  have  been  made.  The  Southern  L'tes  were  given 
land  in  severalty  on  the  Animas,  Florida,  and  other  streams  in 
Southern  Colorado.  The  White  Hi  vers  were  sent  to  the 
Uintah  agency.  The  Los  Piiios  Indians  were  put  on  a  new 
reservation  on  Green  Itiver,  east  of  and  adjoining  the  lintah 
agency.  It  was  stated  l)y  the  Indians,  accepted  by  the  com- 
mission, and  adopted  by  the  government,  that  the  guilty  par- 
ties had  fled  beyond  the  jurisdiction  of  the  United  States.  Of 
course  this  was  a  fiction.  Those  parties  are  all  on  the  reser- 
vations in  Utah;  at  least,  they  were  eighteen  months  ago.  I*ut 
there  was  no  special  object  to  be  gai«ied  by  their  surrender. 
There  was  not  evidence  to  convict  them,  and  the  tril)e  was 
willing  to  purchase  immunity  by  the  surrender  of  the  reserva- 
tion. It  is  rare  that  any  tribunal  has  an  opportunity  to  settle 
a  question  so  satisfactorily  to  all  parties  concerned,  and,  being 
so  settled,  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  our  differences  with  the  Utes 
are  henceforth,  forever,  tvs  Judicata.  ' 


CHAPTER  XXI. 
CRUELTY,  I'lTY,  AND  JL'STICK. 

On  July  20,  18C7,  was  passed  '*  an  act  to  establish  peace 
with  certain  hostile  Indian  tribes,"  providing  for  the  crea- 
tion of  a  lioard  of  peace  commissioners.  As  members  of  this 
board,  there  were  named  in  the  act  N.  Ct.  Taylor,  J.  li.  Hen- 
derson, J.  B.  Sanborn,  and  S.  F.  Tappan,  to  whom  the  Presi- 
dent was  empowered  to  add  four  army  ofKcers.  He  named 
(ienerals  Sherman,  Harney,  Terry,  and  Angnr.  The  discus- 
sion connected  with  the  emancipation  and  citizenship  of  the 
negroes  had  educated  the  people  to  a  jnst  np))reciation  of  the 
natural  rights  of  all  men,  and  an  awakening  public  conscience 
pointed  to  the  Indian  as  a  victim  of  past  injustice.  The 
"peace  policy  of  General  Grant,"  as  it  was  commonly  called, 
received  the  approval  of  a  great  majority  of  Americans.  The 
labors  of  the  peace  commissioners  were  considered  so  valua- 
ble, and  the  advantages  to  bo  gained  by  authorizing  a  com- 
mittee of  citizens  to  aid  in  the  conduct  of  Indian  a£fairs  were 
so  evident,  that  by  an  act  of  April  10,  1SG9,  a  permanent 
Board  of  Indian  Commissioners  was  organized.  It  was  com- 
posed of  ten  civilians,  who  received  no  compensation  for  their 
services,  but  had  their  expenses  paid,  and  were  to  assist  in 
procuring  and  maintainitig  peace  with  the  Indians,  for  which 
purposes  an  appropriation  of  two  million  dollars  was  made. 
Unfortunately  for  tiie  Indian,  the  feeling  in  his  favor  wan- 
dered ofif  into  the  channel  of  abstract  compliment.  From  a 
demon  he  was  raised  to  the  position  of  a  temporal  deity  by 
the  extremists  who  were  now  given  an  opportunity  to  aid 
him.  The  gentlemen  who  wrote  the  reports  of  the  commis- 
sioners revelled  in  riott)us  imaginations  and  discarded  facts,  as 
a  part  of  the  old  and  offensive  re<jliii<i  which  was  henceforth 
to  be  abandoned.     Take,  for  instance,  this  picture  of  the  In- 


CRUELTY,  I'lTY,  AND  JUSTICE. 


717 


dian'H  cluiractor  from  one  of  the  reports:  "  His  only  compro- 
mise is  to  have  his  rights,  real  or  fancied,  fully  conceded.  To 
force  he  yields  nothini;.  In  battle  ho  never  surrenders,  and 
is  the  more  excusable,  therefore,  that  he  never  accepts  capitu- 
lation at  the  hands  of  others.  In  war  ho  does  not  ask  or  ac- 
cept mercy.  He  is  then  the  more  consiniont  that  lie  does  not 
grant  mercy."  This  statement  is  astounding,  in  tlu;  face  of 
the  fact  that  for  over  three  centuries  the  Indian  had  been 
yielding  to  force,  surrendering,  accepting  mercy,  and  compro- 
mising his  rights,  if  he  ever  had  any.  It  is  hardly  possible 
that  the  commissioners  ever  read  carefully  the  balderdash 
that  has  been  printed  over  their  names.  Certainly  the  four 
military  members  of  the  peace  commission  did  not  realize  to 
what  they  were  assenting;  it  has  been  quoted  to  them  at 
times  when  it  mnst  have  been  very  embarrassing,  from  a 
logical  stand -point,  as,  for  example,  in  the  case  of  Wendell 
Phillips's  open  letter  to  General  Sherman  during  the  Modoc 
war.  These  officers  knew,  as  any  sane  maii  docs,  that  the  In- 
dian is  not  an  angel.  He  is  merely  an  uncivilized  man  who 
has  some  good  qualities  and  some  bixd  ones,  like  other  mor- 
tals. What  he  needs  is  honesty  and  justice,  more  than  lulmi- 
ration  or  maudlin  sympathy,  and  what  success  the  peace  poli- 
cy has  had  has  been  in  the  line  of  the  extension  to  the  red 
man  of  that  justice  and  reasonable  aid  to  which  Americans 
generally  believe  he  is  entitled. 

The  earlier  years  of  commission  work  were  devoted  to 
the  plains  Indians  and  to  those  in  the  more  settled  parts  of 
the  country.  Durhig  this  time  the  extermination  policy  was 
pursued  in  Arizona,  In  June,  1809,  Major-general  Thomas 
relieved  General  Ilalleck,  in  command  of  the  Military  Divis- 
ion of  the  Pacific,  and  General  Ord  succeeded  to  the  com- 
mand of  the  Department  of  California.  General  Ord  was 
an  enthusiastic  exterminator,  so  far  as  the  Apaches  were  con- 
cerned. He  writes,  in  September,  1809:  "I  encouraged  the 
troops  to  capture  and  root  out  the  Apache  b}'  every  means, 
and  to  hunt  them  as  they  would  wild  animals.  This  they 
have  done  with  unrelenting  vigor.  Since  my  last  report  over 
two  hundred  have  been  killed,  generally  by  parties  who  have 
trailed  them  for  days  and  weeks  into  the  mountain  recesses. 


•IS 


MASSACKKS  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


over  snows,  ainon*^  f?or<^e8  and  precipice'^,  lying  in  wait  for 
tlicni  by  day,  and  fullowing  them  by  night.  Many  villages 
have  been  burned,  large  (quantities  of  arms  and  supplies  oi 
atnniunition,  elothing,  and  provisions  have  been  destroyed,  n 
largo  number  of  horses  and  uiules  have  been  captured,  and 
two  men,  twenty-eight  women,  and  thirty-four  cl;ildren  taken 


j^v^V 


HAUNTS   OK   TIIK    AI'ACUES. 


prisoners;  and  though  wc  liavc  lost  quite  a  number  of  sol- 
diers, I  think  the  Apaches  have  discovered  that  they  are  get- 
ting the  worst  of  it."  A  more  profitable  result  was  obtained 
in  Western  Arizona,  where  the  less  nomadic  bantls  of  the 
Apaches  were  located.  These  Indians  were  more  closely 
surrounded  by  white  neighbors  and  nearer  to  the  locations 
of  the  troops ;  besides  which  they  were  of  a  more  peaceable 
character  tlian  the  other  tribes.  There  were  several  bands 
that  were  quite  agricultural  in  their  pursuits,  notably  that  of 


CitUKl-TY,  I'lTY,  AND  JUSTICK 


719 


> 


Miji;ucl,  who  kept  back  in  tbu  inoiiiitain  vulloye  mid  took  lit- 
tle or  no  jKirt  in  any  of  tlio  wars.  Mii^iiel's  village,  with  ii 
white  tia^  ^ying  over  each  lodge,  was  found  in  the  heart  of 
the  White  Mountains  by  Captain  I'arry,  whoso  forces  were 
on  an  exterminating  expedition,  but  these  Indians  showed  so 
much  sincerity  in  their  professions  of  peace  that  even  the 
jSIexican  scouts  said  they  could  not  fire  on  them.  For  these 
Apaches  the  White  Mountain  reservation  was  first  estab- 
lished, and  to  it  others  gathered  as  they  learned  that  they 
could  surrender  and  remain  at  peace  in  their  own  country. 

Although  externunation  was  not  being  satisfactorily  ac- 
complished in  Arizona,  the  legitimate  object  of  war  was  be- 
ing obtained.  The  Apaches  were  gradually  being  brought 
to  a  reaii/.atitm  that  peace  was  a  better  mode  of  life  than 
war.  They  were  learning  that  their  enemies  could  invade 
their  homes,  destroy  their  property,  and  keep  them  in  con- 
stant apprehension  of  death.  Some  of  them  were  ready  to 
live  peaceably  at  places  where  they  could  be  protected,  but 
for  this  result,  which  ought  to  Imv",  been  the  primary  oijject 
of  the  war,  there  had  been  no  adequal«  i)reparation.  Indians 
who  desired  to  surrender  could  go  to  the  White  Mountains, 
but  Indians  living  elsewhere,  who  desired  to  make  peace  and 
settle  in  their  old  homes,  had.  no  on  i  who  could  talk  to  them 
with  authority.  In  February,  1871,  a  party  of  Indian  wom- 
en came  to  Camp  Grant,  near  the  junction  of  the  San  Pedro 
and  Arivapa  rivers,  in  search  of  a  captive  boy.  They  were 
treated  kindly,  and  through  them  communication  was  had 
with  Es-kim-en-zin,  the  chief  of  their  band.  They  were 
Arivapa  or  Pinal  Apaches,  about  one  hundred  arid  fifty  in 
number.  The  chief  said  that  they  wished  to  make  peace. 
Lieut.  Royal  E.  Whitman,  commanding  the  post,  told  them 
to  go  to  the  White  Mountains.  They  were  not  willing  to  do 
this;  some  of  their  number  had  been  there  and  found  the 
locality  unhealthy  ;  the  Indians  there  were  people  with  whom 
they  had  never  mixed.  More  than  this,  their  home  was  on 
the  Arivapa.  They  said,  "Our  fathers  and  their  fathers  be- 
fore them  have  lived  in  these  mountains,  and  have  raised 
corn  in  this  valley."  Lieutenant  W^hitman  told  them  that  he 
had  no  authority  to  make  a  treaty  or  to  pronuse  them  a  per- 


>*uiy  ff-^i 


720 


MASSACIUvS  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


iniiJieiit  home  at  that  j)lace,  but  that  they  iiiijijlit  surrender  to 
him,  and  he  would  feed  and  protect  them  as  prisoners  nntil 
the  authorities  conUl  he  heard  from.  To  this  th<iy  ai^reed. 
They  came  in  al)oiit  March  1st,  and  were  immediately  fol- 
lowed by  other  small  tribes,  bringing  the  number,  by  March 

5th,  to  about  three  hun- 
dred. Whitman  ex- 
))ressed  a  fidl  account 
of  the  matter  to  J)ivis- 
ion  head -quarters,  and 
six  weeks  later  received 
an  answer.  The  answer 
was  that  his  communi- 
cation had  not  been  en- 
dorsed in  accordance 
with  oflicial  etiquette, 
and  it  was  returned 
therewith.  Thei-j  was 
no  comment  on  the  con- 
tents. The  fate  of  three 
hundred  jieople  was  of 
less  importance  than  the 
manner  of  addressing  a 
report. 

Lieutenant  Whit- 
man had  located  the 
Arivapas  1  alf  a  mile 
from  the  post,  and 
counted  them  every  oth- 
er dav.  Their  number 
gr:idually  increased  till 
it  reached  Hvo  hundred 
and  ten.  Thev  were 
very  destitute  and  al- 
most naked,  but  it  was  found  that  tliey  were  willing  to  work 
to  obtain  clothing,  so  they  were  set  to  gathering  hay.  They 
cut  it  with  their  knives  and  lirought  it  in  on  their  backs,  but 
by  this  slow  method  tiey  furnished  the  jiost  witli  one  hundred 
and  lifty  tons  in  less  than  two  months,  besides  gathering  largo 


•^^c^^ 


Et-KKCT  OK   KXTKIlMINAililN    IMII.ICV    ON    ARIZONA 
HETTI.KR. 


CULELTY,  i'lTV,  AND  .ll'STK'i:. 


721 


I)nt 
( I  i'lhI 
urge 


quantities  of  mescal  for  their  own  use.  As  the  weather  grew 
warmer  tliey  were  allowed  to  move  four  or  five  miles  farther 
np  the  Arivapa,  to  some  lanil  that  thoy  wished  to  cultivate,  and 
her(!  tliey  were  counted  and  rationed  eMM'v  tliiril  day.  About 
April  ist  ('ai)tain  Stanwootl  arrived  and  took  coniniand  of  the 
j)ost,  with  instructions  to  hold  and  feed  any  Indians  he  might 
find  there  as  prisonei'  of  war.  He  examined  the  status  of 
tiie  Arivapas  and  left  li.cm  as  they  were.  On  April  24th  ho 
started  to  the  south,  on  a  scout,  leaving  Lieutenant  Whitman 
in  charge  of  the  post,  with  fifty  infantry.  The  Indians  were 
well-hehaved,  arid  the  system  of  counting  made  it  impossii)lo 
for  them  to  go  any  great  distance  from  their  canij).  The 
ranchmen  in  tlie  neighhurhood  were  on  friendly  terms  with 
them,  and  lia«^  made  some  contracts  for  their  services  in  tlio 
coming  harvest. 

On  April  2Stli  a  largo  party  of  Americans,  Mexicans,  and 
Papago  IiHJians  left  Tucson,  with  tiie  avowed  determination 
of  killing  these  Arivapas.  Captain  I'enn,  commanding  at 
Fort  Lowell,  sent  word  of  this  movement  to  Lieutenant  Whit- 
man hy  a  messenger,  who  arrived  on  tluj  morning  (if  Ai)ril 
."((•th.  Whitman  at  once  sent  two  men  to  the  Indians  to  tell 
them  to  come  in,  l)Ut  in  an  hnur  the  messengers  returned  and 
inforn)ed  him  that  it  was  too  late.  The  camp  was  strewn 
with  the  nnitilated  bodies  of  women  and  children,  and  their 
lores  were  Imriung.  The  post-surgeon,  Doctor  Uriesly,  vvith 
twelve  men,  was  At  once  despatched  to  the  place  witii  a  wag- 
on, to  bring  'n  any  wounded  that  might  lie  found.  I)octor 
i>riet*ly  said,  "On  my  arrival  I  found  that  I  should  have  but 
little  ut^v.  for  wagon  or  medicine;  the  work  had  been  too 
thorougiily  done.  The  camp  had  l.teen  iiicd,  and  the  tlead 
ixidies  of  some  twentv-one  women  and  children  were  lying 
scattered  over  the  ground  ;  those  who  had  !)een  wounded  in 
the  first  instance  had  their  brains  lieatcn  out  with  stones. 
Two  of  flie  best-looking  of  the  srjnaws  were  lying  in  Hwh  a 
position,  and  fmm  the  appearance  of  the  genital  organs  and 
of  their  Wduiuis.  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  they  were  first 
rariftlicd  and  tiien  shot  dead.  Nearl}'  all  of  the  dead  were 
mutilated.  <  Mie  infant  of  some  ten  months  was  shot  twice, 
and  one  leg  iiacked  nearly  off.     Wliile  g'.'ing  over  the  ground, 

4»j 


722 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


we  came  upon  a  8(|nii\v  wlio  wiis  unhurt,  but  were  unable  to 
get  her  to  come  in  and  talk,  slie  not  feeling  very  sure  of  our 
good  intentions.'' 

The  next  morning  Lieutenant  Whitman  went  ont  with  a 
jiarty  to  hurj  the  dead,  lie  f'avs,  "I  thought  the  act  of  car- 
ing for  their  dead  would  he  an  evidence  to  them  of  our  eym- 
pathy  at  least,  and  the  conjecture  proved  correct,  for  while  at 
tlic  work  many  of  them  came  to  the  spot  and  iiididged  in 
their  o.\|>rc8sior)s  of  grief,  tot»  wild  and  terrible  to  be  de- 
scribed. That  eveiung  they  I'cgan  to  come  in  from  all  di- 
rections, singly  and  in  small  parties,  so  changed  in  forty-eight 
hour?  as  to  be  hardly  recognizable,  during  which  time  they 
had  tseither  oaten  nor  slept.  Many  of  the  men,  who^o  f.imi- 
lies  lu<i  all  i»een  killed,  when  I  spoke  to  them  and  expro.sed 
syujpatliy  for  them,  were  ol)liged  to  turn  away,  "ible  to 
speak,  and  too  proud  to  show  their  grief.  The  wo -ic  n  hose 
ciiildren  had  been  kilh-il  or  sfoh-ii  wore  convulsed  witn  grief, 
and  lookttd  to  m<-  :ip|)i'alingly,  as  though  I  was  their  last  In-pe 
on  earth.  Childn-n  who,  two  days  before,  had  been  full  of 
fun  and  frolic  kept  at  a  distance,  expressing  wondering  ht>r- 
ror.  1  did  what  I  conUl ;  I  fcil  them,  an  '  falketl  to  them,  and 
listetwd  patiently  to  their  accounts.  1  sent  horses  into  the 
mountains  to  bring  in  two  badly-wounded  women,  one  shot 
through  the  left  lung,  and  one  with  an  arm  shattered.  These 
were  attended  to.  and  arc  doing  well,  ami  will  recover.  Their 
camp  was  surrounded  ami  attacked  at  daybreak.  So  sudden 
ami  unexpected  was  it,  that  no  one  was  awake  to  give  the 
alarm,  and  I  found  (piit«'  a  tiumber  of  wonien  shot  while 
asleep  beside  their  bundles  of  hay  wlii(!h  tlu-y  hail  collected 
t(.»  bring  in  on  that  morning.  The  w(»unded  who  were  unable 
to  get  away  bail  their  brains  iM'aten  out  with  clubs  or  stones, 
while  some  were  shot  full  of  arrows  after  having  been  mor- 
tally wounded  by  gunshot.  The  bodies  were  all  stripped. 
Of  the  whole  numlxM' buried,  one  was  an  old  man  and  one 
was  a  well-gr(»wn  boy — all  the  rest  women  and  chiMicn.  Of 
the  wliole  number  killed  ami  missing — about  one  hundred  and 
twenty-five — only  eight  were  men.  It  has  l)een  said  that  the 
men  were  not  there  -they  were  all  there.  On  the  2Sth  we 
counted  one  hundred  and  twonty-eight  men,  a  small  number 


It 

al 
It 
c.tr 

olH 

pra 
do\ 
ed 
evi' 


CRUELTY,  riTY,  AND  JfSTICK. 


123 


being  ahsciit  for  luescal,  all  of  whotn  have  since  been  in.  .  ,  . 
About  their  captives  tliey  say, '(iet  tliein  i)ack;  for  lis;  our 
little  boys  will  grow  up  slaves,  and  our  girls,  as  soon  as  they 
are  large  enough,  will  be  diseased  prostitutes,  to  get  money  for 
whoever  owns  tln'tn.  Our  women  work  hard  and  are  good 
women,  and  they  and  our  children  have  no  <liseases.  Our 
dead  you  cannot  bring  to  life,  but  those  that  aro  living  we 
gave  to  you,  and  we  look  to  you,  who  can  write  and  talk  and 
have  soldiers,  to  get  them  back.'  I  will  assure  vou  it  is  no 
easy  task  to  convince  them  of  my  7,e:U  when  they  see  so  little 
being  done.  I  have  pledged  iriy  word  to  them  that  I  never 
would  rest  easily,  day  or  night,  until  they  should  have  justice, 
and  just  now  I  would  as  soon  leave  the  army  as  tu  be  ordered 
away  from  them,  or  to  be  obligt'd  to  order  them  away  from 
here.  Ibit  you  will  know  the  ditHculties  in  the  way.  Voii 
know  that  parties  who  would  engage  in  murder  like  this, 
coulil  and  would  (and  have  already)  make  statements  and 
multi])ly  alHdavits  without  end  in  their  justification.  I  know 
you  will  use  youi'  influence  on  the  right  side.  I  believe  with 
them,  this  may  be  made  cither  u  means  of  making  good  citi- 
zens of  them  and  their  children,  or  drive  them  out  to  a  hope- 
less war  of  extermination.  They  ask  to  be  allowed  to  live 
liere  in  their  old  homes,  where  nature  supplies  nearly  all  their 
wants;  they  ask  for  a  f;iir  aiul  impartial  trial  of  tlu'ir  faith, 
and  they  ask  that  all  their  captive  children  living  may  be  re- 
turned to  them.     Is  their  demand  unreasonable?" 

I'nbappily  for  the  good  repute  of  Ari/.oiiii,  the  press,  and 
apparently  the  people,  justified  or  apologized  fortius  mon- 
strous crime.  The  frontier  press  does  not  always  represent 
the  feeling  of  a  majority  of  the  community  in  these  matters. 
It  is  st-nsational  on  all  sul»jects,  and  it  is  down  on  Ijulians  on 
all  occasitms,  on  the  supjiosition  that  this  course  is  popular. 
It  is  popular  in  time  of  war.  iNIisrepresentation  may  then  be 
carried  as  far  as  in  pt)litics,  or  farther,  for  then  then;  is  but 


on 


e  hide  to   be  heard.      IJut  there   is  no  communitv  so  < 


le- 


praved  as  to  favor  assassination  in  time  of  peace,  and  this  was 
downright  assassination.  Whatever  provocation  there  exist- 
ed was  in  the  olTencc  of  other  people.  The  massacre  cannot 
even  be  justified  on  the  theory  that  it  was  an  application  of 


TU4 


MA8SACIIES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


lynch  law,  for  lynching  is  resorted  to  for  the  purpose  of  just 
punishuient,  irregularly  of  course,  but  still  for  the  exclusive 
purpose  of  punishment.  The  aceoinpaniincnts  of  this  deed 
showed  that  no  such  motives  actuated  these  murderers.  Tlie 
camp  was  plundered,  women  were  ravished,  and  tlie  childreii 
carried  away  were  sold  for  the  protit  of  their  captors.  Lust 
and  plunder  are  not  motives  consistent  with  the  savage  jus- 
tice that  sometimes  makes  lynching  almost  excusable.  It 
seems  unjust  to  charge  this  wrong  against  the  American  peo- 
ple, for  most  of  the  perpetrators  were  Mexicans  and  Indiaiis, 
and  there  were  Americans  near  by  who  would  have  given 
protection  to  the  victims  if  it  had  been  in  their  power.  It 
ought  to  rank  as  a  crime  committed  by  criminals. 

The  offence  of  the  people  of  Arizona  was  in  defending  it, 
and  the  method  oi  defence  was  worse  than  the  abstract  wrong 
of  defending  a  wicked  and  shameful  action.  The  papers  of 
Arizona  attacked  Whitman,  charging  him  with  being  a  deb- 
auchee and  u  consorter  with  Indian  women.  Even  if  these 
charges  had  been  true,  they  did  not  make  the  massacre  any 
less  wrong;  and  they  did  not  wcakeJi  AVhitman's  statements, 
for  these  were  contirmcd  in  every  particular  I)y  other  men. 
Ihit  the  charges  were  not  true,  if  we  may  believe  the  solemn 
statements  of  the  officers,  men,  contractors,  and  employes  of 
the  jHi.^t.  Men  of  all  classes,  who  voluntarily  stated  that  they 
had  come  to  Camp  (irant  prejudiced  against  the  Apaches, 
swore  that  these  Indians  were  pcaceabhi  and  well-behaved, 
and  that  the  charges  against  Lieutenant  AVhitman  were  false. 
One  hundred  of  tlie  participants  in  this  allair,  Americans, 
M(!xicanp,  and  Papagos,  were  indicted  and  brought  to  trial 
that  year,  in  the  December  term  of  the  I'nitcd  States  Dis- 
trict (y'ourt.  Tiie  jury  remained  out  for  twenty  minutes  and 
returned  a  verdict  of  "  not  guilty."  It  is  such  verdicts  as 
this  that  are  bringing  the  jury  system  into  disrepute.  Xever- 
theless,  the  prosecution  hatl  some  effect.  It  is  a  great  step 
towards  civilization  even  to  have  men  indicted  for  murder. 
It  tends  to  repress  the  light-hearted  assassin.  There  is  only 
one  consideration  that  affords  any  shadow  of  excuse  for  Camp 
Grant:  the  Apaches  made  war  similarly.  With  them  it  was 
the  highest  science  of  war  to  lull  an  enemy's  suspicions  and 


CRUELTY,  riTY,  AND  JUSTICE. 


725 


then  murder  him.  ('ruler  Bimilar  circumstances  lu^stilc  Apa- 
ches would  probably  have  committed  the  (Jasnp  (iraut  mas- 
sacre nud  gloried  in  it.  This  consideration  is  more  than  otT- 
Bct  by  the  inexpediency  of  the  act.  This*  horrible  warfare 
had  to  be  ended  in  some  way,  and  the  military  had  tin;  task 
to  perform.  There  v.erc  but  two  ways  of  doing  it ;  one  was 
to  exterminate  the  Indians;  the  other  was  to  renuire  both 
sides  to  observe  the  laws  of  civilization  until  contidonoe  was 
restored.  Years  tif  warfare  had  sh.own  the  lirst  to  be  imprac- 
ticable. It  was  suicidal  to  ])lace  any  obstacle  in  the  way  of 
attaining  the  second.  As  a  matter  of  exi)ediency.  carrying 
away  the  children  M-as  worse  than  the  murders,  for  this  was  a 
continuing  wrong,  (jf  the  twenty-nitie  chiUlren  taken,  two 
escaped  and  five  wore  recovered  from  Arizunians.  The  re- 
mainder were  sold  into  slavery  in  Sonora. 

An  unfortunate  imsunderstanding  occurred,  soon  after  the 
massacre,  that  rcsidted  in  another  attack  on  these  Arivapas, 
and  a|«parently  gave  them  reason  to  believe  that  there  were 
no  white  men  who  could  be  trusted.  Tlie  grief-stricken  rem- 
nant of  the  tribe  gathered  again  in  the  valley,  under  promise 
of  protection,  and  assurance  that  the  soldiers  had  no  part  in 
the  bloody  work.  Among  them  was  Kskiinenzin.  tlm  chief 
who  first  came  to  the  post.  In  the  massacre  he  lust  two 
wives  five  ciiildren,  and  about  fifty  of  his  tribe.  He  came 
back  dviring  the  burial  and  assi^ited  in  this  iiKinrifid  task, 
ahli(»ugb  nearly  crazed  with  grief  over  his  los.-*.  As  the  In- 
dians slowly  returned,  tliey  camped  in  small  parties,  f'^aring 
to  get  together  lest  anotl'.er  attack  should  be  made.  On  one 
of  these  parties,  consisting  of  Kskimenzin  and  the  remnant  of 
his  fam'ly,a  ]>arty  of  soldiers  suddenly  came  while  returning 
from  the  White  Mountains,  about  a  month  after  the  massacre. 
and  by  mistake,  in  the  confusion  of  the  moment,  tired  upon 
them.  No  one  was  killed,  but  Eskimen.'ln  lost  all  (•(»nHdence 
in  the  protectorate.  He  fled  to  the  mountains  with  his  re- 
maining people,  ami  killed  a  white  mar)  as  he  went. 

The  (Jar.ip  (ir'ant  massacr-e  natm-ally  raised  a  whirlwind 
of  indignation  in  tire  East  among  those  who  advocated  peace, 
and  even  conservative  ])eoplo  who  had  not  been  irrclir>ed  to 
Irrdian-wor'slrip  r-ecoilcd  at  this  atr-ocity.      Ln  duly.  President 


726 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


Grant  gave  Mr.  A'incent  Colycr  plenary  powcre  to  go  into 
Arizona  and  adjust  tlio  Indian  troubles  there  as  appeared 
proper  to  liiin.  His  advent  as  a  representative  of  the  govcrn- 
inont  was  heralded  by  the  Arizona  press  with  the  same  fiery 
detiance  that  used  to  characterize  the  Mormon  papers  when 
the  government  proposed  to  take  a  hand  in  Utah  affairs. 
Still  the  government  was  not  observed  to  tremble,  and  Mr. 
C'( (Iyer's  poliey  was  enforced.  The  Arizona  papers  simply 
weakened  their  cause  by  their  absurd  threatenings.  Mr.  (.'ol- 
yer  was  notoriously  ultra  in  his  peace  theories,  and  evidently 
did  not  understand  the  situation  in  Arizona  and  New  Mexico, 
but  iie  was  (piitv)  as  correct  as  his  assailants.  There  were  in 
reality  a  large  niniber  of  Indians  tliere  who  were  sufficiently 
huiiiblcd  by  war  to  be  ready  for  reservation  life,  under  con- 
trol of  the  Indian  Department.  There  were  also  many  who 
l>ad  not  i)een  humbled,  who  had  never  been  conquered,  and 
w'lo  consitlered  themselves  the  superiors  of  white  men  in  all 
respects  except  numbers  and  etpiipments.  It  was  as  errone- 
ous to  suppose  tiiat  the  latter  chiss  would  live  pcaceal»ly  on 
reservations,  as  it  was  barbarous  to  continue  war  against  the 
well  dispose  1.  No  warlike  Indian  ever  sul)mitted  to  reserva- 
tion restrictions  until  he  had  been  whipped.  He  cannot  be  a 
savage  ruler  and  an  humble  pupil  at  the  same  tiuie.  He  can- 
not feel  tiiat  ligiiiing  is  tiie  only  work  that  a  man  ought  to 
d**,  and  yet  take  kindly  to  ploughing.  His  spirit  must  be 
broken  in  sotiie  way.  or  his  nature  changed,  l)efore  he  will 
submit  to  it.  The  right  or  wrong  of  breaking  his  spirit  is 
•■other  question  ;  the  fact  remains  that  he  must  be  born  again 
iato  civilization,  if  he  ever  attiiins  civiiization. 

It  is  but  just  to  say  that  Mr.  ('olyer  did  not  have  full  op- 
portunity to  rulk  witli  either  the  Indians  or  the  people.  The 
Indians  were  afraid  to  come  in,  being  apprehensive  of  treach- 
ery, and  (Jolyer  did  not  care  to  interview  the  white  popula- 
tioai  on  account  of  the  violent  tone  of  the  press.  His  changes 
of  the  location  of  tiie  Indians  werv  rather  extensive,  and  none 
•  •f  them  produced  good  results.  The  more  peaceful  portion 
of  tbe  MimbrenoB  had  been  living  at  and  about  Cafiada  Ala- 
mosa (Cottonwood  Val- - 1,  a'id  for  these  he  selected  a  reser- 
vation in  the  Tularo;^^  v^illc,  to  which  the  hostile  Mimbre- 


CUUELTY,  PITY,  AND  JUSTICE. 


t2i 


fios  with  their  allied  Chiricahuas  wore  also  expected  to  come. 
None  of  the  IndiuiiB  wanted  to  ^^o  there,  and  many  refused 
to  go.  Cochise,  the  Chirirahua  chief,  who  had  surrendered  in 
September,  1S71,  with  a  oand  of  about  two  iiundred,  went 
back  to  his  old  haunts  in  the  spring  of  1S72,  when  the  remov- 
al occurred.  More  than  si.x  hundred  others  followed  their 
example.  Less  than  half  of  the  sixteen  hundred  Apaches 
gathered  at  Canada  Alamosa  consented  to  go  to  Tularosa  val- 
ley, and  these  were  wretched  and  discontented.  The  water 
there  was  bad,  the  climate  was  cold,  and  the  Indians  were 
frightened  by  superstitions.  They  had  warning  legends  of  the 
destruction  of  the  ancient  races  who  once  inhal)ited  the  ruins 
there,  and  they  viewed  the  sickness  wliicli  ])revailed  among 
them  with  great  alarm.  15y  fall  their  discontent  was  so  great 
that  the  reservation  was  recommended  to  be  abandoned,  and 
the  Indians  placed  on  a  reservation  at  Ojo  Caliente,  near  their 
old  home,  which  was  done  in  1S74.  Mr.  Colyer  established 
a  reservation  for  the  I'inalefios  and  (lilefios  at  the  mouth  of 
the  San  Pedro  Kiver.  It  contained  about  one  hundred  square 
miles,  extending  west  from  the  San  Pedro  an«l  south  from  the 
Ciila.  These  Apaciies  remained  there  for  about  a  year,  and 
then,  on  account  of  sickness,  the  proximity  of  settlers,  and  the 
inadecpiate  supply  of  water,  were  established  on  a  reserva- 
tion on  the  <iila,  south  of  and  adjoining  the  original  White 
JMountain  roervation,  and  known  as  the  San  Carlos  division. 
Tlie  Indians  who  had  assembled  in  the  White  Mountains 
were  gathered  about  Camp  Apacbc  (known  at  various  times  as 
Camp  Ord,Camp  Mogollon,  and  Camp  Thomas),  in  the  north- 
ern part  of  the  ])re8ent  reservation,  and  these  were  left  as  they 
were.  The  Cliiricahua  reservation,  in  Sontheasturn  Arizona, 
extending  from  the  Mexican  line  to  the  I'cloncillo  Mountains, 
and  including  the  Cliiricahua  range,  was  established  in  the  fol- 
lowing year  by  General  Howard,  as  special  agent.  A  very 
satisf.ictorv  reservation  was  set  otf  for  the  Yampais,  or  .\pa- 
cho  Moiiaves,  aliout  Camp  Verde,  by  Mr.  Colyer;  no  other 
changes  were  made  by  him,  except  in  the  treatment  of  the 
hostile?. 

As  to  these,  his  plans  came  in  "onflict  with  tho.se  which 
had   been   adopted  by  (rcnural  Crook,  who  had   taken   com 


728 


MA.SSACKKH  OF  THE   MOUNTAINS, 


iiiaiitl  of  the  Dt'paitiiiciit  (»f  Arizctiiii  mi  fliiiio  4,  ls71.  (ieii- 
eiiil  (Jntuk  was  tlio  l)c;au-iileal  Jiuliaii-lij^liter  uf  the  frontierB- 
ineii  at  tliat  tiiiiu,  and  cotitiniiod  tu  be  until  his  rueunt  fair 
treatinoiit  uf  tho  Apaches  has  made  him  iilijoL'tioiiahh,'  to  the 
more  rahid  extermiiiationists — not  tiiat  ids  treatment  was  not 
fornu'i-j}'  fair;  tliere  has  hcen  no  change  in  his  expres.^cd 
opiidons  concernini^  the  Indians,  thon<i;h  ids  ((pinion  of  tlieir 
white  neii^hbors  in  Arizona  appears  to  liave  hiwered  some- 
what, lie  was  not  an  exterminator.  His  pdliey  was  to  sub- 
due the  Indians  and 
then  treat  them  hon- 
estly. He  said  in 
Septemi)or.  1S71,"I 
think  tliat  the  Apa- 
che    is     painted     in 


dark 


er    colors 


tl 


lan 


h(!  deficrvcs,  and  that 
his  villaiincs  arise 
more  from  a  mis- 
conception of  facts 
than  from  his  bein<^ 
worse  than  other  In- 
dians, hivinij  in  a 
country  tiie  natural 
prdducts  of  which 
will  not  support  him, 
he  has  cither  to  cul- 
tivate tin)  soil  or 
steal,  ami  as  our  vae- 
illatini;  policy  satisfies  him  wo  are  afraid  of  him,  he  chooses 
the  latter,  also  as  rei[uirin<;  less  labor  ami  beiiii;  more  coni^e- 
nial  to  his  natural  instincts.  I  am  satisfied  that  a  sharp, active 
campaiiTM  a<;aiii8t  him  would  not  oidy  make  him  one  of  the 
l)est  Indians  in  the  country,  but  it  would  also  save  millions  of 
dollars  to  tin;  Treasury,  and  the  lives  of  many  innocent  whites 
and  Indians."'  (Jeneral  Orook  hail  l)e>;uu  |U'eparatu)ns  for  an 
active  campaign  against  all  hostilcs  when  Colyer  arrived,  but 
Colyer's  jiowers  were  made  superior  to  his,  and  Colyer  d"sired 
to  try  coaxing.     Later  on,  Crook  was  given  power  to  proceed 


IlKNKIl.U,    i:KiII1i:K    (  IKlllK. 


CKlKI/rV,  I'lTY,  AM)  .HSTICK. 


(29 


against  nil  who  faik'tl  to  respond  to  (.'olyor's  appeals,  hut  iiiuh 
iiif^  that  the  prosecution  ui  his  plans  wctulil  interfere  with  the 
Jii'iXotiations  (tf  the  peace  a<;ents,  ho  undertook  no  active  hos- 
tilities, and  contented  himself  with  pursuing  and  punishing, 
as  far  as  possiitle,  parties  who  made  raids  on  the  settlements. 
Mr.  Colver's  plans  for  the  procurement  of  peace  were  given 
n  fair  trial  lor  over  a  year,  and  thev  faile<l.  The  hostiles 
did  not  come  in,  and  they  did  not  remain  (piiet.  From  Sep- 
temher  I,  I^71,  to  Si'ptend)er  4,  isT'J.  they  mule  lifty-four 
separate  attacks  on  the  whites  in  Arizona,  with  reconled  re- 


bultil 


as 


follows:  soldiers  killed,.'!;  citizens  killed,  U  :  citi- 


zens woundeil,  ir>;  government  horses  and  cattle  stolen,  08 ; 
same!  stolen  from  citizens. 4M».  The  actual  depredations  were 
slightly  in  excess  id"  this  statement.  It  may  be  remarked, 
parenthetically,  that  this  damage  and  fourteen  months'  delay 
in  obtaining  peace,  were  caused  by  the  ("amp  (irant  nuissa- 
cre ;  but  for  that  alTair  ^^r.  Colyer  woidd  not  have  been  sent 
to  Arizona,  and  (ieiieral  Crook  would  have  cuncpiered  the 
hostiles  in  ISTI.  In  view  of  the  results  mentioned,  (Jeiieral 
Croid<  announced  in  September,  1S72,  his  intention  of  pro- 
ceeding to  "■  piini.sh  the  incorrigibly  hostile." 

For  the  first  lime  in  the  history  of  that  part  of  the  coun- 
try, the  fair  and  sensible  manner  of  dealing  with  the  Apaches 
was  adopted.  Its  results  have  proven  this,  and  have  shown 
(ieneral  Crook  to  be  the  right  man  in  the  right  place.  It 
mu!-t  be  remembered  that  he  had  left  to  him  a  legacy  of  the 
hatretl  of  three  ci-nturies  between  the  peoples  whom  he  had 
to  pacify;  that  a  largi'  portion  of  thi,-  white  ]>opulation  were 
as  barbarous  in  their  modes  of  warfare  as  the  Apaches  them- 
selves; tli.'it  .\i'izo!ia  was  still  a  refuge  fur  the  criminal  and 
lawless  nii'U  of  other  states  and  territories;  that  war  and 
l)illage  had  lieen  bred  into  the  Apaches,  until  they  were  the 
most  savage  autl  intractable  Iiitlians  in  the  country;  that 
large  bands  of  their  nation  still  int'estrd  Northern  Mexico, 
and  had  alino>t  impiegnable  strongholds  tliiire ;  that  ^Mexico 
l)ursiu'd  war  in  the  oKl  way,  and  still  paid  bounty  for  Apache 
scalps,  no  matter  where  procured;  that  slavery  still  existed 
in  Mexico,  and  it  was  next  to  im[)ossible  to  recover  Indians 


once  carried  across  the  line. 


I) 


iiring  the  winter  a  vigorous 


780 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


campiiigi)  was  prosecuted  against  the  Tontos,  Coyoleros,  Yam- 
pais,  and  lliialapais,  and  by  tliu  siiininer  of  1M73  they  were 
subdued.  Del-Shay's  band  of  Tontos  were  captured  in  the 
Sierra  Anclia  by  Captain  Kandall,  on  April  22d,  with  that 
notorious  chief  hinitself,  who  had  played  fast  and  luone  with 
Mr.  Colyer,  and  earned  a  reputation  for  unblushing  treacliery 
by  his  dealings  with  others.  Jeniaspie's  band  of  Ilualapais 
surrendered  to  Captain  McGregor,  in  the  Santa  Maria  Mouiit- 
aiiiB,  on  June  12th.  Lieutenant  JSabcock  handsomely  whipped 
the  Tontos  umler  Natatotel  and  Natpii-naquis,  on  June  l<!th, 
and  forced  their  surrender.  Soon  afterwards  Captain  Uurns 
captured  two  hundred  Yainpais,  the  last  organized  band  in 
Northern  Arizona,  and  peace  was  practically  established. 

The  Ilualapais,  or  Apache  Yuinas,  numbering  about  eight 
Iiundred,  were  gathered  at  lieale's  Springs,  wiience  the  In- 
dian Dei>artinent  moved  them,  much  against  their  wills,  to 
the  Colorado  Uiver  reservation.  When  the  removal  was  iirst 
proposed  to  them,  they  tied  to  the  mountains  and  said  they 
would  resist  to  the  death,  but,  through  fear  of  the  soldiers, 
they  came  back  and  were  removed.  The  Indians  at  this  res- 
ervation were  unfriendly  to  them,  and  the  climate  was  unen- 
durable to  these  people  of  the  mountains.  In  four  months 
nearly  all  of  them  were  atHicted  with  an  epidemic  erujjtive 
disease;  many  of  their  children  were  nearly  blind  from  a  dis- 
ease of  the  eyes,  brought  on  by  the  heat  and  dust;  and  half 
of  their  horses  had  starved  to  death.  The  troops  stationed 
there  suffered  almost  as  much  as  the  Indians.  After  a  year's 
residence  there  tlio  Ilualapais  left  the  place  in  a  body  and 
went  back  to  their  old  homes,  but  without  committing  any 
depredations.  They  lived  there  on  friendly  terms  with  the 
whites  for  a  time,  and  were  then  removed  to  San  Carlos, 
through  the  intercession  of  General  Crook.  The  Yanjpais, 
or  Ajjache  Mohaves,  and  part  of  the  Tontos,  numbering  near- 
ly two  thousand,  were  located  on  a  reservation  about  Camp 
Verde.  The  PinaleHos,  with  a  few  stragglers  from  other 
tribes,  in  all  about  twelve  hundred,  were  sent  to  San  Carlos, 
where  they  still  remaifj.  There  were  about  sixteen  hundred 
Apaches,  known  as  the  White  Mountain  Apaches,  grouped 
about  Camp  Apache.     It  was  estimated  that  about  one»thou- 


CHl'KLTY,  riTY,  AM)  JUSTICE. 


m 


saiitl  reiiei^iick's,  one -third  of  whom  wen;  warriors,  8t  ill  ro- 
tiiuiiiud  at  lar^u  in  various  parts  uf  the  Territory,  but  thcro 
wuru  not  probably  inoru  than  onu-third  to  one-half  of  that 
niiMibur.     Aj^ainst  these  an  unc.'asiiig  war  was  wn{j;ed. 

The  Indians  placed  on  the  reservations  were  kept  under 
rij;id  surveillance.  Each  warrior  was  furnished  with  a  metal 
check  marked  with  his  numl>er  and  the  name  of  his  tribe. 
The  otlicers  in  charj^'e  kept  record  of  them  and  their  families 
by  these  numbers,  and  as  a  full  descripti<»n  of  each  man  was 
recorded,  and  rations  \vere  issued  on  these  checks,  it  was  im- 
possible for  them  to  leave  the  reservation  undetected.  Tho 
remarkable  success  of  CJeneral  Crook  in  conqueriii}^  thcBO 
tribes  so  quickly  was  obtained  by  lightiii};  Apaches  with 
Apaches.  The  friendly  White  Mountain  Indians  and  Iluala- 
pais  were  used  aj^ainst  the  others.  They  acted  in  the  best  of 
faith,  renderin<^  services  that  were  invaluable.  They  knew 
the  country  as  well  as  the  hostiles,  and  could  interpret  all 
their  si^'Uals,  besides  beini^  adepts  in  the  ruses  of  Apacho 
warfare.  After  bein^  brouj^ht  on  the  reservation  they  were 
still  used  as  police,  with  such  {jratifyiuff  results  that  the  In- 
dian police  system  has  since  been  extended  to  all  reserva- 
tions. The  Apaches  were  informed  that  their  welfare  woidd 
rest  mainly  with  theiuselves;  that  white  people  punished 
their  own  otTenders,  and  th(\y  must  do  the  same.  This  was 
especially  beneficial  in  the  case  of  the  Apaches,  because  they 
are  thoroughly  democratic  in  their  tribal  government.  They 
have  uo  hereditary  chiefs;  each  warrior  has  a  large  amount 
of  independence,  and  the  rivalry  between  various  aspirants 
for  power  usually  affords  any  wronj>;-doer  a  certain  amount 
of  backing.  The  only  way  in  which  the  i^uilty  could  be  cer- 
tainly singled  out  was  by  making  the  Indians  the  agents  of 
the  law.  There  were,  of  course,  many  who  awaited  otdy  an 
opportunity  to  resume  their  old  life,  and  tho  machinations  of 
these  coidtl  be  <Ietected  and  repressed  by  tho  Indians  alone, 
r  of  IS~',),  certain  of  these 


sp 


•oiisp 


the  whites  at  San  Carlos  ami  nuiko  their  escape.  On  May 
27th  the  attempt  was  made  j)rematurely,  resulting  in  a  fail- 
ure. Chan-Deisi,  a  nuilcontent  chief,  tried  to  spear  Agent 
Larrabee,  but  was  prevented  by  Vomas,  another  Indian.     Ilo 


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23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

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782 


MASSACRES  OF  THE   MOUNTAINS. 


then  shot  and  killed  Lieutenant  Almy.  The  bands  of  Cochi- 
nay  and  Chuntz,  to  which  ho  belonged,  at  once  fled  to  the 
mountains,  and  for  over  a  year  they  were  hunted  by  the 
troops  and  the  reservation  Apaches.  Many  of  the  Indians 
became  worn  out,  and  begged  to  return  to  the  reservation, 
but  they  were  met  with  the  reply  that  they  could  come  only 
when  they  brought  Cochinay,  Chuntz,  and  Chan-Deisi,  dead 
or  alive.  One  by  one  they  joined  the  troops  in  hunting 
down  their  fugitive  kindred.  Cochinay  was  killed  on  May 
26,1874;  Chan-Deisi  was  killed  on  June  12th;  and  Chuntz 
on  July  25th.  Del-Shay,  the  Tonto  chief,  tried  to  play  treach- 
ery at  the  Verde  reservation,  to  which  he  had  been  permitted 
to  remove,  by  murdering  all  of  the  whites  there.  He  had 
them  surrounded,  and  would  have  killed  them  but  for  the 
prompt  resistance  of  the  police  and  other  Indians.  He  was 
brought  to  bay  and  killed  by  his  own  people  on  July  27th. 
The  punishment  of  these  chiefs  is  conclusive  evidence  that 
a  new  era  had  dawned  upon  the  Apaches. 

The  Apaches  under  General  Crook's  supervision  were  also 
giving  other  evidences  of  reformation.  They  were  farming 
extensively  and  building  houses  for  themselves.  At  Ycrde 
they  made  an  excellent  irrigating  canal  at  no  expense  to  the 
government.  The  White  Mountain  Indians,  in  1874,  raised 
300,000  pounds  of  corn  and  5000  pounds  of  beans,  besides  de- 
livering 750  tons  of  hay  to  the  post  and  making  five  miles  of 
irrigating  ditches.  Everywhere  they  were  quiet,  except  the 
few  renegades,  who  were  hunted  diligently.  For  the  first 
time  in  its  history  Arizona  was  at  peace.  The  Indians  were 
all  on  reservations  that  suited  them,  except  the  Ilualapais, 
and  they  had  seen  the  hopelessness  of  war.  The  whites  also 
were  satisfied,  except  that  class  who  prey  upon  their  fellow- 
men,  and  search  out  the  helpless  because  they  are  the  more 
easy  and  profitable  victims.  Governor  Safford  said,  in  his 
message  of  January  0, 1875,  "  At  no  period  in  the  history  of 
Arizona  have  our  Indian  affairs  been  in  so  satisfactory  con- 
dition. Comparative  peace  now  reigns  throughout  the  Ter- 
ritory, with  almost  a  certainty  that  no  general  Indian  war  will 
ever  occur  again.  General  Crook,  in  the  subjugation  of  the 
Apaches,  has  sustained  his  former  weU-earned  military  repu- 


CRUELTY,  PITY,  AND  JUSTICE. 


733 


tation,  and  deserves  the  lasting  pratitnde  of  onr  people."  Let 
it  1)0  remembered  that  this  result  was  effected  neither  by  the 
extermination  policy  nor  by  the  so-called  peace  policy.  It 
was  the  work  of  a  man  who  said, "  Vengeance  is  just  as  much 
to  be  deprecated  as  a  silly  sentimentalisin."  His  policy  was 
simple  justice  to  red  and  white  alike.  Bear  this  in  mind,  as 
wo  proceed,  and  consider  how  fully  its  abandonment  answers 
the  question,  Why  did  not  this  state  of  affairs  continue? 

The  little  cloud,  like  a  man's  hand,  was  already  in  the  sky. 
In  his  report  of  August  31, 1874,  General  Crook  said,  "There 
are  now  on  the  Verde  reservation  about  fifteen  hundred  In- 
dians; they  have  been  among  the  worst  in  Arizona;  but  if 
the  government  keeps  its  promise  to  them  that  it  shall  be 
their  home  for  all  time,  there  will  be  no  difficulty  in  keeping 
them  at  peace,  and  engaged  in  peaceful  pursuits.  I  sincerely 
hope  that  the  interests  that  are  now  at  work  to  deprive  these 
Indians  of  this  reservation  will  be  defeated ;  but  if  they  suc- 
ceed, the  responsibility  of  turning  these  fifteen  hundred  Apa- 
ches loose  upon  the  settlers  of  Arizona  should  rest  where  it 
belongs."  Although  this  was  said  of  the  Verde  reservation 
only,  it  may  be  applied  to  the  other  Arizona  reservations. 
The  Indians  were  all  at  peace  on  reservations  that  suited 
them,  and  the  responsibility  of  driving  them  to  desperation 
by  taking  them  from  their  native  homes  and  placing  them 
among  enemies,  in  unhealthy  and  unpleasant  localities,  must 
rest  where  it  belongs.  We  must  turn  our  eyes  to  the  Indian 
Bureau — our  humanitarian,  sympathetic,  religious,  peace  and 
civilization  Indian  Bureau.  It  has  been  ciiarged  time  and 
again  that  the  Indian  Department  has  been  controlled  by  a 
corrupt  ring,  which  manages  to  keep  its  hold  on  men  of  ev- 
ery profession  and  every  party  who  are  appointed  to  repre- 
sent the  government  iu  this  branch  of  its  interests.  It  has 
been  charged  that  they  have  had  such  a  control  over  Congress 
that  they  can  turn  it  whither  they  will,  and  break  down  any 
man  who  tries  to  stand  up  for  honesty  and  justice.  Consid- 
ering the  professions  that  various  Indian  Commissioners  have 
made,  it  is  but  too  evident  that  the  control  of  that  department 
has  been  in  the  hands  either  of  men  who  "  stole  the  livery  of 
Heaven  to  serve  the  devil  in,"  or  of  arrant  fools  who  have 


734 


MASSACRES  OF  THE   MOUNTAINS. 


been  played  upor*  like  shepherds'  pipes  by  the  land-grabbers, 
who  have  secured  the  spoils.  For  present  purposes  it  is  im- 
material which  is  the  correct  alternative. 

In  1874r  the  reservations  of  Arizona  passed  from  the  con- 
trol of  the  War  Department  to  that  of  the  Indian  Bureau,  and 
the  latter  inaugurated  what  it  was  pleased  to  call  "  the  policy 
of  concentration."  In  other  words,  it  began  taking  away  from 
various  tribes  the  lands  on  which  thej'  were  peacefully  settled, 
and  which  had  been  promised  them  for  their  future  homes. 
The  interests  that  were  at  work  to  get  the  Verde  reservation 
did  get  it,  notwithstanding  General  Crook's  hopes,  and  he  was 
forced  into  the  humiliating  position  of  seeing  the  Indians 
taken  away  from  the  lands  that  had  been  promised  them 
through  him.  He  told  the  agent  sent  to  remove  them  that 
he  would  give  him  all  the  assistance  in  his  power  except  force ; 
he  would  not  use  his  soldiers  to  compel  a  removal.  The  In- 
dians did  not  wish  to  go,  but  they  went  peaceably.  They 
were  informed  that  the  President  ordered  their  removal, 
and  they  had  learned  that  what  the  President  said  must  be 
obeyed.  They  gave  up  their  houses,  their  irrigating  ditches, 
and  their  fields,  and  went,  because  they  dared  not  refuse. 
General  Crook  did  not  remain  to  see  the  undoing  of  his  work. 
He  was  relieved,  on  March  22,  1875,  by  Colonel  Kautz,  and 
sent  to  the  Department  of  the  Platte,  where  the  Sioux  were 
beginning  to  be  troublesome.  Colonel  Kautz  held  the  same 
opinions  as  to  the  propriety  of  keeping  faith  with  Indians 
that  General  Crook  did,  and  managed  to  preserve  peace  for 
some  months  longer.  To  the  statement  of  the  Commissioner 
of  Indian  Affairs:  "I  believe  now  no  one  in  the  territory 
questions  the  wisdom  of  the  removal  of  the  Verde  Indians," 
Colonel  Kautz  bluntly  replied :  "  So  far  as  my  observation 
goes,  1  have  seen  no  one  who  endorses  it,  except  those  con- 
nected with  the  Indian  Department." 

The  next  outrage  committed  by  the  Indian  Bureau  was 
the  removal  of  the  White  Moimtain  Indians — that  is,  those 
who  had  been  about  Camp  Apache,  in  the  northern  part  of 
the  White  Mountain  reservation — to  the  neighborhood  of  San 
Carlos  agency.  The  advantages  claimed  to  be  gained  by  this 
were  better  and  more  extensive  farming  lands,  a  mild  climate, 


CRUELTY,  PITY,  AND  JUSTICE. 


786 


excellent  roads,  a  saving  of  the  expense  of  an  extra  agency, 
and  "  last,  but  not  least,  to  the  people  of  the  territory,  it  would 
avert  the  trade  with  these  Indians  from  New  Mexico  to  Ari- 
zona, where  it  properly  belongs."  The  disadvantages  were 
that  these  were  mountain  Indians,  who  were  unused  to  the 
hot,  stifling  climate  of  the  Gila  Valley ;  that  the  region  of  the 
new  location  had  proven  so  unhealthy  to  the  soldiers  at  Camp 
Goodwin  that  the  post  had  to  be  removed ;  that  the  Indians 
would  be  placed  in  close  proximity  to  the  white  settlement 
of  Pueblo  Viejo ;  and  that  the  Pinal  Apaches,  already  at  San 
Carlos,  were  their  enemies  by  feuds  of  many  years'  standing. 
There  were  other  considerations  that  would  seem  serious  to 
some  persons,  though  these  humanitarians,  who  were  desirous 
of  having  trade  go  in  its  proper  channels,  did  not  trouble 
their  minds  about  them.  A  large  majority,  if  not  all,  the  In- 
dians were  bitterly  opposed  to  the  removal,  and  they  had 
been  good  friends  to  us.  These  were  the  Indians  on  whom 
Mexican  scouts  had  not  felt  willing  to  fire;  who  had  helped 
General  Crook  to  subdue  the  hostile  Apaches;  who  were  liv- 
ing on  the  little  farms  that  had  long  supported  them ;  who 
had  raised  greater  crops  than  all  the  other  Apaches  together. 
Every  inducement  to  move  was  used  with  them,  except  actual 
force,  and  that  was  refused  by  the  niilitar}'  authorities.  Thoy 
were  threatened  with  force,  however,  and  th  ir  agency  build- 
ings were  burned  down  by  the  representatives  of  the  peace 
policy.  Under  these  kindly  arguments  nearly  half  of  the  In- 
dians consented  to  go.  Their  state  of  mind  may  be  imagined 
from  the  fact  that,  on  the  way,  they  had  a  fight  among  them- 
selves, in  which  five  were  killed  and  ten  wounded — "  Not  a 
great  loss  where  so  much  lead  was  expended,"  said  the  philo- 
sophic special  agent,  L.  E.  Dudley,  who  effected  the  removal. 
In  the  fall  of  the  same  year  (1875)  large  numbers  of  these  In- 
dians left  San  Carlos  and  went  to  the  Chiricahua  reservation, 
stating  that  they  were  unable  to  live  at  the  former  place  on 
account  of  the  hostility  of  the  Finals.  That  winter  they  had 
a  falling -out  with  the  Chiricahuas;  a  Southern  Chiricahua 
chief  was  killed ;  and  our  White  Mountain  Coyoteros  had  to 
flee  from  that  reservation  to  escape  the  indiscriminating 
vengeance  of  his  tribe. 


730 


MASSACRES  OF   THE   MOUNTAINS. 


The  bands  of  Pitone,  Eskyinlaw  {alias  Diablo),  and  Pedro, 
a  majority  of  all  the  White  Mountain  Indians,  refused  to  re- 
move to  San  Carlos.  They  said  that  General  Howard,  as 
agent  of  the  Indian  Department,  had  promised  them  that  they 
might  remain  there  so  long  as  they  were  peaceable;  that  they 
had  not  only  been  peaceable,  but  also  had  fought  other  In- 
dians, in  aid  of  the  Americans.  They  did  not  want  to  leave 
their  farms  or  their  native  mountains,  and  they  begged  Col- 
onel Kautz  to  interpose  for  them  at  Washington.  He  did  so, 
and  his  plea  was  met  with  the  answer  of  "  hostility  of  the  War 
Department  to  the  peace  policy."  Search  you  now  the  his- 
tory of  the  whole  world  and  find  a  more  wanton  act  of  tyranny 
than  the  removal  of  these  Indians  from  their  homes.  They 
would  have  saluted  a  Gesler's  hat  without  a  murmur;  they 
would  have  paid  a  tax  on  tea  without  mucli  remonstrance  ;  a 
foreign  lord  might  have  lived  in  their  Dublin  Castle  without 
making  them  desperate.  It  is  almost  questionable  whether 
Nero  would  have  been  capable  of  treating  his  friends  and 
allies  as  the  humane  gentlemen  treated  these  unfortunate 
bands,  and  yet  men  ask  why  the  Apaches  cannot  be  made 
peaceable.  No  war  resulted  in  this  case,  because  the  soldiers 
could  not  be  induced  to  compel  the  removal  of  the  three  ob- 
durate bands.  But  it  came  finally.  There  are  some  Indians 
into  whose  necks  it  will  not  do  to  grind  your  heels  too  far. 

The  next  victims  of  humanity  were  the  Chiricahuas. 
There  were,  on  the  Chiricahua  reservation,  in  Southeastern 
Arizona,  the  Northern  Chiricahuas,  under  Tah-za,  a  son  of  old 
Cochise,  who  had  died  in  peace  on  the  reservation  some 
eighteen  months  before,  the  Southern  Chiricahuas,  whose  head 
chief  was  Juh  (IIoo,  Who),  and  a  mixed  band  of  Mogollons, 
Mimbres,  and  Coyoteros.  The  management  of  these  warlike 
bands  by  the  Indian  B:ireau  had  been  criminally  inefficient, 
and  its  faults  had  been  pointed  out  repeatedly.  To  begin  with, 
their  reservation  had  been  made  to  join  the  Mexican  line,  giv- 
ing every  opportunity  for  raiding  from  either  side.  It  will  be 
remembered  that  there  were  large  bands  of  predatory  Apaches 
in  Northern  Mexico,  and  that  the  Mexicans  were  still  pursuing 
the  old,  treacherous  system  of  warfare.  The  authorities  of 
Sonora  complained  that  the  Chiricahuas  committed  depreda- 


CRUELTY,  PITY,  AND  JUSTICE. 


787 


tions  within  their  borders,  which  was  true  in  a  number  of  cases. 
The  agency  people  did  not  keep  count  of  their  Apaches, 
as  General  Crook  was  do^ng,  and  there  were  no  restric- 
tions iniMosed  upon  tliern  that  were  sufficient  to  keep  them  on 
their  rr nervation.  On  tbo  other  hand,  the  Mexicans  were  con- 
staJitly  coming  on  the  reservation  to  sell  whiskey,  or  in  search 
of  scalps.  On  July  23, 1875,  a  party  of  Chiricahuas  who  were 
gatliering  acorns  on  the  reservation,  fifteen  miles  north  of  the 
Mexican  line,  were  fired  upon  by  a  party  of  Mexican  soldiers. 
Notwithst<anding  these  acts  of  lawlessness,  there  were  no 
troubles  with  the  whites,  on  our  side  of  the  line,  during  the 
four  years,  from  1872  to  1876,  that  the  Indians  were  located 
there.  In  April  of  the  latter  year  two  white  men  were  killed 
by  two  Indians  at  Sulphur  Springs,  a  mail  station  on  the  reser- 
vation. The  killing  was  not  justifiable,  and  yet  the  victims 
were  not  entitled  to  the  slightest  sympathy.  Their  death  re- 
sulted from  a  violation  of  the  laws  of  the  United  States.  The 
Indians  were  hunting  in  the  Dragoon  Mountains,  about  thirty- 
five  miles  from  the  agency,  owing  to  the  fact  that  their  sup- 
ply of  food  was  exhausted,  and  tiie  agent  had  sent  them  out  to 
procure  some  for  themselves.  Tliey  obtained  whiskey  from 
Mr.  Rogers,  the  station-keeper  at  Sulphur  Springs,  who  had 
several  times  been  warned  against  selling  it  to  them.  They 
got  drunk  and  had  a  fight  among  themselves,  in  which  two 
men  and  a  child  were  killed ;  a  part  of  the  band  then  returned 
to  the  agency,  leaving  a  chief  named  Eskina  (Skinya),  with  a 
dozen  warriors  and  their  families.  Two  of  these,  a  sub-chief 
named  Pi-hon-se-nay  and  his  nephew,  went  to  Sulphur 
Springs  for  more  whiskey.  Rogers  sold  them  small  quantities 
two  or  thtee  times,  and  then  refused  to  let  them  have  more, 
they  being  drunk.  Tiiey  watched  their  opportunity,  killed 
Rogers  and  an  employe  named  Spence,  stole  the  whiskey, 
ammunition,  and  horses  at  the  place,  and  returned  to  camp. 
Eskina's  entire  party  got  drunk  and  decided  to  go  on  the  war- 
path, which  they  did,  with  the  result  of  an  American  killed, 
another  wounded,  and  four  horses  stolen  on  the  next  day.  A 
company  of  cavalry  was  sent  after  them,  but  failed  to  capture 
them.  Early  in  June,  after  committing  other  depredations, 
Eskina  and  his  men  came  to  Tahza's  camp  and  tried  to  induce 

47 


r38 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


him  to  join  them.  Tahza  and  his  people  refused,  and  a  figiit 
ensued,  in  which  six  men  were  killed  and  three  wounded. 
Pi-hon-se-nay  was  shot  in  the  shoulder  by  Tahza,  and  Eskina 
was  killed  by  Tahza's  youngest  brother. 

In  the  mean  time  Governor  Safford  had  been  consulted  by 
the  Indian  Bureau,  and  had  recommended  the  removal  of  all 
the  Cliiricahuas,  either  to  Ojo  Caliente,  in  New  Mexico,  or  to 
Sail  Carlos.  Removal  to  Ojo  Caliente  had  been  proposed  to 
them  the  year  before,  and  they  had  replied  that  they  "  would 
sooner  die  than  live  there."  The  department,  instead  of  cut- 
ting off  the  southern  part  of  the  reservation  and  asking  for 
troops  to  guard  the  Mexican  line  and  punish  the  guilty  In- 
dians, decided  to  send  the  innocent  ones  to  San  Carlos,  the 
guilty  being  at  large.  Tahza  reluctantly  agreed  to  go,  but  said 
he  could  not  answer  for  the  other  bands.  On  June  7,  Juh, 
Geronimo  (Ileronemo — Jerome),  and  Nolgee,  who  had  sided 
with  Eskina  in  the  fight,  agreed  to  go  also,  but  on  tlie  same 
afternoon  they  fled  with  all  their  people  and  went  into  Sonora. 
320  of  the  Cliiricahuas  went  with  Tahza  to  San  Carlos,  in  June; 
a  small  band,  under  Gordo,  had  gone  to  Ojo  Caliente  just  after 
Rogers  and  Spence  were  killed ;  the  remainder  of  the  9G5  In- 
dians reported  to  be  on  the  reservation,  which  was  three  or 
four  hundred  more  than  were  in  fact  there,  went  to  war.  By 
October  the  hostiles  had  stolen  170  head  of  stock  and  killed 
20  persons — probably  more;  because  a  number  of  prospectors 
who  were  known  to  be  in  the  mountains  were  never  accounted 
for. 

The  evil  did  not  stop  there.  In  the  spring  of  1877  Mr. 
E.  A.  Ilayt,  the  »nan  of  many  removals,  became  Commissioner 
of  Indian  Affairs  under  Secretary  Scluirz.  His  policy  was  "a 
steady  concentration  of  the  smaller  bands  of  Indians  upon  the 
larger  reservations."  It  was  found  that  about  250  of  the 
Chiricahua  renegades  had  taken  refuge  on  the  Ojo  Caliente 
reservation,  ar.  J  made  raids  from  tliere,  assisted  by  some  of  the 
Hot  Springs  Indians;  hence  the  Hot  Springs  reservation  must 
be  broken  up,  and  the  Indians  removed  to  San  Carlos.  A  force 
of  103  Indian  police  was  sent  over  from  San  Carlos,  and  the 
available  troops  stationed  in  New  Mexico  were  concentrated 
about  tlie  reservation.    Geronimo  and  other  renegades  were 


CRUELTY,  PITY,  AND  JUSTICE. 


789 


were 


found  tliere  and  arrested.  None  of  the  Indians  wishetl  to 
leave  Ojo  Caliente,  but  tliere  was  no  chance  for  resistance. 
Very  few  escaped,  the  principal  party  being  some  40  war- 
riors led  by  Vlctorio,  a  chief  who  made  himself  nnpleasancly 
notorions  later  on.  453  of  them  arrived  at  San  Carlos  in 
May.  There  had  been  reported  2100  Indians  at  this  place  in 
1875,  and  1600  in  1876,  but  it  was  evident  that  no  such  num- 
ber had  been  there.  On  September  2,  300  of  these  Hot 
Springs  and  Chiricahiiu,  Apaches  escaped  from  San  Cai'los. 
They  were  pursued  by  the  agency  Indians,  but  only  30 
women  and  children  were  brought  back.  The  remainder 
made  their  way  to  New  Mexico,  attacked  a  settlement  there, 
killed  8  persons,  and  ravaged  the  neighboring  country. 
Troops  were  hurried  after  them,  and  on  September  10  a  fight 
occurred,  in  which  12  of  the  hostiles  were  killed  and  13 
captured.  On  October  13,  190  of  them  surrendered  at  Fort 
Wingate,  and  50  came  in  afterwards.  All  these  were  taken 
to  Ojo  Caliente  to  await  orders  for  their  final  disposition.  It 
was  decided  to  take  them  all  back  to  San  Carlos,  against  which 
they  protested,  saying  they  were  willing  to  go  anywhere  else, 
and  a  number  took  their  chances  on  a  break  for  the  moun- 
tains rather  than  go ;  80  of  them  got  safely  away.  In  De- 
cember 67  of  these  came  to  the  Mescalero  reservation  and 
asked   leave  to  stay  there,  which  was  granted. 

In  February,  1878,  Victorio  and  his  band,  who  had  been 
in  Mexico,  surrendered  at  Ojo  Caliente,  but  announced  their 
intention  to  resist  any  attempt  to  take  them  to  San  Carlos. 
In  April  it  was  decided  to  remove  them  to  the  Mescalero  res- 
ervation, but  they  refused  to  go,  and  fled  to  the  mountains. 
Towards  the  last  of  June  they  went  to  the  Mescalero  agency, 
of  their  own  accord,  and  promised  to  remain  there.  Their 
wives  and  children,  who  were  at  San  Carlos,  were  sent  for,  and 
there  appeared  to  be  a  prospect  of  their  final  settlement,  when, 
most  inopportunely,  the  judge,  prosecuting  attorney,  and  other 
ofticials  of  Grant  County  appeared  at  the  Mescalero  reservation 
on  a  hunting  excursion.  Victorio  and  others  of  his  band  were 
under  indictment  in  Grant  County,  and  they  took  this  to  be  a 
move  for  their  arrest.  They  left  the  reservation,  taking  with 
thera  all  the  Chiricahuas  who  had  taken  refuge  there,  and 


HO 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


made  a  most  ilostructive  raid  through  Southwestern  New  Mex- 
ico and  Southeastern  Arizona,  until  they  wore  chased  into 
Mexico  by  tlie  soldiers  a  few  weeks  later. 

Victorio's  stay  in  Mexico  was  short.  On  September  *, 
1879,  he  suddenly  appeared  near  Ojo  Caliente  with  00  war- 
riors; they  killed  the  post  herders,  and  captured  all  the  horses 
of  the  cavalry  stationed  there.  Major  Morrow,  with  the  9th 
Cavalry,  was  sent  after  them,  hut  was  able  to  accomplish  but 
little.  Victorio  roamed  the  mountains  of  Sonthern  New 
Mexico,  depred.iting  in  all  directions,  and  spreading  terror 
everywhere.  About  2(K)  Mescaleros  were  induced  to  join 
him,  and  he  was  further  reinforced  by  at  least  100  rene- 
gade Comanches  and  other  warriors  from  Mexico.  When 
dislodged  in  one  moutitain  range  they  would  fall  back 
to  another  which  afforded  a  position  of  equal  strength,  and 
if  too  hard  pressed  they  would  scatter  in  small  bands,  to 
unite  at  some  well-known  rendezvous.  In  April,  1880,  Col- 
onel Hatch,  who  had  returned  from  his  labors  with  the  Colo- 
rado Utes,  disarmed  all  the  Indians  remaining  on  the  A[escalero 
reservation  and  then  took  up  the  chase  of  Victorio.  The  hos- 
tile bands  were  driven  back  through  the  San  Mateo,  the 
Mimbres,  and  the  Mogollon  mountains.  The  Arizona  forces, 
under  Colonel  Carr,  turned  them  to  the  south,  and  they  were 
sooti  driven  into  Mexico.  This  outbreak  occasioned  an  un- 
usual loss  of  life  to  the  scattered  lierders  of  New  ]\Iexico. 
These  people,  mostly  Mexicans,  had  formerly  been  left  un- 
harmed by  the  Apaches,  who  secured  provisions  from  the 
herds  and  frequently  obtained  arms  and  ammunition  from  the 
lierders.  The  Mescaleros,  Comanches,  and  other  renegades, 
who  had  joined  Victorio,  abandoned  liis  shrewd  policy  of 
maintaining  friendly  relations  with  these  convenient  commis- 
saries, and  killed  them  at  every  opportunity.  The  result,  as 
nearly  as  could  be  ascertained,  was  that  of  73  persons  killed 
during  the  outbreak  53  were  Mexicans,  of  whom  a  large  per- 
centage were  herders.  It  was  claimed  that  the  number  of 
persons  killed  was  in  excess  of  this,  and  it  is  probable  that  a 
correct  list  would  reach  100. 

The  bitterness  of  this  warfare,  against  such  desperate  odds, 
set  the  people  of  Arizona  and  New  Mexico  to  thinking  of  the 


CRUELTY,  PITY,  AND  JUSTICE. 


741 


cause  of  it  all.  Said  (ieneral  Willcox,  commanding  the  De- 
partment of  Arizona:  "It  is  believed  by  many  that  Victorio 
was  unjustly  dealt  with  in  the  first  instance,  by  the  abrupt  re- 
moval of  his  peoj)le  from  Ojo  Caliente,  New  Mexico,  to  San 
Carlos;  and  that  such  removal,  if  not  a  breach  of  faith,  was  a 
liarsh  and  cruel  measure,  from  which  the  people  of  New  Mex- 
ico have  reaped  bitter  consequences."  General  Pope,  of  the 
Division  of  the  Missouri,  was  oven  more  pointed  iu  his  re- 
marks, and  his  opinion  in  this  case  is  the  more  weighty  as  he 
was  never  an  admirer  of  the  Apaches ;  he  had  unreservedly  ex- 
pressed his  opinion  that 
they  were  "  idle  vaga- 
bonds, utterly  worthless 
and  hopeless,"  and  again, 
that  they  were  "  a  scpial- 
id,  untrustworthy  peo- 
ple, robbers  and  thieves 
by  nature."  lie  said  : 
"This  outbreak  of  Vic- 
torio, and  the  severe 
campaign  against  him, 
still  iti  progress,  involv- 
ing the  loss  of  many  of 
our  men,  and  the  mur- 
der by  Indians  of  about 
seventy  persons,  mainly 
Mexican  herders,  were 
due  to  the  determined 
purpose  of  the  Interior 
Department  to  effect  the  removal  of  the  band  to  the  San 
Carlos  agency  in  Arizona.  There  is  already  a  large  num- 
ber of  Indians  collected  at  that  agency,  mainly  Indians  of 
Arizona.  Victorio  and  his  band  have  always  bitterly  objected 
to  being  placed  there,  one  of  the  reasons  given  by  him  be- 
ing the  hostility  of  many  of  the  Indians  of  the  agency.  He 
always  asserted  his  willingness  to  live  peaceably  with  his 
people  at  the  Warm  Springs  (Ojo  Caliente)  agency,  and,  so  far 
as  I  am  informed,  gave  no  trouble  to  any  one  while  there. 
I  do  not  know  the  reasons  of  the  Interior  Department  for  in- 


OKSEBAL   POPE. 


742 


MASSACRES   OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


sisting  upon  tho  removal  to  San  Carlos  agency,  but  certainly 
they  should  be  C(»gent  to  justify  tlic  great  trouble  and  severe 
losses  occasioned  by  the  attempts  to  coerce  the  removal.  The 
present  is  tlie  fourth  time  within  five  years  that  Victorio's 
band  has  broken  out.  Tiiree  times  they  have  been  brotight 
in  and  turned  over  by  the  military  to  the  Indian  Bureau 
authorities.  Both  Victorio  and  his  band  are  resolved  to  die 
rather  than  go  to  the  San  Carlos  agency,  and  there  is  no 
doubt  it  will  be  necessary  to  kill  or  capture  the  whole  tribe 
before  present  military  operations  can  be  closed  successfully. 
The  capture  is  not  very  probable,  but  the  killing  (cruel  as  it 
will  be)  can,  I  suppose,  be  done  in  time.  I  um  trying  to  sepa- 
rate the  INIescaleros  from  Victorio,  and  yet  hope  to  do  so,  but 
there  is  not  the  slightest  prospect  that  Victorio  or  his  band 
will  ever  surrender  under  any  circumstances,  lie  and  others 
of  his  band  are  understood  to  be  indicted  for  murder  in  the 
courts  in  New  Mexico,  and  they  are  well  aware  of  it,  and  pre- 
fer being  shot  in  battle  to  being  hung.  It  is  proper  to  repre- 
sent this  state  of  facts,  that  the  work  still  before  the  troops  in 
New  Mexico  may  be  clearly  understood,  and  prosecuted  to  the 
end  if  the  authorities  in  Washington  so  desire  and  direct. 
Although  I  entertaiu  strong  convictions  on  the  merits  of  the 
controversy  which  has  resulted  in  this  Indian  war,  I  do  not 
consider  it  n)y  duty  to  express  them  in  this  report,  but  I  think 
it  would  be  well  for  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior  to  ascertain 
what  were  the  engagements  entered  into  and  the  promises 
made  by  the  agents  of  tb'  department  from  the  time  of 
General  Howard's  mission  to  this  band  of  Apaches  down  to 
the  late  outbreak.  It  is  probable  that  much  would  be  de- 
velojxjd  by  such  investigation  to  extenuate,  at  least,  the  feel- 
ing, if  not  the  conduct,  of  the  tribe." 

It  will  be  observed  that  neither  of  these  ofKcers  goes  back 
to  the  original  source  of  the  trouble  —  the  removal  of  the 
Ohirieahuas.  Two  drunken  Indians  killed  two  whiskey  smug- 
glers, and  forthwith  the  Indians  who  happened  to  live  on  the 
same  reservation,  who  had  no  connection  with  the  killing, 
were  ordered  to  be  removed  from  their  homes;  fugitives  from 
this  reservation  took  refuge  at  Ojo  Caliente,  and  forthwith  the 
Indians  there,  guilty  and  innocent  alike,  were  ordered  to  be 


CRUELTY,  PITY,  AND  JUSTICE. 


743 


removed  ;  fugitives  from  Ojo  Calicnte  invaded  tlie  Mcscalero 
reservation  and  induced  lialf  of  that  tribe  to  go  to  war ;  New 
Mexico  and  Arizona  reaped  a  harvest  c'  five  years  of  savage 
murdering  and  plundering — nay,  more,  for  this  war  was  not 
stopped  until  1882,  and  the  dissatisfaction  caused  by  these  re- 
movals has  had  its  weight  in  every  outbreak  since  then.  In 
this  connection  it  may  be  well  to  look  at  other  parts  of  the 
country,  where  the  success  of  the  concentration  policy  was 
being  demonstrated  in  1879.  In  the  spring  the  much-abused 
Poncas  were  snatched  by  writ  of  habeas  corpxia  f  roni  the  hands 
of  the  military,  who,  in  accordance  with  the  w  t.  les  of  the 
Indian  Bureau,  were  dragging  them  back  to  Indi:ui  Territory, 
from  their  homes  in  Dakota.  Later  in  the  v^ir  the  Northerr" 
Cheyennes  were  fighting  with  a  desperatit  that  was  blood- 
cui'dlii'.; — fighting  soldiers,  with  knives  made  of  pieces  of 
stove-pipe,  and  slungshots  maJe  of  fragments  <  C  tho  stovo  in 
their  prison — to  escape  being  take"  back  to  Indinu  Territory. 
In  the  Indian  Territory  were  Joseph's  Nez  Perccs,  oickening 
and  dying  in  their  rotten  teepees.  In  Arizona  the  llualapais 
would  have  starved  to  death,  or  into  hostility,  if  the  War  De- 
partment had  not  relieved  them.  South  of  these,  the  Papagos 
were  relapsing  into  barbarism  for  want  of  proper  teachers ; 
their  school-houses  were  stripped  of  windows  and  doors,  and 
the  grand  old  cathedral  of  San  Xavier  del  Bac  was  robbed  of 
its  consecrated  vessels.  And  yet  the  Commissioner  of  Indian 
Afifairs  was  on  hand,  with  the  annual  recommendation  for 
more  concentration.  If  concentration  were  beneficial,  why 
were  not  some  of  its  good  effects  shown  on  the  tribes  that  had 
been  concentrated  at  the  cost  of  life,  treasure,  and  broken 
faith  %  It  is  a  perversion  of  the  English  language  to  call  such 
a  system  a  peace  policy. 

In  January,  1880,  Juh  and  Geronirao  came  voluntarily  to 
the  White  Mountain  reservation,  with  108  Chiricahua  rene- 
gades. They  were  induced  to  leave  the  fastnesses  of  the 
Sierra  Madre,  in  Northern  Mexico,  by  Lieutenant  Haskell 
and  Interpreter  Jeffords,  who  went  to  their  haunts  and 
reasoned  them  into  returning.  Victorio  depredated  and 
fought  Mexican  troops  for  a  few  months,  and  in  August 
crossed  into  Texas,  one  hundred  miles  beluvV  El  Paso  del 


744 


MASSACRES  OF   THE   MOUNTAINS. 


Norte.  He  was  twice  driven  across  the  Rio  Grande  by  Col- 
onel Grierson,  and  then  remained  in  Mexico,  at  war  with  the 
people  there.  He  was  killed  by  the  Mexican  troops  some 
weeks  later.  In  Jnly,  1881,  Naiid,  with  15  warriors,  who 
had  been  with  Victorio,  crossed  the  Rio  Grande  and  made 
his  way  into  New  Mexico,  when  he  was  joined  by  some  25 
Mescaleros.  He  then  made  a  rapid  and  bloody  raid  across 
Southern  New  Mexico,  falling  upon  herders  and  prospectors, 
who  had  no  warning  of  his  coming,  and  murdering  them  with- 
out mercy.  He  was  chased  back  into  Mexico  by  the  troops, 
in  the  latter  part  of  August.  In  Arizona  there  were  two  out- 
breaks during  the  year :  one,  among  the  White  Mountain  In- 
dians, was  caused  by  the  arrest  of  a  medicine- man,  named 
Nockay-Delklinne,  who  was  holding  dances  for  the  purpose 
of  bringing  dead  warriors  to  life,  with  the  ultimate  design  of 
repeopling  the  country  and  driving  out  the  whites.  It  was 
considered  advisable  to  suppress  him,  although  it  did  not  ap- 
pear that  he  had  succeeded  in  reviving  any  of  the  departed — 
it  would  have  been  a  splendid  time  to  tell  the  Indians  he 
was  a  humbug,  and  let  him  prove  it ;  his  arrest  only  made 
them  think  the  whites  were  afraid  of  his  powers.  While  re- 
moving him,  the  Indian  scouts  with  the  command  took  up  his 
cause,  and  a  fight  ensued,  in  which  the  medicine-man  and  five 
soldiers  were  killed.  The  Indians  then  killed  all  the  whites 
they  could  find,  and  attacked  Camp  Apache,  to  which  Colonel 
Carr's  party  had  retired.  They  killed  in  all  ten  soldiers  and 
eight  citizens.  On  the  approach  of  reinforcements  they  fled, 
but,  with  the  exception  of  about  a  dozen,  who  escaped  and  be- 
came outlaws,  they  were  driven  back  to  the  reservation  with- 
out any  fighting.  Five  of  the  scouts  were  tried  by  court- 
martial  ;  three  were  hung,  and  two  were  sent  to  prison  on 
Alcatraz  Island.  On  the  night  of  September  30,  a  number  of 
Chirieahuas,  under  Jnh  and  Nachez,  broke  away  from  the  res- 
ervation. The  reasons  given  for  this  were  that  the  agency 
authorities  would  rot  help  them  make  an  irrigating  ditch,  and 
treated  them  worse  than  the  otlier  Indians  in  various  respects. 
They  were  driven  into  Mexico  early  in  October,  after  a  sharp 
figlit  at  Cedar  Springs. 

In  April,  1882,  a  number  of  the  hostiles  from  Mexico  made 


CRUELTY,  FITY,  AND  JUSTICE.  747 

their  way  quietly  to  the  San  Carlos  agercy,  and  induced  all 
the  remaining  original  renegade  Chiricahuas,  and  also  Loco's 
band  of  Ojo  Caliente  Indians,  to  leave  the  reservation  and  run 
for  Mexico.  They  were  pursued  by  the  troops  from  several 
posts,  and  struck  by  two  detachments;  Lieutenant- colonel 
Forsythe  attacked  them  at  Horse  Shoe  Cafion,  in  New  Mexi- 
co, and  Major  Tupper  followed  them  into  Mexico  and  whipped 
them  badly  in  the  Hatchet  Mountains.  They  fled,  leaving 
five  dead  warriors  and  two  squaws,  but  carrying  off  others ; 
and  two  days  later  .vere  ambushed  by  Lieutenant- colonel 
Garcia,  of  the  Mexican  army,  who  inflicted  severe  punishment 
upon  them.  On  July  6,  a  part  of  the  White  Mountain  In- 
dians at  San  Carlos,  under  Nan-tia-tish  and  Ar-shay,  known  as 
the  Cibicu  Indians,  from  their  former  location  on  Cibicu  Creek, 
killed  four  of  the  Indian  police  and  escaped  from  the  reserva- 
tion. They  committed  several  robberies  and  killed  six  peo- 
ple within  ten  days.  On  the  17th  they  were  overtaken  and 
terribly  punished  at  the  "  Big  Dry  Wash,"  on  the  old  Moqui 
trail,  a  wild,  desolate  canon,  two  hundred  feet  deep,  with  rocky 
side  canons  and  forbidding  surroundings.  They  left  sixteen 
dead,  including  Nan-tia-tish,  and  lost  all  their  property.  They 
scattered  in  the  night,  and,  under  cover  of  a  heavy  hail-storm, 
which  obliterated  their  trails,  straggled  into  the  reservation 
completely  destitute,  and  sated  with  war. 

Some  important  changes  in  tiie  affairs  of  the  Arizona  In- 
dians were  made  in  188'^.  One  of  the  most  noticeable  was 
the  treaty  effected  with  Mexico,  on  July  29,  by  which  troops 
of  both  countries  were  authorized  to  pursue  fleeing  savages 
across  the  line  in  "unpopulated  or  desert  parts."  This  made 
the  punishment  of  the  hostiles  a  possibility  for  the  first  time. 
Before  that  they  had  only  to  reach  the  Mexican  line  to  be 
safe ;  our  troops  could  pursue  them  no  farther.  Another  im- 
portant change  was  the  return  of  General  Crook  to  the  com- 
mand of  the  department.  No  dereliction  can  fairly  be  charged 
against  Colonel  Kautz  or  General  Willcox,  who  had  command- 
ed there  since  Crook  left ;  but  nature  has  made  a  difference  in 
men,  and  General  Crook  is  one  whose  character  has  made  him 
phenomenally  successful  in  the  management  of  Indians.  Most 
important  of  his  qualifications  is  his  habit  of  keeping  strict 


748 


MASSACRES   OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


faith  with  tho  Indians ;  they  are  never  contented  under  the 
control  of  a  man  whom  they  cannot  trust.  Next  to  this  is  the 
possession  of  common -sense,  a  qualification  in  which  some 
people  who  have  held  responsible  positions  have  been  sac",' 
lacking.  Consider  this  statement,  made  by  him  in  187b: 
"  During  the  twenty-seven  years  of  my  experience  with  the 
Indian  question  I  have  never  known  a  band  of  Indians  to 
make  peace  with  our  government  and  then  break  it,  or  leave 
their  reservation,  without  some  ground  of  complaint ;  but  un- 
til their  complaints  are  examined  and  adjusted,  they  will  con- 
stantly give  annoyance  and  trouble."  He  does  not  say  that 
the  Indians  are  always  right  nor  that  they  are  always  wrong; 
but  he  does  not  leave  room  for  a  single  case  of  their  making 
war  from  "pure  deviltry."  This  language  was  not  called 
forth,  however,  by  the  mistreatment  of  Indians  at  the  hands 
of  lawless  whites,  or  b}'  the  dishonesty  of  Indian  agents;  it 
was  used  in  regard  to  the  attempted  removal  of  the  Northern 
Cheyennes  to  the  Indian  Territory.  Concerning  this  he  fur- 
ther says:  "In  the  present  case,  the  Cheyennes  claimed  that 
they  had  been  wronged,  and  had  become  desperate  as  a  pack 
of  wolves.  The  army  had  orders  to  take  them  back  to  the 
Indian  Territory,  and  had  no  option  in  the  matter.  It  seems  to 
me  to  have  been,  to  say  the  least,  a  very  unnecessary  exercise  of 
power  to  insist  upon  this  particular  portion  of  the  band  going 
back  to  their  former  reservation,  while  the  other  fragments 
of  the  same  band,  which  surrendered  to  tlie  troops  on  the 
Yellowstone,  or  escaped  to  the  Ked  Cloud  and  Spotted  Tail 
reservations,  had  been  allowed  to  remain  North  unmolested." 
And  who  were  these  Cheyennes  that  must  be  hounded  back 
to  the  chills,  fever,  and  starvation  that  they  had  run  away 
from?  lie  says:  "Among  these  Cheyenne  Indians  were 
some  of  the  bravest  and  most  eflBcient  of  the  auxiliaries  who 
had  acted  under  General  Mackenzie  and  myself  in  the  cam- 
paign against  the  hostile  Sioux  in  1876  and  1877,  and  I  still 
preserve  a  grateful  remembrance  of  their  distinguished  ser- 
vices, which  the  government  seems  to  have  forgotten."  Do 
you  think  that  any  of  the  concentration  humanitarians  will 
ever  rank  with  this  stern  Indian-fighter  in  the  lists  of  humane 
men? 


CRUELTY,  PITY,  AND  JUSTICE. 


749 


Immediately  after  General  Crook's  return  there  came  about 
a  reasonable  harmony  between  the  representatives  of  the  In- 
dian Bureau  and  the  War  Department  in  Arizona,  which  had 
not  existed  during  his  absence.  Just  how  this  was  effected 
has  not  been  made  public,  but  the  fact  was  soon  notorious. 
He  then  talked  to  the  Indians,  publicly  and  privately,  until 
he  learned  the  state  of  their  feelings.  He  found  them  sullen, 
distrustful,  and,  as  they  confessed,  on  the  verge  of  going  to 
war.  Conflicting  statements  had  been  made  to  them  till  they 
L:*d  lost  confidence  in  every  one ;  they  had  been  told  that  they 
were  to  be  disarmed,  attacked  by  troops,  and  removed  from 
Arizona.  He  explained  to  them  that  their  enemies,  who  want- 
ed their  reservation,  were  trying  to  get  them  to  make  w^ar; 
and  that  they  would  certainly  lose  their  reservation  and  every- 
thing else  if  they  did.  He  showed  them  that  their  well-being 
must  depend  mainly  on  themselves,  and  secured  their  co-oper- 
ation in  reinstating  all  the  old  measures  he  had  used  so  suc- 
cessfully ten  years  before,  but  which  had  since  been  discon- 
tinued. Every  male  Indian  capable  of  bearing  arms  was  re- 
quired to  wear  constantly  a  metal  tag  with  his  number  and 
the  designation  of  his  band.  The  police  were  reorganized, 
and  frequent  roll-calls  were  required.  He  next  obtained  per- 
mission for  six  or  seven  hundred  of  the  White  Mountain  In- 
dians to  leave  the  hot  valleys  of  the  Gila  and  San  Carlos  rivers, 
and  return  to  their  old  homes  in  the  northern  part  of  the  res- 
ervation. To  obtain  this  privilege  he  became  personally  re- 
sponsible for  their  good  behavior;  and  the  Indians  agreed  to 
be  self-supporting  after  they  got  their  first  year's  crop.  Both 
of  these  promises  have  been  kept,  notwithstanding  that  the 
Indians  had  to  use  sharpened  sticks  for  planting  and  case- 
knives  for  harveiiing  implements.  The  lot  of  these  Indians 
was  80  much  more  pleasing  to  many  of  the  red  men  than  that 
of  the  "fed  savages"  at  the  agency,  that  over  one  third  of  the 
forty-five  hundred  Indians  there  (not  counting  the  Chiricahuas) 
have  gathered  in  the  northern  part  of  the  reservation,  and  are 
supporting  themselves  with  very  little  assistance.  To  the  offi- 
cers explicit  orders  were  given  to  give  and  require  "justice  to 
all — Indians  as  well  as  white  men."  There  were  to  be  no 
wrongs  and  no  mistakes.     The  orders  were :  "  There  must  be 


750 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


no  division  of  responsibility  in  this  matter;  each  officer  will 
be  held  to  a  strict  acconntability  that  his  actions  have  been 
fully  authorized  by  law  and  justice,  and  that  Indians  evincing 
a  desire  to  enter  upon  a  career  of  peace  shall  have  no  cause  of 
complaint  through  hasty  or  injudicious  acts  of  the  military." 

Having  adopted  these  means  for  the  preservation  of  peace 
on  and  about  the  reservation — means  which  have  proven  com- 
pletely successful,  witliout  any  exception  —  General  Crook 
next  turned  his  attention  to  the  hostiles  in  Mexico.  They 
were  the  worst  product  of  the  bad  faith  and  bad  policy  of 
the  past  six  years,  and  the  most  difficult  to  dispose  of.  Their 
native  homes  could  not  be  restored  to  them.  There  was  noth- 
ing that  could  bo  offered  them  except  fair  treatment  on  the 
White  Mountain  reservation,  and  that  had  little  attraction  to 
savages  whose  tastes  led  them  to  piratical  lives,  and  who  had 
experienced  our  fair  treatment.  He  tried  to  open  negotiations 
with  them,  but  succeeded  only  in  learning  that  a  raid  was  im- 
minent. All  that  could  be  done  was  to  prepare  for  it  as  well 
as  possible,  for  which  purpose  pack-trains  were  put  in  readi- 
ness and  the  troops  stationed  at  the  most  available  points.  In 
March  the  Chiricahuas  began  operations.  A  party  of  fifty 
warriors,  under  Geronimo,  swept  through  Sonora  to  obtain 
stock,  while  Chato  (Flat  Nose — a  mule  had  kicked  him  in  the 
face  and  flattened  his  nose),  with  twenty-six  men,  dashed 
through  Arizona  and  New  Mexico,  chiefly  to  obtain  ammuni- 
tion. The  latter  party  killed  about  a  dozen  persons  in  Arizo- 
na, circled  through  Mexico,  and  crossed  back  near  the  Hatch- 
et Mountains.  The  atrocity  committed  by  them  that  attract- 
ed the  greatest  attention  was  the  murder  oi  Judge  McComas 
and  wife,  and  the  capture  of  Charley  McComas,  on  March  28. 

On  the  day  previous  to  this  terrible  tragedy  an  event  oc- 
curred which  led  to  the  final  overthrow  and  capture  of  the 
renegades.  It  was  the  desertion  from  Chato's  party  of  a  war- 
rior named  Pe-nal-tishn,  commonly  called  "Peaches."  lie 
made  his  way  to  San  Carlos,  was  there  arrested,  and  was  in- 
duced by  General  Crook  to  guide  the  troops  to  the  stronghold 
of  the  Chiricahuas.  General  Crook  made  hasty  visits  to  So- 
nora and  Chihuahua,  and  secured  promises  of  co-operation 
there.    He  stationed  troops  along  the  line  to  watch  for  any 


CRUELTY,  PITY,  AND  JUSTICE. 


751 


future  raiders,  and,  with  193  Apache  scouts,  42  men,  and  9 
oflScers,  started  for  the  hiding-place  of  the  Chiricahuas.  It 
was  situctod  in  tlie  Sierra  Madre,  the  range  that  separates  So- 
nora  from  Chihuahua,  one  of  the  roughest  mountain  countries 
in  Anierica,  but  covered  with  forests  of  pine  and  oak,  and  fur- 
nished with  an  abundance  of  good  water.  Here  were  a  series 
of  natural  and  almost  impregnable  fortresses  which  the  Mex- 
ican troops  had  never  been  able  to  reach,  and  which  Crook 
might  not  have  penetrated  if  the  Chiricahuas  had  not  been 


^^■^^:^i%f^*.ir^^:^ 


crook's  battle-field  in  the  sierra  madre. 

wholly  unsuspicious  of  his  approach.  As  it  was,  his  forces 
moved  qnietly  into  the  mountains;  his  scouts  located  Chato's 
camp;  and  the  paiiy  would  have  surrounded  it  but  for  the 
haste  of  some  scouts,  who  fired  on  two  Indians,  The  camp 
was  at  once  attacked,  and  the  Indians  were  defeated,  with  a 
loss  of  about  a  dozen  killed  and  five  captured.  There  was 
now  no  hope  of  securing  the  Indians  by  pursuing  them,  for 
they  scattered,  as  usual, and  the  pursuing  force  could  not  scat- 
ter to  follow  them.     The  only  chance  of  getting  them  was  to 


r52 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


induce  them  to  surrender,  if  possible.  Communication  was 
obtained,  through  the  captives,  and  they  were  soon  satisfied 
tliat  they  had  better  surrender  on  the  terms  offered,  which 
were  substantially  an  agreement  to  overlook  the  past  and  start 
with  a  clean  page  on  the  Wiiite  Mountain  reservation.  Al- 
most all  the  renegades  came  in  under  this  arrangement,  among 
them  Geronimo,  Nachez  (a  son  of  Cochise),  Chato,  and  Bonito. 
Juh  had  fallen  out  with  the  band  and  gone  away  to  the  South, 
witli  one  man  and  two  or  three  squaws,  before  Crook  arrived. 
By  an  agreement  made  between  the  War  and  Interior  de- 
partments, in  July,  18S3,  the  Chiricahuas  were  placed  under 
the  exclusive  control  of  General  Crook ;  and  the  police  au- 
thority of  the  entire  reservation  was  put  in  his  hands.  By 
his  permission  Lhe  renegades  selected  lands  for  themselves  on 
Turkey  Creek,  near  Camp  Apache,  and,  with  the  aid  of  the 
soldiers,  began  cultivation.  In  1884-,  Geronimo  and  Chato 
had  farms  which  were  among  the  most  creditable  on  the  res- 
ervation. The  prejudice  of  the  Apache  men  against  labor 
was  never  so  strong  as  that  of  the  average  Indian,  and  on  the 
reservation  no  disgrace  attached  to  a  man  who  worked.  In 
1884  more  than  one  half  of  all  the  labor  was  performed  by 
men  and  boys.  The  results  of  the  Lidian  work  on  the  reser- 
vation for  that  year  were  3,850,000  pounds  of  corn,  550,000 
pounds  of  barley,  540,000  pounds  of  beans,  20,000  pounds  of 
potatoes,  50,000  pounds  of  wheat,  200,000  pumpkins,  and 
90,000  melons,  besides  garden  stuflE;  and  this,  notwithstanding 
that  the  Apaches  on  the  Gila  lost  nearly  all  their  crops  by 
freshets,  and  those  in  the  northern  part  of  the  reservation  lost 
about  one  third  of  theirs  by  late  rains  and  early  frosts.  They 
also  supplied  large  quantities  of  wood  and  hay,  made  ditches, 
and  performed  other  labor.  Tiiere  was  only  one  appearance 
of  trouble  during  the  year,  and  this  was  occasioned  by  Ka-e- 
te-na  (The  Looking-glass),  a  young  chief  of  a  Mexican  tribe, 
who  was  with  the  renegades  at  the  time  of  their  surrender. 
At  one  of  their  dances  he  made  a  speech  which  was  calculated 
to  raise  hostile  feeling;  for  which  offence  he  was  arrested  by 
Chiricahua  police,  convicted  by  an  Apache  jury,  and  sentenced 
to  three  years'  imprisonment,  in  irons,  at  Alcatraz  Island,  in 
San  Francisco  Bay. 


CRUELTY,  PITY,  AND  JUSTICE. 


768 


With  such  a  record,  continued  till  the  recent  outbreak  of 
Geronimo,  tliat  outbreak  was  naturally  unexpected.  Theories 
of  its  cause  should  not  be  hastily  formed ;  and  yet  the  only 
one  thus  far  announced — detection  in  the  manufacture  of  tis- 
win,  and  flight  from  fear  of  punishment — is  not  improbable. 
Tiswin,  or  p'tis  wing,  is  a  fermented  drink  of  native  manu- 
facture, somewhat  resembling  beer.  Its  basis  is  usually  corn, 
but  other  materials  are  sometimes  used.  It  had  long  been  a 
favorite  drink  with  some  of  the  tribes ;  and  on  the  reservation, 
owing  to  the  enforcement  of  the  intercourse  laws,  it  was  the 


ALCATUAZ    ISLAND. 


popular  intoxicant.  Es-kim-en-zin,  the  unfortunate  Camp 
Grant  chief,  was  a  large  manufacturer  of  it,  and  had  grown 
quite  wealthy  from  selling  it  to  the  other  Indians.  The  re- 
sults of  its  use  were  practically  as  deplorable  as  those  resulting 
from  liquors  sold  by  the  whites,  in  consequence  of  which  de- 
termined efforts  have  been  made  of  late  years  to  break  up  the 
manufacture.  Through  the  aid  of  the  Indian  police  these  ef- 
forts have  been  very  successful,  and  but  few  who  have  made 
it  have  escaped  punishment.  If  this  were  the  cause  of  the 
outbreak,  the  escaped  Indians  apparently  deserve  severe  pun- 
ishment for  their  crimes;  but  in  any  event.  General  Crook  is 

48 


(54 


MASSACRES  OF  THE  MOUNTAINS. 


entitled  to  the  coniidenco  of  tlie  people  that  he  will  do  what 
is  just. 

It  is  liardly  to  be  supposed  that  there  will  never  be  any 
more  troubles  with  the  Apaches,  for  there  are  causes  which 
will  produce  trouble,  if  not  removed,  and  our  government  is 
slow  of  motion.  There  are  coal  mines  on  the  southern  part 
of  the  reservation,  that  are  very  valntible,  on  account  of  the 
scarcity  of  fuel  in  Arizona,  which  certain  white  men  have 
been  trying  to  secure.  It  has  been  thought  possible  by  some 
that  difficulty  in  regard  to  these  might  best  be  avoided  by 
leasing  them.  A  ])n>-"ised  law  for  that  purpose  was  submit- 
ted to  Congress  in  1882,  and  bills  to  cut  off  the  parts  of  the 
reservation  containing  them  have  since  been  introduced ;  but 
no  action  has  been  taken  on  any  of  them.  Possibly  a  good 
solution  would  be  to  make  miners  of  the  Apaches.  They  are 
industrious  and  quick  to  learn,  and  could  dig  coal  as  well  as 
plant  corn.  The  whites  would  then  be  supplied  with  coal  and 
the  Indians  would  have  the  benefit  of  the  mines,  besides  being 
initiated  in  a  new  field  of  industry.  The  Apaches  are  anxious 
to  obtain  the  release  of  their  people  now  held  in  Mexico,  some 
of  whom  were  captured  within  the  past  five  years.  The  Mex- 
ican captives,  held  as  hostages  for  the  return  of  these,  were 
released  by  General  Crook  in  1883;  but  the  Apache  captives 
are  still  slaves.  The  government  cannot  neglect  this  matter 
and  retain  the  respect  of  civilized  men.  There  were  indica- 
tions of  a  rupture  between  the  military  and  Indian  authori- 
ties in  Arizona  under  the  late  administration ;  but  the  firm 
stand  of  Commissioner  Atkins  against  disarming  the  Apaches 
indicates  that  he  is  in  harmony  with  General  Crook.  It  would 
be  folly  to  disarm  them,  even  if  it  could  be  accomplished. 
They  would  be  left  subject  to  the  outrages  of  the  Arizona 
outlaws,  who  prey  on  every  one,  and  also  at  the  mercy  of  the 
rabid  exterminationists.  In  1883  a  company  of  "rangers" 
was  organized,  to  attack  the  peaceable  Indians  at  San  Carlos, 
and  marched  nearly  to  the  reservation.  No  time  was  wasted 
in  begging  these  men  to  be  law-abiding.  The  Indians  were 
notified  that  they  would  be  expected  to  defend  themselves ; 
and  the  rangers,  on  learning  this,  concluded  that  they  had  not 
lost  any  Indians.     They  marched  back  to  Tombstone  without 


CRUELTY,  PITY,  AND  .JUSTICK.  755 

miikin<r  an  attack.  Tliere  has  been  mncli  talk  of  reniovinjr 
the  Apaches  from  Arizona,  vvhicli,  if  it  were  attempted,  would 
produce  war;  it  would  be  a  terrible  war  too.  Tiie  Apaches 
caimot  be  driven  about  like  cattle.  On  the  other  band,  if  the 
policy  of  the  past  three  years  is  followed  to  its  proper  limits— 
if  the  Apaches  are  treated  fairly,  and  all  disturbing  causes  arc 
removed,  as  far  as  possible— there  is  no  i-eason  whv  these  de- 
mons of  the  i)a8t  should  not  continue  to  develop  into  a  quiet, 
self-sustaining  people. 


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186 
184 
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I 

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For 
voli 


LIST  OF  AUTHORITIES. 


OwiXG  to  the  groat  extent  of  territory  covered  in  this  book, 
1    has  been  thought  best  to  classify  the  authorities,  in  order  that 
those  who  desire  to  investigate  any  subject  herein   discussed 
may  be  directed  at  once  to  the  evi.lence  relating  to  it.     It  is 
hoped  t  K;t  those  who  are  interested  in  Indian  affairs,  or  in  local 
History,  wdl  thus  be  relieved  of  needless  search  through  irrele- 
vant documents.     In  furtherance  of  this  object,  many  authori- 
ties consulted  by  the  author  are  omitted  altogether,  only  those 
heing  mentioned  wliich  are  considered  of  material  value      The 
Executive  Documents  referred  to  are  documents  of  the  House 
of  Representatives.     Up  to  1801  the  same  documents  will  usu- 
a  ly  be  found  in  the  Senate  Documents  for  the  same  years,  as 
also  Senate  Documents  referred  to,  prior  to  1801,  will  usuallv 
be  found  m  the  Executive  Documents.     Some  authorities  have 
been  u.ed  in  almost  every  chapter;  and  tliese,  to  avoid  repeti- 
tion, will,  except  as  to  matters  of  unusual  importance,  be  men- 
tioned  but  once,  and 

In  Gfnkbal: 

Historical  and  Statistical  Information  respecting  the  History  Condi- 

.on  and  Prospects  of  the  Indian  Tribes  of  the  United  States,  ctc"^  Henry 

U.  Schoolcraft     In  5  vols.    Philadelphia,  1851-55 ;  also  a  sixth  volume  of 

same,  under  title  Archives  of  Aboriginal  Knowledge,  e.e.     PhiladXhia; 

184^°"'  ""^  ^'""■"^'  ""^  ""  ^"""'^^  ^°''  accompanying  documents  : 

mentel^Coir """"'''""''^  °^  ^'"^'""  '^^"''''  "°'^  "ccompanying  docu- 

Reports  of  Pacific  Railroad  Surveys.  Ex.  Docs.  1854-55,  vol  xi  (in  11 

r«S<rT  '"  ?"o  ""''••  ^"''  ''''••  =  "'^"  Supplemental  Report,  Ex'.  Docs 
1859-60,  vol.  XI.  (m  3  parts) ;  same  in  Sen.  Docs.  1858-59.  vol  xviii 

The  Native  Races  of  the  Pacific  States  of  North  America.'   Hubert 
Howe  Bancroft.    In  5  vols.    New  York,  1875 

All  Katified  Treaties,  prior  to  1843.  are  in  U.  8.  Stats,  at  Large,  vol  vii 


(58 


LIST  OF  AUTHORITIES. 


CHAPTER  I. 
INTRODUCTOKY. 

Report  of  Joint  Special  Committee  on  Condition  of  Indian  Tribes,  un- 
der Joint  Resolution  of  /March  8,  1865.     Washington,  1867. 

Iteport  of  Special  Commission  appointed  to  Investigate  the  Affairs  of 
Red  Clou'l  Indian  Agency.     Washington,  ISTS. 

Report  of  Committee  on  Indian  Affairs  on  Indian  Frauds,  House  Rep. , 
No.  98,  1872-73. 

The  Legal  Position  of  the  Indian.  G.  F.  Canfleld,  in  ^1//;.  Ldw  liec, 
vol.  XV.,  p.  31. 

The  Red  Man  and  White  Man  in  North  America,  etc.  G.  E.  Ellis. 
Boston,  1883. 

Indian  Titles  to  Land;  iu  Commentaries  on  American  Law,  vol.  iii., 
pp.  379-400.     James  Kent. 

CHAPTER  II. 
THE  ACQUISITION  OP  THE  MOUNTAINS. 

Thirty  Years'  View  of  the  American  Government.  Thos.  Benton. 
New  Yorli,  1871. 

Commerce  of  the  Prairies,  etc.    Josiah  Gregg.    New  York,  1844. 

Oregon.    W.  Barrows.    Boston  and  New  York,  1884. 

A  History  of  Oregon,  etc.     W.  II.  Gray.     New  York,  1870. 

Oregon  and  California  in  1848.     J.  Quinn  Thornton.     New  York,  1849. 

The  American  Statesman :  A  Political  History,  etc.  Andrew  W.  Young 
Nev,  York,  1855. 

Discussion  of  the  Oregon  Question;  in  Congressional  Olobe,  First  Sess. 
29th  Congress,  pp.  44-693,  and  Appendix. 

CHAPTER  III. 
THE  ONE  OFFENCE  OF  THE  PUEBLOS. 

The  History  of  Mexico  and  its  Wars,  etc.  John  Fro.st,  LL.D.  New 
Orleans,  1882. 

The  Conquest  of  New  Mexico  and  California,  etc.  Gen.  P.  St.  G.  Cooke. 
New  York,  1878. 

El  Gringo ;  or,  New  Mexico  and  her  People.  W.  W.  H.  Davis.  New 
York,  1857. 

Adventures  in  ^Mexico  and  the  Rocky  Mountains.  Geo.  F.  Ruxton. 
New  York,  1848. 

Report  of  Colonel  Price.    Ex.  Doc.  No.  8, 1847-48,  pp.  520-5S8. 


CHAPTER  IV. 
MURDER  OF  THE  MISSIONARIES. 

Gray's  Oregon  (sitpm  ch.  ii.). 

Barrow's  Oregon  {supra  ch.  ii.). 

Protestantism  in  Oregon  :  Account  of  the  Murder  of  Dr.  Whitman,  etc. 


LIST  OF  AUTHORITIES. 


759 


Sr38:i857-58^''°"""''  ^-  '^-     ^'"^  ^'"•■^'  ^'''-     ^'^P""'^'^  '"  ^^-  Doc. 

Portraits  of  North  American  Indians  (with  biographical  notes)     J  M 
btauley.     In  Smithsonian  Mis.  Coll.,  vol.  ii.  '"" 

The  Ely  Volume.     T.  Laurie,  D  D.     Bos'.on,  188L 

Recollections  and  Opiuious  of  an  Old  Pioneer.     P  H.  Burnett.    New 

Papers  and  Correspondence  relating  to  Indian  Affairs  on  the  Pacific 
from  War  and  Interior  Depts.     Ex.  Doc.  No.  76,  1850-57,  vol.  ix. 


CHAPTER  V. 

THE  CURSE  OF  GOLD. 

\ormon  Discovery  of  Gold.     Geo.  M.  Evans.     In  Hunt's  Merchants' 

MiKjaziiie,  vol.  xxxi.,  p.  385. 

Memoirs  of  Gen.  Wm.  T.  Sherman,  by  himself.     New  York  1875 
Thornton's  Oregon  and  California  (supra  ch.  ii.).     Appendix 
American  Adventure.     Blackwood's  Maf/asine,  vol.  Ixvii    p  H 
Discovery  of  the  Yo.semite,  and  the  Indian  War  of  1851   etc     I    II 

Bunnell.     Chicago,  1880.  .... 

Ex.  Doc.  No.  70,  1856-57  {siiprn  ch.  iv.). 

Correspondence  on  California  Indian  Affairs.     Sen.  Doc.  No  4  Special 
Sess.,  1853.  '    ' 

Correspondei;ce  and  Reports  on  California  Agencies.  Sen  Doc  No 
46, 1859-60  (vol.  xi.);  also  Ex.  Docs.,  1856-57,  vol.  ix.,  pp.  136-145 

Report  of  Special  Agent  Bailey.  Ex.  Docs.  1858-50,  vol.  ii.,  pt.  1  pn 
049-657.  '  I  i  • 

The  Coast  Rangers.   J.  Ross  Browne.    In  Harper's  Mamsine,  vol  xxiii 
p.  306.  ' 

Mission  Indians.     Report  of  J.  G.  Ames.     Ex.  Docs.  1873-74  vol   iv 
pt.  l,p.  897.  '       ■       ' 

Jlission  Indians.    Report  of  B.  C.  AVhiting.    Ex.  Docs.  1871-73  vol  iii 
pt.  l,p.  1107.  '       ■     ■■ 

Mission  Indians,  Helen  Hunt  Jackson.  In  Centurii,  vol  xxvi  pp  l 
199,511.  ""      '  "      • 

Cn.'PTER  VI. 
OATMAN    PT.AT. 

Captivity  of  the  Oatman  Girls,  etc.     R.  B.  Stratton.    New  York,  1858 
Adventures  in  the  Apache  Country.    J.  Ross  Browne.    New  York,  1874. 
Recovery  of  Miss  Oatman.     Sen.  Doc.  No.  66, 1855-56,  p.  67. 
Personal  Narrative  of  Explorations;  etc.    J.  R.  Bartlett.     Vol  ii    p  203 
New  York,  1854.  •    .,i.       . 

Lieutenant  Sitgreave's  Expedition.     Sen,  Docs.,  1852-53,  vol.  x. 
Notes  on  the  Tonto  Apaches.     Capt.  Charles  Smart.     In  Smithsonian 
Report  for  1867. 

E.\.  Doc.  No.  76, 1856-57  (««;)m  ch.  iv.). 


760 


LIST  OF  AUTHORITIES. 


CHAPTER  VII. 
THE  ROGUE  lUVER,  YAKIMA,  AND  KLICKITAT  WARS. 

Gray's  Oregon  (s!/;)ra  ch.  ii.)- 

Ex.  Doc.  No.  76, 1856-57  {supra  ch.  iv.). 

Military  Reports.     Sen.  Docs.  1856-^57,  vol.  iii.,  pp.  147-203. 

Papers  and  Correspondence,  with  affidavits.  House  Mis.  Doc.  No.  47, 
1858-59,  vol.  i. 

Local  Legislative  Action.  House  Mis.  Docs.  Nos.  64, 77,  and  78, 1855-56; 
also  House  Mis.  Docs.  Nos.  71  and  116, 1857-58. 

Report  of  J.  Ross  Browne  on  Indian  Wars  of  Oregon.  Ex.  Doo.  No. 
38,  1857-58,  vol.  ix. 

Report  of  .1.  Ross  Browne  on  Indian  Reservations  of  the  Northwest. 
Ex.  Doc.  No.  39, 1857-58,  vol.  ix. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 
ASH  HOLLOW  AND  THE  CHEYENNE  EXPEDITION. 

Correspondence  and  Evidence  concerning  Grattan  Affair.  Sen.  Doc. 
No.  91, 1855-56,  vol.  xiv. 

Harney's  Report.    Ex.  Docs.  1855-56,  vol.  i.,  pt.  2,  p.  49. 

Cooke's  Report.    Sen.  Doc.  No.  58,  1856-57,  vol.  viii. 

Sign  Language.  In  First  Annual  Report  of  Bureau  of  Ethnology. 
Washington,  1881. 

Grannnar  and  Dictionary  of  the  Dakota  Language.  Rev.  8.  R.  Riggs. 
In  Smithsonian  Contributions  to  Knowledge,  vol.  iv. 

Cheyenne  Troubles  of  1856.     Sen.  Docs.  1856-57,  vol.  iii.,  pp.  106-112. 

Sumner's  Expedition.     Sen.  Does.  1857-58,  vol.  iii.,  pp.  96-99. 

The  Oregon  Trail,  etc.     Francis  Parkman.    Boston,  1866. 

The  Plains  of  the  Great  West  and  their  Inhabitants.  R.  I.  Dodge, 
New  York,  1877. 

City  of  the  Saints,  etc.     R.  F.  Burton.     New  York,  1862. 


CHAPTER  IX. 
LOS    NABAJ08. 

Report  of  1867  on  Condition  of  Indian  Affairs  (s«;)m  ch.  i.).   Appendix. 

El  Gringo  {mipra  ch.  iii.). 

Historical  Sketch.     Sen.  Does.  1858-59,  vol.  i.,  pp.  540-543. 

An  Account  of  the  Navajoes  of  Nev/  Mexico.  Major  Backus.  In 
Schoolcraft's  Hist,  and  Stat.  Inf.  {nipra),  vol.  iv.,  p.  209. 

IVIilitary  Reports.  Sen.  Docs.  1858-59,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  278-320;  also.  Sen. 
Docs.  1859-60,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  256-354. 

Lieutenant  Simpson's  Memoir  of  Washington's  Expedition.  Sen.  Doc. 
No.  64,  1849-50,  vol.  xiv. 

The  Undeveloped  West.     J.H.Beadle.     Cincinnati,  1873. 


LIST  OF  AUTHORITIES. 


761 


CHAPTER  X. 
MOUNTAIN  MEADOWS. 

Correspondence  and  Evidence  from  War  and  Interior  Departments 
Sen.  Doc.  No.  43, 18.59-60,  vol.  xi. 

Military  Reports.     Sen.  Docs.  1859-60.  vol.  ii.,  pp.  121-255. 

Trial  of  Gunnison  Murderers.    Ex.  Docs.  1855-56,  vol.  i.,  pt.  2,  p.  167. 

Emissaries  to  Indians.    Ex.  Doc.  No.  38,  1857-58. 

Emissaries  to  Indians.    Ex.  Doc.  No.  76,  1856-57. 

Emissaries  to  Indians.    Sen.  Docs.  1859-60,  vol.  ii.,  p.  339. 

Judge  Cradlebaugh's  Account.  Congressional  Globe,  1863-63.  Annen- 
dix,  p.  119. 

Mormonism  Unveiled,  etc.  (Autobiography,  trials,  and  confessions  of 
John  D.Lee.)    W.  W.  Bishop.     St.  Louis  and  Cleveland,  1883. 

Life  in  Utah.    J.  II.  Beadle.     Philadelphia,  1870. 

Western  Wilds  and  the  Men  vho  Redeem  Them.  J.  II.  Beadle.  Cin- 
cinnati, 1878. 

CHAPTER  XI. 
WAR  WITH  THE  SP0KANE8,  ETC. 

Lieutenant  Mullan's  Topographical  Memoir.  Ex.  Doc.  No.  33, 1858-59, 
vol.  x. 

Father  Iloecken's  Account  of  the  Attack  on  Stcptoc.  Sen.  Docs  1858- 
59,  vol.  ii.,  p.  137. 

Military  Reports  and  Papers.     Sen.  Docs.  1858-59,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  330-415. 

Indian  Bureau  Reports  and  Papers.  Sen.  Docs.  1858-59,  vol.  i  nn 
566-035.  ■'''■ 

CHAPTER  XII. 
DEATH  TO  TUE  APACIIE. 

Cooke's  Conquest  of  New  Mexico  {supra  ch.  iii.). 

Gregg's  Commerce  of  the  Prairies  («(/7Jra  ch.  ii.). 

Bartlett's  Nurrative  (supra  ch.  vi.). 

Report  of  1867  on  Condition  of  Indian  Tribes  {supra  ch.  i.).    Appendix. 

Life  Among  the  Apaches.    John  C.  Cremony.     San  Francisco,  1868. 

Across  America  and  Asia.     Raphael  Pumpelly.     New  York,  1870. 

Colyer's  Report.     Ex.  Docs.  1871-73,  vol.  iii.,  p,  454. 

El  Gringo  {supra  ch.  iii.). 


CHAPTER  XIII. 
SAND  CKEEK. 


Report  on  Conduct  of  the  War,  1864-65,  pt.  3. 

Report  of  1867  on  Condition  of  Indian  Tribes  {supra  ch.  i.). 


Evidence. 

Evidence. 
Appendix. 

Evidence.     Sen.  Dor.  No.  26, 1866-07. 

Documents  from  Interior  Department  concerning  Custer's  Fight  on  the 
Washita,     Sen,  Doc.  No.  18,  1868-69. 


JG2 


LIST  OF  AUTHORITIES. 


Documents  from  War  Department  concerning  Custer's  Fight  on  the 
Washita.     Sen.  Doc.  No.  18, 1868-69. 

jVIy  Life  on  tlie  Plains.    G.  A.  Custer.     New  York,  1874. 
Sheridan's  Troopers  on  the  Border.   De  B.  R.  Keim.   Philadelpliia,  1870. 
New  Colorado  and  the  Santa  Fe  Trail.   A.  A.  Hayes.    New  York,  1880. 
A  Century  of  Dishonor.    Helen  Hunt  Jackson.    New  York,  1881. 
The  Indian  and  White  Man.     Rev.  D.  W.  Rishcr.     Indianapolis,  1880. 

CHAPTER  XIV. 
CANON  de  (JHELLY  and  BOSQUE  REDONDO. 

Lieutenant  Simpson's  Memoir  (nupra  ch.  ix.). 

Beadle's  Undeveloped  West  {mpva  ch.  ix. ). 

Report  of  1867  on  Condition  of  Indian  Tribes  {supra  ch.  i.).    Appendix. 

Carson's  Report.    MS. ,  War  Department. 

Pioneer  Life  and  Frontier  Adventure.     D.  C.  Peters.    Boston,  1881. 

Report  of  Captain  Walker.     Sen.  Docs.  1859-60,  vol.  ii.,  p.  316. 


CHAPTER  XV. 
FOKT  PUIL  KEARNEY. 

Papers  and  Correspondence  from  War  and  Interior  Departments,  in- 
cluding Report  of  Special  Commissioners.     Sen.  Doc.  No.  13,  1867. 

Military  Reports:  Report  of  Sec.  of  War,  1867,  pp.  31-61. 

Dodge's  Plains  of  the  Great  West  {nupra  ch.  viii.). 

Absaraka,  Home  of  the  Crows.  Mrs.  M.  I.  Carrington.  Philadelphia. 
1869. 

Absaraka,  Land  of  Massacre.  Col.  H.  B.  Carrington.  Philadelphia, 
1878. 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

PUNISHING  THE  PIEGANS. 

Historical  Sketch.    Schoolcraft's  Hist,  and  Stat.  Inf.  {mipra),  vol. v.,  p.  179. 

Early  Relations  to  U.  S.     Sen.  Docs.  18(58-59,  vol.  xviii. 

Papers  and  Evidence  from  AVar  Department.  Ex.  Doc.  No.  269, 1869- 
70,  vol.  xii. ;  also,  Sen.  Doc.  No.  49,  1869-70. 

Baker's  Report.     Ex.  Doc.  No.  197, 1869-70,  vol.  vii. 

Papers  and  Correspondence  from  Interior  Department.  Ex.  Doc.  No. 
185,  1869-70,  vol.  vii. 

Comjremoml  Globe,  1869-70,  pt.  3,  pp.  1575-1599. 

Adventures  of  Captain  Bonneville,  etc.  Washington  Irving.  New 
York,  1864. 

CHAPTER  XVIL 

THE  TRAGEDY  OP  THE  LAVA  BEDS. 

Papers  and  Correspondence  from  War  and  Interior  Departments,  inchid- 
ing  Proceedings  of  Military  Commission.    Ex.  Doc.  No,  123, 1878-74,  vol.  ix. 
Meacham's  Report,     Ex.  Docs.  1873-74,  vol.  iv. ,  p.  443. 


LIST  OF  AUTHORITIES. 


r63 


Gillem's  Report.     Sen.  Doc.  No.  1, 1877  (bound  with  Docs,  of  1876-77). 

Cost  of  War.     Ex.  Doc.  No.  131,  1874-75.  vol.  xv. 

The  Modocs.     Stephen  Powers.     In  Overland  Monthly,  vol.  x.,  p.  .535. 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 
THE  LITTLE  BIG  HORN. 

Custer's  Expedition  to  the  Black  Hills.     Sen.  Doc.  No.  32, 1874-75. 

Jenney's  Expedition  to  t'le  Black  Hills.     Sen.  Doc.  No.  51, 1875-76. 

Disturbances  leading  to  the  War.     Sen.  Doc.  No.  53, 1875-76. 

Invasions  by  Miners.     Sen.  Doc.  No.  3,  1875  (bound  with  Docs,  of 
1874-75). 

Report  of  Commission  to  Treat  for  Black  Iliils.     Ex.  Docs.  1875-76, 
vol.  iv.,  pt.  1,  p.  686. 

Report  of  Commission  to  Treat  witli  Sitting  Bull  in  Canada.     Ex. 
Docs.  1877-78,  vol.  viii.,  p.  719. 

Terry's  Report.     Sen.  Doc.  No.  81,  1875-76. 

Sheridan's  Report.     E.x.  Docs.  1876-77,  vol.  ii.,  pt.  1,  p.  439. 

Movements  of  Troops.     Reports  of  Generi  of  the  Army  for  1876  and 
1877. 

Autobiography  of  Sittmg  Bull.     Harpers  Weekly,  July  39,  1876. 

Record  of  Engagements  with  Hostile  Indians,  etc.     Lt.-gen.  P.  II.  Sher- 
idan.    Chicago,  1883. 

A  Popular  Life  of  Gen.  George  A.  Custer.     F.  Whittaker.     New  York 
1877. 

Dodge's  Plains  of  the  Great  West  {mpm  ch.  viii.).     Introduction. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 
JOSEPH'S  NEZ  PEUCfiS. 

Origin  of  the  War.  Rejjort  Sec.  of  War  for  1875,  vol.  i.,  pp.  134-131 ; 
also.  Report  Sec.  of  Interior  for  1875.  vol.  i.,  p.  763;  also  Report  Sec.  of  War 
for  1876,  vol.  i.,  pp.  91,  93;  also  Report  Sec.  of  Interior  for  1876,  vol.  i.. 
p.  449. 

Report  of  Commission  to  Treat  with  Joseph.  Ex.  Docs.  1877-78,  vol. 
viii.,  p.  607. 

Report  of  General  Howard.  Report  Sec.  of  War,  1877,  vol.  i.,  pp.  119- 
133. 

Reports  of  Gibbon,  Sturgis,  and  :Milcs.  Report  Sec.  of  War,  1877,  vol.  i., 
pp.  68-77. 

Report  of  General  Sherman.    Report  Sec.  of  AVar,  1877,  vol.  i.,  pp.  7-15. 

Joseph's  Statement.     North  Americitn  lieeiew,  vol.  cxxviii.,  p.  413. 

Howard's  Reply.     North  American  Jienieir,  vol.  cxxix.,  p.  53. 

Nez  Perce  Josejjh,  etc.     Gen.  O.  O.  Howard.     Boston,  1881. 

The  Return  of  the  Nez  Perces.  Rev.  G.  L.  Deffenbaugh.  In  The 
Foreiyn  Missionary,  July,  1885,  p.  71. 

Lindsley's  Report.  In  Minutes  of  Eighth  Annual  Session  of  the  Synod 
of  the  Columbia,  p.  71.     Seattle,  W.  T.,  1884. 


764 


LIST  OF  AUTHORITIES. 


CHAPTER  XX. 
VVniTE  RIVER  AGENCY. 

Historical  Sketch.     Major  Powell.     House  Mis.  Doc.  No.  86, 1873-74. 

Fight  near  Poncha  Pass.    Ex.  Docs.  1855-56,  vol.  i.,  pt.  2,  p.  49. 

Brunot's  Council.    Ex.  Docs.  1873-74,  vol.  iv.,  pt.  1,  pp.  451-481. 

Ute  Affairs,  1873-79.     ben.  Doc.  No.  29, 1879-80,  vol.  i. 

Papers  and  Correspondence  from  Interior  Department.  Sen.  Doc.  No. 
31,  1879-80,  vol.  i. 

Report  of  Special  Commissioners  Hatch  and  Adams.  Ex.  Doc.  No.  83, 
1879-80,  vol.  xxiv. 

Evidence  before  Committee  on  Indian  Affairs.  House  Mis.  Doc.  No. 
38,  1879-80,  vol.  iv. 

CHAPTER  XXI. 

CRUELTY,  PITY,  AND  JUSTICE. 

Colyer's  Report  (supra  ch.  xii.). 

Howard's  Report.    Ex.  Docs.  1873-74,  vol.  ill.,  p.  533. 

Reports  from  Department  Commanders  of  Arizou-  nd  New  jMcxico, 
accompanying  Reports  of  Generals  of  the  Army,  1872-84. 

Reports  from  Agencies  of  New  Mexico  and  Arizona,  accompanying  Re- 
ports of  Commissioners  of  Indian  Affairs,  1872-84. 

3les.sage  of  Governor  Safford  for  1875.  Journal  of  Eighth  Legislature 
of  Arizona. 


INDEX. 


Abbott,  J.  B. ,  withdraws  troops  from  Uncom- 
pahgriS  I'nrk,  (ibT. 

Absnroka,  same  as  Crows,  479. 

Adiiiiis,  Gen.  diaries,  goes  to  Utes  to  rdcnso 
captives,  710;  brings  In  captives,  713;  state- 
ment as  to  urging  witliilruwal  ol  troops,  71», 
714. 

Alinaliawnys,  who  arc,  379. 

Ahuutupuwit,  Ute  warrior,  captures  Mrs. Price, 
70r> ;  surrender  of,  deniandeil,  714. 

Albert,  Indian  boy,witne6ses  Mountain  Meuil.iw 
massacre,  '29M ;  induced  to  lie  about  it,  ill; . 

Alcatraz  Island,  Modocs  scut  to,  o»i  ;  Apaclics 
Bent  to,  744.  7.'i'.i. 

Alcedi),  Antonio  dc,  estimate  of  population  of 
Califurnia,  131. 

Alder  (Julch,  mines  of,  478. 

Alexander,  Colonel,  ordered  from  Utah  by  Brig 
liam  Young,  2H«,  '2H'.l. 

Allakaweali,  who  are,  379. 

Allen,  Lieut.  J.  K.,  death  of.  3.'>2;  mentioned, 
3,')4. 

Allen,  Agent  R  A.,  reports  starvation  of  I'lc- 
gans.  .'■>37,  KW. 

Almy,  Meutcnant.  killed.  732. 

Alvord,  Miyor,  (pioted,  lo.'i. 

Always  Ready.    .SVe  (iiannahtah. 

American  Horse,  .^iiou.K  chlof,  killed,  C>2r). 

American  Indian  Aid  Association,  intercedes 
for  .Modocs,  BHl. 

Ames,  John  (J. ,  reports  on  M  ission  Indians,  149. 

Amoroko,  Snake  chief,  band  of,  '27(1. 

Ankatosh,  Ute  chief,  mentioned,  1)89. 

Antelope,  t'to  warrior,  aids  in  murder  of  Ksk- 
rldKe,703  ;  aids  in  massacre,  704;  surrender 
of,  demanded,  714. 

Anthony,  Miyor,  opinion  of  Indians  at  Sand 
Creek,  41i),  417  ;  takes  command  at  Fort 
Lyon,  418;  olllcial  report  of,  419;  soniLs 
Clieycnnes  away,  420;  Cheyennes  deiy,  4'Jl; 
advico  to  Chivington,  422. 

Antonio  Garra,  Yuma  chief,  con.«piracy  of,  180, 

Apache  Cafliin,  Kearny  at,  49,  ftii;  light  at,  407. 

Apache  Mohaves.  same  as  Yampais,  3.')N, 

Apache  I'ass,  (Iglil  at,  38U ;  resistance  to  Carle- 
ton  at,  382. 

Apache  Yumas,  same  as  Hualapais,  358. 

Apaches,  location  and  origin  of,  82,  24.');  dam- 
ago  by,  to  Mexican  settlements,  inU;  com- 
mon opinions  of,  HfiR  \  divisions  of,  3r)7; 
names  of,  S.W;  troubles  of,  with  Mexicans, 
389;  troubles  of,  with  traders  and  tnippers, 
3(K);  massacres  of,  361;  scalp-bounty  for, 
362;  meet  General  Kearny,  365;  meet  Hart- 
letl's  party,  366;  slavery  among,  307,  368, 
372,  373  ;  troubles  with  Bartlett's  party, 
373;  try  to  drive  out  miners,  374;  massacre 
White's  party,  377;  Mexicans  attack,  378; 
not  protected  by  intercourse  laws,  379;  hos- 
tilities of,  at  bcgluuing  of  rebellion,  38U, 


381  ;  Californians  defeat,  382  ;  operations 
against,  383  ;  at  liosquo  Hedondo,  384  ; 
Carlelon's  campaign  against,  385, 386  ;  ex- 
termiuation  theory  tried  on,  389, 391;  ell'ect 
of  extermination  policy,  390;  tmnbles  at 
Itusquo  Iteduudo,  392;  failure  of  cMtrniina- 
tlim  iiolicy,  395;  cxterniinatinn  pidiiy  con- 
tinued, 717,  718  ;  establLshment  at  Camp 
Grant,  719,  7'20;  mas.sacre  of.  at  CanipGrant, 
721-725;  peace  policy  tried,  7'2ll,  7'27;  failure 
of  iieace  jwlicy,  7'28,  7'i9;  Crook's  policy  in- 
augurated, 7'29,  730;  features  of  Crook's  pol- 
icy, 731 ;  success  of  siime,  732  ;  removal 
jxilicy  inaugurated,  733,  734  ;  elliiCts  of  re- 
movals, 735-743;  hostilities  in  1880-8'2.743- 
747;  Crook  returns  to,  747,  74S;  renews  his 
policy,  749;  renegades  brought  in,  750-752; 
success  of  Crook's  policy,  7.53,  754;  causes 
of  troulde  renuilnlng.  7.54,  7.5.5. 

Applegate,  Jesse,  appointed  on  Modoc  conimls- 
sloM,  559;  removed,  560. 

Applegate,  Oliver,  appointed  on  Modoc  com- 
ini.ssion,  559;  removed.  .560. 

Arapahoes.     iVc  Cheyennes  and  Arapahoes. 

Archuleta,  Col.  Diego,  bought  up  by  Magotlln, 
50  ;  conspiracy  of,  61. 

Arivajias,  Apaches,  who  are,  357;  location  of, 
358;  caoturo  Inez  (ionzales,  :i66;  come  to 
Camp  (irant,  719,  7'20;  Camp  (iraiit  massa- 
cre. 721-725  ;  attack  on.  725  ;  rc-scrvation 
made  for,  7'27 ;  sent  to  San  Carlos,  730. 

Arizona,  description  of  southwestern  part,  151, 
1.52;  established  as  a  territory,  157.  1.58;  de- 
si'ription  of  northeastern  part,  '244,  '245; 
Apache  warfare  In,  356;  a  refuge  for  crun- 
in.ils,  362;  Indian  slavery  in,  37'2,  373;  over- 
run l>y  Apaches,  380,  ;t81 ;  gold  discoveries 
in,  386;  operations  against  Apaches  in,  38,5, 
.386;  put  In  Hepartment  of  Calilornin,  391; 
progress  of,  39'2, 395;  press  of,  defends  I'amp 
Grant  miussacre,  7'24,  7'25;  thrcatins  Colyer, 
7'26  ;  Crook's  policy  inaugurated  in,  7'29; 
success  of  same,  73'i;  removal  iMjIicy  tried 
in,  733  ;  results  of  removals,  734  -  743  ; 
changes  of  1882  in,  747,  748;  Crook's  policy 
renewed. 749, 7.50;  Apache  renegiides  brought 
in,  752;  (Jeronlmo's  outbreak,  753;  remain- 
ing sources  of  Apache  troubles,  754,  755. 

Armi,io,  General,  commands  Mexican  troops  In 
Nt.'w  Mexico,  49;  bought  up  by  .\lugoUlu,  50; 
retires  to  Mexico,  51, 

Arrow,  the.    Sec  Ouray. 

Arroyo  Hondo.  ma.ssacro  at,  60-68. 

Arshay.  Apache  chief  revolt  of,  747, 

Ashburton  treaty,  mention  of  41. 

Ash  Hollow,  location  of  2;I4;  light  at,  235;  crit- 
icism of  tight  at,  '236;  light  ut,  praised  on 
frontier,  433,  434. 

Assinaboines,  location  of,  81. 

Astoria,  sketch  of  history  of,  32,  33. 


760 


INDEX. 


Athabnscans.  related  to  Navnbos,  Apaches,  and 

I'mpquiiH,  H'2,  '245,  '2Ut. 
Atsiua.  Nunc  as  Ampaliucs,  221. 
Augur,  General,  sueceeds  General  Cooke,  503; 

member  Hoard  of  I'eace  Commissioners,  710. 

Babbitt,  A.  W.,  Secretary  of  Utah,  killed  by 
huliaiis,  2»U. 

Babcock.  Lieutenant,  defeats  Tontns,  730. 

]l4t('kus,  Mi\jor,  (juotcil.  251, 255. 

Bacon,  Lieutenant,  sent  to  out  olTNcz  I'crces, 
(15.5. 

Baeon,  .Special  Agent,  reports  on  California  res- 
ervations, 137,  i;ta 

Baillie-tirobman,  quoted,  22fi. 

Baker,  Col.  E.  M.,  sent  against  I'iegans,  528;  re- 
covers horses  from  illoods,  52St;  report  of, 
530;  probable  facta  of  light,  531;  criticism 
of  tight,  532;  Sheridan's  orders  to,  533;  sup 
ported  by  army  olllcers,  534. 

Bald  Head.     See  Hushhushcute. 

Baldwin.  Lieutenant,  defeats  Sitting  Bull,  C20. 

Baliran,  Sutler,  killed,  015;  murueror  of. detect- 
ed, 010. 

Bannocks,  who  arc,  275, 270. 

Barncho,  .Modoc  warrior,  takes  part  in  murder 
of  commissioners.  509;  tried,  5H0;  convict- 
ed, 581 ;  scnteuca  of,  commuted,  58'i 

Barstow,  A.  C,  member  of  Ncz  Perccs  commis- 
sion, 040;  responsibility  of,  07'2. 

Barllett,  J.  R.,  releases  slaves  of  Mimbrenos, 
300;  hostilities  to,  373;  leaves  Copper  Mines, 
374. 

Batcman,  William,  aids  John  D.  Lee  at  Mount- 
ain Meadows,  '295. 

"  Baylor's  Babes,"  fight  of,  with  Colorado  troops, 
407. 

Bcalo,  Superintendent,  estimate  of  Indians  in 
California,  130, 131. 

Hear,  the.  Sioux  chief     See  Mahto  Iowa. 

Bear  Chief.  I'iegan  i  uief.  becomes  hostile,  6'24; 

camp  of,  attacked,  5'28. 
tear  Uivers,  Utcs,  same  as  Yampas,  081. 

Hear  Spring,  treaty  at,  25(>;  (Iglit  at.  '203. 

Beanbien,  Narcissus,  murdered  by  I'ucblos,  05. 

Beckwith,  .lim,  guides  Colorado  troops,  390;  a 
chief  of  the  Crows,  479. 

Belknap  investigation,  Custer's  connection 
with,  001,  00'2. 

Bell,  Lieutenant,  defeats  .licarillas,  377. 

Benedict, ,  shoots  at  Nez  I'erces  Indians, 

030. 

Bennett.  Captain,  recommends  native  police  for 
Navaiios,  472. 

Bennett,  L'te  warrior,  Douglas  refuses  to  sur- 
render, 090. 

Bent,  (.'liarles,  Governor  of  New  Mexico,  char- 
acter of,  lf>2;  murdered  l)y  Pueblos,  0'2,  0;i ; 
burled  at  Santa  Ke.  78. 

Bent.  George,  writes  letter  for  Cheyenne  chiefs, 
411 ;  believed  to  be  a  rebel  emissary,  4'26. 

Bent's  Fort,  described,  52. 

Benteen.  Captain,  sent  ahead  by  Custer.  008; 
report  of,  009;  besieged,  010;  estimate  of 
nunil)cr  of  Indians.  0'20;  not  in  fault,  0'24; 
cuts  ofl'  Nez  Pcrci'S  herd.  057. 

Benton,  Thomas,  calls  attention  to  value  of  Ore- 
gon, 40 ;  regrets  discovery  of  gold  in  Califor- 
nia, 1'24, 125;  mention  of,  241. 

Bcswick,  Nato,  representations  of,  to  Modocs, 
559. 

Bewloy,  Lorinda,  captured  by  Cayuscs.  90 ;  giv- 
en to  Kivo  Crows,  99;  deposition  of,  113-11.5. 

Big  Kill,  Pi  -  edc  chief,  at  Mountain  Meadow 
massacre,  293. 

Big  Thunder,  Noz  Pcrc6  chief,  orders  Joseph 
away,  631. 


Bingham.  Lieutenant,  killed  t)y  Sioux,  491. 

Birtsell,  Dr.  C.  S.,  testimony  of,  concerning 
Sand  Crook.  410. 

Ulackfeet.  location  of,  81;  who  are,  509;  tribal 
organization  of,  510;  reputation  of,  511; 
cause  of  reputation,  512;  torture  of,  by  Klat- 
heads,  f,13;  generosity  of,  514;  location  of, 
in  181)3, 515;  treat  with  Stevens,  510;  peace- 
ful relations  of,  617,  518;  location  in  1809, 
5'2H;  neglect  of,  530 ;  sulferings  of,  537 ;  star- 
vation of,  5'.I8;  right  of,  to  aid, 541 ;  helpic  s- 
ness  of,  .542;  harassed  by  Siou.\,  5''3.  ,S'ee 
also  I'iegans  and  Illoods. 

Black  Foot,  Sioux  warrior,  mistreats  Mrs.  Ew- 
banka,  428. 

Black  foot  Sioux,  who  arc,  231;  ticaty  of  1800 
with,  481;  on  the  warpath,  500;  not  related 
to  lllai'kfoot  nation,  510  {noti);  location  of, 
in  1870.  591 ;  at  war,  018;  make  peace,  0'28. 

Black  Ilill.s,  held  sacred  by  Indians,  .586;  gold 
believed  to  exist  in,  580;  gold  discovered, 
587;  invasion  of,  588;  Indiansrefu.se  to  sell, 
589, 59<J;  Indian  title  to.  extinguished,  0'28. 

Black  Jim,  Modoc  warrior,  refuses  to  surrender, 
553;  meets  commissioners,  507;  shoots  at 
Mcacham,  509;  arraigned,  579;  tried,  580; 
sentenceil,  581 ;  executed.  58'2. 

Black  Kettle,  Cheyenne  chief,  commands  Chey. 
ennes  at  Sand  Creek,  408;  admits  hostility, 
411;  considered  friendly,  410;  escapes  fl'om 
Sand  Creek,  417;  l)a«d  of,  confused  with 
Little  Uaven'sAnipahoes,  418-4'20, 430;  dis- 
play of  flag  l)y,  4'J2;  claims  authority  over 
Dog  Soldiers,  431;  surprised  by  Custer,  440. 

Black  Knife,  Apacho  chief,  meets  Bartlctt's 
party,  300. 

Black  Tigers,  Sioux,  who  wore,  591. 

HIair,  Sam,  representations  of,  to  .Modocs,  659. 

Ulanchet,  Jesuit  bi.shop,  arrives  in  Oregon,  93; 
l)aptizes  Wailatpu  murderers,  102;  treat- 
ment of  Miss  Bewley.  113-110. 

Blood  atonement.  Mormon  doctrine  of,  284, 285, 
290,  '298, 313. 

Bloods,  who  are,  509;  treat  with  Stevens,  510; 
hostilities  by,  518;  steal  horses,  622;  en- 
couragcd  by  Hudson's  Hay  Company,  5'23; 
location  in  1809,  5'28 ;  surrender  stolen 
liorsos,  529.    .See  al»o  Ulackfeet  and  Piegans. 

Bloody  Point,  fight  at,  192 ;  massacre  of  Modocs 
at.  193. 

Bloody  Tanks,  massacre  of  Apaches  at,  389. 

Bluewatcr.  light  on.     See  .\sh  Hollow. 

Blunt,  General,  ambushed  l)y  Cheyennes  and 
Arapahoes,  41'2,444;  co-operates  with  Carle- 
ton.  4-23,  4'24. 

Board  of  Indian  Commissioners,  importance  of, 
l.'i;  should  call  fur  aid  for  destitute  tribes, 
638;  organization  of,  710. 

Bogus  Charley.  Modoc  warrior,  carries  message 
to  commissioners,  605;  accompanies  Kiddle 
to  couikmI.  507;  assaults  Dr.  fhonias.  509; 
betrays  Captain  Jack,  570;  witness  at  trial, 
580;  'ipcomes  chief  583. 

Bogy,  Indian  commissioner,  did  not  believe  In 
hostile  Indians.  480;  ignorance  of  Indian 
affairs,  486;  explanation  of  Fettermau  mas- 
sacre, 601,  502. 

Bolcn,  Indian  agent,  murdered  by  Yakimas. 204; 
murderers  of,  remain  at  large,  333;  murder- 
ers punished,  35'2. 

Bonito,  Apache  chief,  returns  to  reservation, 
752. 

Bordeaux,  trader,  declines  to  accept  submission 
of  Cheyennes  and  Arapahoes,  '230. 

Borcman,  Ji  'ge,  sentences  John  D.  Leo.  319. 

Bosque  Kedoiido,  .Mescaleros  sent  to,  383,  384; 
troubles  at,  392;  selected  as  a  reservation 


INDEX. 


767 


by  Rcncral  Carloton,  452  ;  Navnlios  doprtv 
Uatu  at,  4r>il;  Navulicm  ecnt  t(i,  4ii4;  liidiiiiis 
qimrrul  iit,  4)i5:  iigriciilturn  ruth  iit,  4tiU; 
Uiiscriptlon  of,  4(17;  sulloritij?  iit,  4ti«,  4ii'J; 
Ciirlcton's  iiiistnke.  47(1;  (IcgkIoiI  u  ruiltirc, 
471 ;  Niivahos  rcaiiovod  from,  472. 

Ilosloii  Cliurlcy,  Modoc  warrior,  at  coHncil, 
nCJ;  shoots  Dr.  ThomaM,  fid'.);  surrenders, 
577;  tried,  58U;  convicted,  581;  executed, 
5H2. 

"  lloslons,"  Indian  name  for  Americans,  102. 

Itowpiths,  Sioux,  .same  as  Sans  Arcs,  2:tl. 

Hozenian.  Montana,  sptllement  of,  478. 

Uozenian  Koute,  desiral)ilily  of  road  by,  478, 
47'.);  Indians  oppose  road,  482;  riKlit  lo 
road,  484.  4H5,  507 ;  road  abandoned,  508. 

liraiilo,  l)attle  at,  51. 

Hrady,  .losc|)li,  carries  message  for  Ouray,  700; 
opinion  as  to  the  pi<:turos,  712. 

Urannan,  Samuel,  Mormon  bishop  of  California, 
U'J;  reports  receipts  of  gold,  121. 

Brewer,  Dr.  Charles,  quoted,  21)0,  307-309. 

Briesly,  Dr.,  testimony  concerning  Camp  Grant 
massacre,  721,  722. 

Brooks,  Major,  negro  servant  of,  killed  by  a 
Navaho,  202;  demands  murderer,  262,  203; 
expedition  of,  2(i8. 

Brouillet,  Father,  quoted.  93;  arrives  at  Wai- 
lalpu,  99;  objects  to  Indian  testimony,  109; 
statement  of,  109-113;  Miss  Uewley's  ac- 
count of.  113-11.5. 

Brown,  Capt.  F.  H.,  volunteers  with  Fetter- 
man's  jiarly,  491;  body  found,  4'J5;  proba- 
ble suicide  of,  4'J(i,  49S). 

Browne,  J.  Ko.«s,  quoted,  107;  action  of,  criti- 
cised, 3;13;  opinion  of  Stevens's  treaties,  3;)4 

Brul  s,  Sioux,  designation  of.  in  sign  language, 
225;  who  are,  231;  part  of,  in  tiratlan  mas 
Sucre,  2:12;  go  to  war.  233;  defeated  at  A.«h 
Hollow,  235;  submission  of.  2:t();  treaty  of 
IMOO  with,  481;  remain  friendly.  483,  484; 
Bome  hostile,  500;  location  In  1870,591;  at 
war,  G18;  make  peace.  ()2i<. 

Brunot,  Felix,  treats  with  Utes,  083;  Ouray's 
statement  to,  084. 

Buchanan.  I'resident,  promotes  General  Har- 
ney, 238;  quoted,  280. 

Bulfalo.  destruction  of,  2,  3,  4;  belief  of  Indians 
as  to  perniancnco  of,  243;  extermination  of, 
537,  538. 

Buffalo  eaters,  who  arc,  275. 

Bull  Hear,  Cheyenne  chief,  desires  to  treat,  408; 
friendliness  of,  411;  in  council  at  Denver, 
4^2;  asub-chief  to  Black  Kettle,  431. 

Bunnell,  Dr.,  account  of  Vosemite  war,  13.1, 
i;U;  quoted,  13.5. 

Burgwin.  Captain,  killed  at  Pueblo  do  Tao.s.  77. 

Burke,  Col.  Martin,  furnishes  goods  to  Francis- 
co, 181;  letter  toOlivo  Oatinan,  183;  reports 
her  recovery,  184. 

Burns,  Captain,  captures  Yampais,  730. 

Burnt  Thtgh.s.     See  Briiles. 

Bycrs,  \V.  N.,  Meeker's  letter  to,  098,  699. 

CABAI.I.O  RN  I'Ei.o,  Yuma  chief,  massacres  Gal- 
latin party,  302. 

Cabanisse,  Dr..  negotiates  with  Modocs,  577. 

Cai^ho  Valley  Indians,  who  ure,  277. 

Cadete.     See  Giannahtah. 

Cttjuenchos.  same  as  Cuchans.  358. 

Calhoun,  Captain,  killed  at  Little  Big  Horn, 
611;  a  brother  in  law  of  General  Custer,  023. 

Calhoun,  Governor,  treats  with  Navahos,  257, 
258;  releases  slaves,  308;  treats  with  Jica- 
rlllas,  377. 

California,  conquered,  47;  discovery  of  gold  in, 
118-12S;  early  Bottlers  of,  U6-WI;  ludiauB 


of,  127-129;  first  Indian  troubles  of,  129, 
133-135;  native  pnpidation  of,  130-l:i;i;  res 
ervalions  of,  13.i-i;t7;  Indian  ring  In,  137, 
138;  barbarous  treatment  of  Indians  of,  138- 
142;  Missicui  Indians  of,  142-150;  Indians  in 
niirlhern  part  of,  190,  191 ;  sends  troops 
against  Modocs,  l'.)2;  Indian  titles  in,  l'J4; 
Mormons  incite  Indians  of,  281;  Mormons 
recalled  from,  280;  criminals  from,  in  Ari- 
zona. 302;  slavery  in,  371;  volunteers  from, 
In  New  Mexico,  382,383;  Southern  sympa 
thy  in,  404;  pay  to  militia  of,  in  Modoc  war, 
578. 

Culispels.    See  I'end  d'Oreilles. 

Campbell,  Captain,  quoted,  293. 

Camp  Grant,  eslablishment  of  Apaches  at,  719, 
720;  massacre  at,  721-723;  attempted  do- 
fence  of,  724;  evil  elfects  of.  7'25,  720,  729. 

Camp  Yuma,  location  of,  158;  Lorenzo  Oatman, 
at,  17'J. 

Canby,  Gen.  E.  H.  S.,  drives  back  Texans,  382, 
407;  relieved  by  Carleton,  383;  light  at  Val- 
verde,  404 ;  camjiaign  against  Navahos,  451 ; 
sketch  of,  5.50;  recommends  separate  reser- 
vation for  Modocs,  5.52;  made  a  member  of 
Modoc  commission,  600;  opinion  as  to  last 
council,  505;  refuses  to  deceive  .Modocs,  566; 
goes  to  council,  567;  speech  at  council,  568; 
killed,  6(i'.l ;  body  recovered,  570  ;  indigna- 
tion at  murder  of,  571. 

Cannon,  (ieorge  (J.,  denies  guilt  of  Mormons  at 
Mountain  .Meadows,  3? 4. 

Canniui.  Lieutenant,  testimony  of,  concerning 
Sand  Creek.  434. 

Cafion  ALsada  described,  455,  456;  entered  by 
Colonel  Miles.  458. 

Cafloncito  Hcuiito  described,  258. 

Cafion  Creek,  fight  at,  0.57. 

Caflon  do  Chelly  reached  by  troops,  256;  par- 
tially explori?d,  '2.57;  exiilored,  265;  expedi- 
tion against  Navahos  in.  4.54;  extent  of,  456; 
description  of,  4.56;  clilf  houses  in,  4.57;  ex- 
plorations of,  458;  Carson  marches  to,  461; 
operations  at,  4()2  ;  misstatement  concern- 
ing, 463 ;  results  of  operations  at,  464,  4(iS. 

Cafion  del  Trigo,  location  of,  450 ;  entered  by 
Lieutenant  Simpson,  458. 

Capotes.  Utes,  who  are,  277;  included  in  South- 
ern L'tcs,  081. 

Captain  Billy,  Tabequacho  chief,  mentioned, 
689. 

Captain  Jack.  .Modoc  chief,  troubles  of,  at  Kla- 
math reservation,  545 ;  loaves  reservation. 
.540 ;  conduct  of,  549 ;  attacked  by  Captain 
Jai'kson,  652  ;  takes  no  part  in  murder  of 
settlers,  .5.53;  goes  to  Lava  Beds,  .5.54;  joined 
by  Hot  Creek  Indians.  5.51);  message  of,  to 
commissioners.  602;  desires  peace,  563;  de- 
cides for  war,  5(')4;  saves  .lodge  Steele's  life, 
505  ,  meets  commissioners,  507  ;  speech  at 
council.  6(i8;  kills  General  Canby.  569;  loaves 
Lava  Beds,  ,576;  captured,  577;  Indians  call 
him  insane,  578;  arraigned,  679;  tried,  580, 
581 ;  executed,  582. 

Cara.sco,  General,  attack  of,  on  Apaches,  3.59 

Carey.  Captain,  accompanies  Carson  at  Caflon 
do  Chelly.  461 ;  sent  through  the  cafion,  402. 

Carleton,  General,  quoted,  1'25;  erects  in(Uiu- 
mont  at  Mountain  Meadow.s,  309;  advances 
to  New  Mexico,  382 ;  operations  against 
Mescaleros,  383;  sends  Moscaloro.s  to  Itosijuc 
Uedondo.  384;  jirotects  Arizona  miners.  385; 
result  of  operations  in  Arizona,  38(i;  infatu- 
ated with  Ho.squo  reservation  project.  392; 
instructs  Carson  not  to  make  peace,  4'23; 
deciiles  to  remove  Navahos  to  Itosipie  Ue- 
dondo, 462  ;   operations  against  Navahos, 


708 


INDEX. 


4S3, 464;  quoted,  458;  mistake  of,  in  num- 
bor  of  NavnhoB,  405;  oliji-cts  In  liilorlcrciico 
of  Stock,  4117.  4(W  ;  coiiiforls  the  Niiviihos, 
4ii!) ;  pcrsiBts  in  llosi|Uo  KudnnUo  project, 
470. 

Cnrr,  Colonel,  attnckcd  by  Apiicliea,  744. 

Currington,  Col,  H.  H.,  sent  to  I'owdor  River 
country,  48U;  locates  Fort  I'liil  Kearney, 
48(1;  conHlructs  fort,  487;  neglects  scoutinK, 
489;  aKks  for  reliifi)rceuiPiit«.  41M);  orders 
of,  disobeyed,  41l'.l;  removed,  500;  niisrepre- 
Bontcd,  BUI;  oxoneruted,  oU'J;  faults  of, 0U3, 
504. 

Carson,  Kit,  saves  Kremont's  party,  191;  guides 
dragoons  iigainst  .riearillas.  :177 ;  aerepis  sur- 
render of  Mescaleros,  ll8;t;  commands  at 
Fortt'anby,  454;  expedition  of,  tof'afton  do 
Cliolly,  4(il;  immediate  rcauUs  of  expedi- 
tion, 4l'>2;  inisstalcmcnt  concerning,  4<>:{; 
ulterior  results  of  expedition,  4H4  ;  sent 
against  Comauches,  4<')5;  treats  witli  I'tes, 
C81, 

Casas  Orandas,  what  are,  54-57 ;  no  tradition  of 
oc(^upan(^y  by  Nnvalios,  245. 

Cascades,  the.  descril)ed,  '.ill ;  massacre  at,  212. 

Casino,  Klickitat  chief,  splendor  of,  201,  202, 
371. 

Catlin,  fieorgo,  meets  Ncz  Pcrces  messengers, 
:it>.  ;n. 

Cay  uses,  location  of,  8(5;  derivation  of  name. 
8f>  (nnlf);  religious  dissen.'sions  of,  90-93; 
nia.ssacro  by,  at  Wailatpu,  93-100;  punish- 
ment of,  101;  treaty  with.  217;  treaty  rati- 
fled,  355;  removal  of.  recomuieuded.  (Us. 

Chan-Deisi,  Apache  chief,  attacks  Agent  I.arra- 
bee,  731;  killed,  7;t2. 

Chandler,  Special  Agent,  statement  concerning 
Sioux  treaty  of  lN7(i,  48;i. 

Chapitone,  Xavaho  chief,  makes  treaty,  257; 
nmrdercd,  258. 

Chase,  Samuel,  appointed  on  .Modoc  commis- 
sion, .W.);  removed,  .5iiO. 

Chato,  Apache  cliief,  raid  of,  750;  returns  to 
reserval  ion,  752. 

Chavanaugh.     Sir  Shavano. 

Clieis.     Sre  Cochise. 

Chcmakano  Missiou,  location  of,  87;  abandon- 
ment of,  ;I41. 

Chemehueves,  location  of,  157;  present  state 
of,  187. 

Chcrokees,  in  Confederate  army,  424. 

Cherry,  Lieulenant,  iil  .Milk  Cri'ek,  700. 

Chesterlleld  House,  whiskey  sold  to  ludians  at, 
515. 

Chcyennesand  Arapahoes,  fraudulent  estimates 
of,  K);  location  of.  81;  treaty  of  1851  witli. 
220;  early  history  of.  221,  222;  separations 
of,  222;  language  of,  223;  designations  of. 
in  sign  language.  225;  government  and  po- 
lice of,  227;  lirst  troubles  with.  229,  2;«l; 
hostilities  of  185(i,  2;i8,  239;  Sumner's  ex- 
pedition against,  '239,  210;  become  peace 
able,  240;  treatment  of,  by  Colorado  set- 
tlers, 241,  24'2,  4'29;  treaty  with.  4'23;  attack 
on,  at  Sand  Creek,  39('>-401 ;  sketch  of  hos- 
tilities. 408  ;  oD'ect  of  hostilities  on  whites. 
409,410;  admit  hostilities.  41 1-41('>;  proiifs 
of  hostilities,  41<>,  417;  not  promised  protec- 
tion. 417-4'22;  instructions  to  punish.  4'2;i; 
sympathy  with  rebels.  4'24,  425;  treachery 
of,  4'2(1;  brutality  of,  4'27-4;tO;  report  of 
Congressional  committee,  4110-433;  misrep- 
resentations of  i^and  Creek  all'air.  433-437; 
treaty  of  1805  with,  437;  go  to  war,  4;t8; 
supplies  issued  to,  439;  defeated  by  Custer, 
440;  defended  by  Wynkoop,  443;  Chiving- 
tou's  opinion  of,  444,  445;  aid  Sioux  oguiusl 


Crows,  479;  did  In  Kellerman  massacre, 
600;  location  of  northern  band  in  1870,691; 
at  Kawlin's  Springs  massacre,  595;  removal 
of  northern  band,  743;  Crook's  opinion  of 
the  removal,  748, 

ChickasawH,  in  Confedornto  army,  434. 

('hief  .loscph.     .S'cf  Joseph,  Young. 

Chihuahua,  policy  of,  to   Apaches,  il.59;   ofTcrH 

I       scalp  bounty.  ;i('>0;  results  of  si^alp  bounty. 

j        301-;m3;  .joins   United    Stales   in    tlghting 

Apiiches,  ;I85, 380;  slaves  from,  sold  in  New 

Mexico.  447, 

Chimonclh,  Cascade  chief,  hanged,  21'2. 

Chinaman,  Ctowurnur,  Douglas  refuses  to  sur- 
reiuler,  090. 

Chlnooks,  location  of,  82;  sacriUco  of  slaves  by, 
372. 

Chiricahuas,  Apaches,  who  are,  357;  treachery 
to,  380;  go  to  war,  38! ;  light  Carleton,  ;182; 
operations  against,  ;I8,5,  ;i8(t,  391;  failure  of 
cxterminatiiui  policy  with,  395;  refuse  to 
be  removed,  727  ;  Coyoteros  take  refiigo 
with.  735;  removal  of,  atteuipted,  7;tO,  7;t8; 
cum.  of  attempt,  7;t7;  war  resulw,  7;t8;  ef- 
fects of  attempt,  74'2,  743;  come  to  White 
Mountain  reservation.  74:);  leave  reserva- 
tion. 747;  rai<ls  of,  7.50,  751;  brought  in  by 
(ieneral  Crook,  752;   (ieronlmo's  outbreak, 

7.5;t, 

Chivington.  Col.  J,  M.,  attack  on  Cheyennes  at 
Sand  Creek,  ;)90-401 ;  statement  of  number 
killed.  401;  early  life  of.  402;  enters  iirmy, 
4o:l;  flght  at  Apache  Cafiou.407;  not  fairly 
tried,  417;  did  not  promise  Cheyennes  pro- 
tection, 4'20;  justillcution  of.  4'22;  instruc- 
tions to,  4'23 ;  considers  Indians  allies  of  the 
South,  4'25;  report  of  Congressional  com- 
mittee on.  430-433;  misrepresentation  of 
Sand  Creek,  4;t;i-437;  attacked  in  treaty, 
437;  moves  to  Ohio.  443;  address  of,  in 
Denver.  144.  445;  returns  to  Colorado,  44.5. 

Choato.  Senator,  opposes  Oregon  laud  donation 
bill.4'2. 

Choclaws,  in  Confederate  army,  424. 

Chowchillas.  conipiered.  131. 

Chiintz  Apache  chief  killed.  732. 

Ciiiicu  Indians,  outl)ri'ak  of,  747. 

Claibor.'ie,  Capt.  Thomas,  report  of,  on  Ilosquc 
Kcdondo,  400,  407. 

Clarke,  Gen.  N.  S.,  objects  to  Mormon  influ- 
ence, 3;)2;  opposes  Stevens's  treaties,  ;i;t2; 
Indian  messages  to,  335;  sends  messengers 
to  Inilians.  ;I41. 

Clarke.  Gen.  William,  Indian  Superintendent  at 
St,  Louis,  :I0,     Sff  aim  Lewis  and  Clarke. 

Clarke.  M.,  murder  of,  5'24.  .5'27. 

Clay,  Henry,  defeated  by  I'olk,  47. 

C'learwaler,  flght  on,  IMV.  0,50. 

Cliiriiouses  described,  58;  in  Cafion  de  Cbel- 
ly,  457, 

Clymcr,  Heister,  involves  Custer  in  Belknap 
investlgatiiui,  (ioi. 

Cochees.     See  Chiricahuaa, 

Coihinay.  Apache  chief,  killed,  732, 

Cochise,  Apache  chief,  who  was.  ;1.57;  relation 
to  Mangas  Clolorado.  :I74;  escape  of.  380; 
resists  Carletcui.  382;  leaves  Caflada  Ala- 
mosa, 727 ;  death  of.  730. 

Cocopahs,  description  of,  155;  attacked  by  Mo- 
haves.  177. 

Cueur  d'Aluno  Mission  described,  348;  treaty 
at,  351. 

Cojur  d'Alencs.  location  of.  81;  friendly  be- 
fore 1858,  324;  menace  Stcptoc's  command, 
3'25;  attack  it,  320;  flght  with,  :f'23;  ad- 
missions of  wrong.  .330;  causes  of  discon- 
tent,  331-336;    dellauco   of,  342;    Colonel 


INDEX. 


709 


Writjlit  mnrchcR  nRnlnsf,  34.1;  ilnrontcd  at 
Kiiiir  iJiki'M,  'Mi;  hik!  fur  |h<i>co.  IUM;  coun- 
try (if.  .IIH.  :)ril;  iiiaku  tri.'uty,  UM. 

Ci)k     .svcsldlox. 

Ccillcy,  Miiji"".  I'lii'yonno  cliiofH'  Inltcr  to.  411, 

C'ullins.  ,Su|ii^i'.iiU'iiili!iit,  truutH  WjIIi  NuviiIiuh, 
4.'>l. 

Colorailo.  rnrly  sclllcmi'lil  of,  21!l,  'i'JII;  dlwnv 
cry  or  Kiild  in,  ■i4it-'Jii;  tri'iiliiiciit  of  In 
il.aiiK  liy  Hi'ttliTH.  241,  Wi;  Indian  Hluvcry 
in.  ;t71.  Il7'.i;  vnliintiKTH  from,  in  N('W  Mex 
Ic",  ;WJ,  404-407;  at  Sand  Cri'ck,  40;t;  Indi 
nn  Ir.iulili'H  during  llii'  Kcliidlinn,  40H-411; 
Clii'vcnni'  and  Ar,i|ialiii«  linHtditics  in.  411- 
41ii;'  l(iyiil  tWdinK  in.  4'24,  4'2.'>;  caus(M)ri)it 
liTiiivH  iif  |ic(i|ili'  ici  IndianH.  4'2iU4:)0;  re 
Uliidii  (iC  idd  Hi'lllc.rH.  44:(-44r>;  HlundH  by 
.''aiid  Creek.  44ri;  ileHiro  in.  lor  rcimivul  of 
lie.-.  Ii7.^-(1S0;  early  IHc  IroidileH  in,  (iWI, 
CtHl;  .•'an  .liian  e.\(  "lenient.  (W'i-IIH4;  Invii 
Hxin  or  rii('i>in|iali);r6  I'ark.  ii8.*>-(iH7;  con- 
duel  (if  1  le«.  li'.tv!.  ilWI;  iiiinlin't  (if  whiles, 
fi'.l4.  (I'.P.'i;  lle.M  reiiiiived  fniin,  714,  715. 

(^ilonidd  Kiver  Indian.'*,  wliii  are,  1W7. 

t'ojoriiw.  White  Kivcr  chief,  meuli(incd,  COO; 
nieetB  TliornliiirKh.  <iUU. 

Culville  niiiieH  dit>c(jvrrcd,  204;  trouble  near, 
a'J4. 

Colwell,  ,  settles  on  Iji|mal  reservation, 

041. 

C'olyer,  Vineent,  inlRroiiresents  Lieutenant 
rease  uiid  (ieneral  .Sully.  531,  5;i'2;  sent 
to  Arizona,  7'Jii;  establishes  Apaches,  727; 
fudiire  of  plnns  <if,  721). 

Conmnehcs.  locution  of,  81;  in  Coufedcratc 
nriny.  4'24. 

Concenlrulion.  S<e  Removal  and  Concoatra- 
tlou. 

C'onde,  Oeneral,  rorwnnls  released  slaves  to 
Me.xico,  3(17. 

Congiato.  Father.  .Inset's  letter  to,  329;  goes 
to  Indians  us  niediauir,  341. 

Connelly,  (iovernor,  tr(!tttH  with  Navahos,  461; 
nails  nut  niilitui.  4.V2. 

Cook,  ('iilimel,  killed  at  Mttic  Big  Horn,  G12; 
prolmlily  survived  others,  01.'). 

Cooke,  (iei'i.  I'.  .St.  <>.,  iiecoinpanles  IklagolDn. 
41);  coinmands  Mormon  battallim,  51;  at 
Ash  Hollow,  234.236;  ipinted,  23(1;  Carrlng 
ton  iisks  roinforienieiits  from,  4Hti;  blamed 
for  Kellerinan  massacre,  502;  relieved,  603; 
fuull  of,  6(14. 

"Co(i|ier's  Indian  "  not  purely  mythical,  24. 

Copper  Mine  Apaches,  same  as  Miinbrcflos,  367. 

Couiies  (iorges.  same  as  Sioux.  22.'). 

Cowan's  party  attacked  by  Nez  l'erc<;g,  G56. 

Cow  l)'land,  I'IkIiI  at.  i'M. 

Cox,  U(w.s,  ((iioled.  612.  513. 

Coyoteros,  Apaches,  threaten  th<(  Oatmans, 
ICiO;  wlio  are,  367;  location  of.  3.'iM;  |>er 
nutted  to  leave  Bosque  Kedondo.  470;  set- 
tled at  White  Mountain  reservation,  711); 
assist  troops.  731;  removal  of.  to  San  Car- 
los. 734;  elleets  of  removal.  735.  73(>;  re- 
turn to  White  Mountain  reservation,  749; 
RiMid  conduct  of.  762. 

Cradleb.'iu;:li.  .hid).'e  .lolin.  gives  date  of  Mount- 
ain Meadow  nn'.ssacre,  299;  investigates 
massacre,  3>'.;,  Hamlin's  story  to.  319. 

Cramer.  Moiitenanl,  testimony  of,  concerning 
.Sand  Creek.  434. 

Cranston,  Lieutenant,  killed  in  Lava  Beds,  673. 

Cliizy  Horso,  Ogallalla  chief,  who  was,  691; 
light  with  Keyn(d(ls,  697;  controversy  con- 
cerning tight.  59H;  flght  with  Crook,  ()(I4; 
niiiidier  of  Indians  supposed  to  he  with, 
U17;  at  Litllo  Uig  Horn,  UIH;  lcu\-CB  S.ttiug 


Bull,  1126;  Invites  Sitting  Bull  to  Join  him, 
r)2ll;  killed.  (127. 

Cremony,  Colonel,  statement  as  to  Apache  biiri 
als,  35(1,  357 ;  Apacln^  slaves  take  refuge  with, 
3(111;  services  of,  ;i«4. 

Crittenden,  Lieutenant,  killed  at  Little  Big 
Horn.  (HI. 

Crook,  (ieneral,  np|)nsed  to  I'onc.i  removal.  21 ; 
e.xiiedition  agailLst  Sioux.  69(1,  .59H;  seciuid 
e.Kpeilition,  nui;  light  with  Sioux,  ('il)3.  (104; 
iiiislake  as  to  number  of  Sioux  hostlles, 
(117,  (IM;  further  operations  against  Sloii.x, 
(i26,  0)211;  opiiion  of  .Vpaehes.  72H;  inaugu- 
rates his  polii'y,  729,  730;  features  of  pidicy, 
731 ;  success  of  policy,  732,  733 ;  goes  to  De- 
partment of  the  I'latti',  734;  returns  to  Arl- 
Koiiu.  747;  opinion  of  Cheyenne  removal, 
74^;  restores  harmony  in  Arizona,  749; 
brings  in  renegades,  760-752;  success  of 
liolicy,  752;  (iei'(Uiinio'8  outbreak.  753;  dif 
tlciillies  to  be  eiicoiinlered.  764,  755. 

Crow  Cri'ek  agency,  fare  of  Indians  at,  17. 

Crow  Hog.  Sioux  chief,  trial  of,  for  murder,  10 

Crow  Keathei',  Sioux  chief,  o|iinion  uf  Black 
Hill.H.  5MH,  590. 

Crows,  location  of,  81;  designation  of,  in  sign 
language,  2'J6;  de.s(ripli()n  of  479;  harass 
(iros  Ventres  of  the  .North,  510;  harassed 
by  Sioux.  593,  594;  complaints  of,  595,  69U. 

CrucilKion  by  Indians,  case  of,  178. 

t'uchans.     Nee  Yuinus. 

(.'iichillo  Negro.     Sen  Black  Knife. 

Cullen,  Special  Commissioner,  attempts  to  en- 
force law  at  Fort  Benton.  522. 

Cummings.  (iovernor,  reception  of.  In  I'tah.  315. 

Curly,  Crow  scout,  escape  of,ut  Little  Big  Hoiii, 
(112;  statement  of,  (115. 

Curly-headed  Doctor,  Modoc  chief,  hand  of, 
64tl;  accused  of  lawlessness,  549;  depreda- 
tions bv .  663. 

tuilio,  oeneral,  sends  troops  against  Cliey- 
ennes,  412;  Instructions  to  Chiviiiglon,  422, 
423;  opinion  of  hostlUvs,  4'24;  statem(>nt  as 
to  elfect  of  light  at  Sand  Creek.  433,  434. 

Curtis,  .ludge  -  Advocate,  exculpates  Captain 
•lack,  563;  conducts  trial  of. Moducs,  581;  re- 
ports on  Barncho  and  SloUix,  681, 682. 

Custer,  Boston,  killed  at  Little  Big  Horn,  612, 
(123. 

Custer,  Capt.  T.,  killed  at  Litllo  Big  Horn,  612, 
(123. 

Custer,  (Ieneral.  estimate  of  Indian  population, 
1;  catnpaign  of  18117,  438;  surprises  Black 
Kettle's  cump.  440;  writes  up  Clutyenne  af- 
fairs, 443;  expedition  to  Black  Hills,  687, 
588;  testifies  in  Belknap  investigation,  601; 
(irant's  treatment  of,  ('>02;  marches  against 
.Sioux.  603;  starts  to  Little  Big  Horn.  607; 
light  on  Little  Big  Horn.  ('i()S-(U5;  arrest  of 
Kain-in-the-Faco.  616;  mistake  as  to  force 
of  Sioux,  (117,  618;  drawn  into  a  trap,  619- 
622;  not  in  fault.  (123,  624. 

Cut-arms,  same  as  Chcyenues,  2'25. 

Darutas.    See  Sioux. 

Dame.  CoUmel,  orders  Mountain  Meadow  mas. 

sacro,  '296  ;    retains    standing    in  .Moriiiou 

Church,  315. 
Davidson,   Lieutenant,  defeated  by  Jlcarillos, 

377. 
Davis.  (Jen.  .LC. ,  takes  command  against  Mo- 
docs,  674;  decides  to  execute  Modocs,  578, 

579. 
Davis,   Inspector-general,  holds   council  with 

Apaches,  390,  391. 
Davis,  Su|)erlnteDdeDt,  reports  on  condition  of 

Navahos,  471. 


49 


. 


770 


INDEX. 


neat  miitoR,  communicate   witli   Indlnns   l)y 

Dclli'iilMiluli,  Ucv  (J  I.,  quilled.  (i71. 

Itohiui),  .Serrcliiry,  (U'lliiitl(Ui  iif  pcttco  pnllcy, 

HI. 
Dc'lKidito,  Apiielio  chief,  tre:ieliery  of.  :i7;i,  1174. 
DelKudo,  HVIiiiu,  iV|iurlH  <iu  cuiidillou  or  Nitvit- 

li(pH,  47(1. 
Del   Sli.iy,  Tonto  chief,  captured,  7:I0;   killed, 

T.i>. 
Deiniicmlle  piirty,  faviiiB  nunexiitWiu  (if  Texas, 

'JU;  frviuK  iMcii|i«tl(PU  (if  OieKDU,  4'J;  diver- 

Mily  (il  si'iiliiiieni  ill.  4:t. 
Denver,  treatiiielit  nf  IndlnuH  liy  people  <if,  2(2. 
De   Itiiiliii,  l.iuulenaiit,  exciipeH  ut   l.llllu   lllg 

Horn.  (ill. 
Dc  .""iiii'i,  Kallier.  fiMirs  ronversion  of  IndniiiK 

to  ri'oleMlaiitisiii.  11(1,  \ 

De  Trolirlaiid,  (ieiienil,  (pioled.  R21;  report  of 

Milker's  ll^'lil,  r)31,  &.U;   oplulou  of  I'le^uu 

lidsidily.  r<:m. 
Des  Chdles.  location  of.  Kd,  dcfenlcd  liy  Cap. 

tiiiii  I.ee.  1(1(1;    Htevens's  treaty  with,  217; 

treaty  ratilled.  il'A 

Deviiie, ,  killed  hy  Xez  I'orce.s,  047. 

Diablo.     .sVc  Kskyinlaw. 

Iii|.'Kers.    .SVr  I'ali-rieH  and  (.'iilifornla  Indians. 

IHlIiiesde  pill.'.     .See  Tookarikas. 

Disea.'^e.  ellecl  of,  on   Iliiliiiii  population.  5,  (i; 

anioii);  (iiyuses,  102;  anions  Xavalios,  2"i'.t; 

niiiont!  Nez  I'erct's  in  Indian  Territory,  (1114- 

lUiCi,  (idtl,  li7(l;  anioiiK  iliiala|iiiis.  711(1. 
Doane.  I.ieuteimnl.  deslroy.s  Pieman  cunip,  629. 
jloetors.     Sen  ,M)Hli('ino  men. 
Uodne,  Oaptain,  .Meeker  sends  for,  702;  relieves 

I'ayne's  loiiiniand,  7(lli. 
Dodije,  (ieneral.  ipioled,  22«,  241 
DoK  I'unon,  IlKht  ot,  ;tKI. 
Dog-eaters,  same  as  Clieyennes,  22(5. 
Dog  Soldiers,  what  are,  227;    ilulies  of,  22H; 

powers  of,  22U;   rel'iiso   to  let  tlieir  leader 

treat,  4IM ;   not  an  independenl  bind.  4'.tl; 

do  not  accept  treaty  oflHOS,  4;)7;  hostilities 

by,  4;tS. 
Dofla  Ana,  massacre  of  Mescnieros  at,  37H. 
Dunipliaii,  Colonel,  expi'dilion   to  Chihuahua, 

.5(1,  ni;  eNpedition  against  Navnhos,  2r>i). 
Doollttle,  ijenator,  bias  in  Chivington  investi- 

g.ilion,  4:il;    investigates  Indian  alfuirs  of 

Now  Mexico,  470. 
DouglMs.  Kie|ihen  A.,  views  on  extension  of 

Ciilted  States  lioiindaries,  47. 
Douglas,  White  Kiver  chief,  leader  of  a  faction, 

(HIO;  .Meeker  makes  friend  of,  691;  r"fuses 

to  surrender  olIenders,(iaH;  oppose;.  Mu.  leer. 

OIW;   proposes  to  aicompany  Mckei   Vll; 

war-dance  at  camp  of.  7(W,   takes  i>.m'    ii 

massacre,  704;  takes  Mrs,  Meeker,  loii;  :4ur- 
render  of,  demanded.  714, 
Dresser.  Frank,  escapes  from  J'U  i  7(H    sepa- 
rates from  women, 'il).">;  body  !i,'.':ia,  710. 
Dresser.  Henry,  body  of.  found,  700, 
Drew.  I.ieiitiumut,  visited  by  sculp-huntcrs,  362; 

quoted,  3(>ti. 
Dudley,    I,.    E,,    removes     White      Mountain 

Apaches,  7:15. 
Dull  Knife,   Cheyenne    chief,   camp   of,    de- 
stroyed, (i2r), 
Dundy,  Judge,  opinion  of  I'oncn  removal,  21. 
Dunn,  Lioui,  Clark,  light  with  Cluiyennes,  4il; 

Indian  account  of  light,  41,'i. 
Dyer.  L,  .S,,  appointed  en  Modoc  commission, 
6li(l;  opposes  lasi  council,  5(1.') ;  goes  to  coun- 
cil, 5(17;  pursiied  by  Hooker  .lim,  560;  es- 
capes, 60O;  witness  at  trial,  SKO. 

Katon,  Geobok,  killed  by  Utos,710. 


Kbenezer.  Pte  warrior,  aids  In  murder  of  Ksk- 
ridge,  7(i;i;  aids  In  massacre,  704 ;  surrender 
of,  deiiiiiilded.  714. 

F.dliiontoii  Hoii.'^e.  illicit  Irnlllc  at,  52:1 

Klleii's  .Man.  Moiliic  warrior,  iil  council,  567; 
sliools  llr,  Tlionias,  5(10;   killed.  AHII, 

Kills.  Ni/.  I'ecee  i  hief,  in;ide  head  chief,  031, 

Kliibiido.  light  near,  7(1,  7:i. 

Kski((ieiiziii,  Arivapa  chief,  comes  to  Camp 
(iraiit,  710;  coniliict  of  band  of,  720;  atliuk 

on,  721-724;  si ml  attack  on,  725;  ni.inii- 

fiiclures  liswin,  7.W. 

Eskiiia,  Chirlculiua  chief,  revolt  of,  7:i7 ;  killed, 
7:IH, 

Kskridge,  Wilmer,  murdered,  703;  body  fouml, 
700, 

Kskylnlaw,  Apacho  chief,  refuses  to  remove, 
73(1. 

F.vans,  (;eorgc  .M. ,  claim  to  discovery  of  gold  in 
California.  llH-121. 

Evans,  (lovernor.  goes  to  treat  with  Cheveiines, 
4(W;  calls  lor  troops,  400,  41(1;  talk  widi 
Cheyenne  and  Arupiihoe  ilrel's,  412-llii; 
did  not  promise  Cheyeiines  pi'oti'ction,  420, 
4:i2;  did  not  wish  lo'lreiil.  422. 

Ewbinks,  .Mrs  l.iicinda.  captured  by  Chey. 
eniies.  412;  deposilioii  of,  427-420;  daughter 
and  nephew  die  of  injuries.  420. 

Kwell,  ('iiptain,  defeats  Mescaleros,  378. 

Ewtaws.     Sff  I'tes, 

Exkinoya,  dellned,  510, 

Extermination  policy,  not  possible  of  accom- 
plishment, 7;  failure  of,  in  Oregon.  20."i-2O7, 
217;  tried  in  Arizona.  :W«,  ;IM0;  elleils  of, 
.'101,  .302;  failure  of,  :io5;  conllnued  in  Ari- 
zona, 717,  71N  ;  resiill  of,  710;  at  Ciiinp 
Crant,  721-724  ;  evils  of,  725,  720;  not  be- 
lieved in  by  (ieneral  Crook,  72S,  73:1. 

Faihceku),  .Ioiiv,  Meacliiim  desires  to  accom- 
pany commissio'i,  !itit>;  receives  valuables 
of  Meaihain  and  Dyer,  507. 

Full  Itivei  Indians,  same  as  Arapahoes,  221. 

Fancher's  train,  de.«cribed,  2Wt;  treatment  of, 
bv  Mormons,  2',MI;  reaches  Moiinlain  Mead- 
ows, 201;  attacked,  202;  defence  of,  203,204; 
entrapped,  205.  200;  massaired.  207-21MI; 
value  of  property  of,  ;100;  Krlghain  Young's 
account  of,  ;i(r2;  innocence  of.  ;)O0,  .307,  ;117; 
survivors  of,  ;it)0,  310;  heirs  of,  should  be 
coiiip'^nsiiled.  311. 

Fnraone.s.  same  as  N'avalios,  35S. 

Fauntleroy,  Colonel,  tight  near  Poncha  1'a.s.s, 
«M0.  OS  I. 

'  Fed  Savages"  described.  10, 17. 

t'ernandez  de  Taos.     .SVn  Taoa 

Fetternian,  IJeiitenant-colonei,  pursues  Sioux, 
400;  commiinds  troops  at  Fortl'hil  Kearney 
massacre,  401;  crosses  I.odge  Trail  Kidge, 
402;  body  found,  405;  probable  suicide  of, 
400.  400:  disolieyed  orilers,  4<KI. 

Fetterman  massacre.     Sen  Fort  I'hil  Kearney. 

Fillmoro,  rresideni.  quoted,  104. 

Finley, ,  kills  Nez  I'ercii  Indian,  (KIO;  In- 
dians refuse  to  prosecute,  6;19. 

Finney, ,  settles  on  Ijipwai  reservation,  641. 

Fire  arrows,  use  of,  in  signalling,  220. 

Fitzpatrick,  Agent,  quoted,  210. 

Five  Crows,  Cayiise  chief,  how  named  by 
whites.  ilO;  ravishes  Miss  Bowley,  li:i-115. 

Flatheads.  location  of.  Kl;  cu&toin  of  llattening 
heiiddiscontinued,H3(iio(f);  Stevens's  treaty 
with,217,510;  treaty  rati  fled,  ;I65;  treachery 
by,  512;  torture  Blackfeet.  613. 

Fornoy.  Dr..  gives  date  of  Mountain  Meadow 
massacre,  200;  instructed  to  investigate 
masaoc'e,  3U5;  Urst  report  of,  300;  makes 


INDEX. 


(  ( 


now  (liwovcrioR.  nort,  TO7;  returns  survivors. 
;i(W;  AlbLTt's  Nlory  to,  :tl«. 

Forsylliii,  liii'iitoiinulcoloiiol,  dcrouts  Apaclics, 
747. 

Fort  lli'Mton,  rplallons  nr  Inilinns  nt.  fiU;  hoE- 
tililii'H  lit,  nin;  liiwIi'NHiii'KS  111,  .V2J-M4. 

Kort  llriilKiT.  biiriii'cl  l>y  Mnriiiiins  2N(t. 

Kent  Itiiclmimli,  tiiiublu  with  Clitncnhiiiis  iic.ir, 
;|MII. 

K(irt  lluroril.  Hitiick  on,  fiOt;  SittInK  IIiiU'h  nil 
tolilo)(r»|iliy  liroiiKhl  to,  SUl;  ttittiiig  Dull 
Huri'i'iiili'rH  lit.  lUH. 

Fort  Ciiiiliy,  (i|)i'ratiiiiis  from,  4"i;i.  4.'>4 ;  Carson 'h 
cKiinlitioii  I'tdin,  4iil;  Siiviilii).s  siirruiiiliT 
nt.  4i>4',  nluiniloiicil,  4ii5. 

Fort  0.  F.  Smith,  luiiilud,  487;  abnudoneU  nnd 
hiirnod,  SDH. 

FortCinlK.ni'tloi:  nonr,  404;  operation  from,  4.'>1). 

Furt  Delliineft  e.'itiililished.  WN;  iliwnlieil. '^VJ; 
soldier  killed  at.  'Jlil ;  negro  hoy  .liiii  killed 
at, 'ill?, 'J7 1 ;  iireparation.s  for  war  nt,  'iiiit- 
MH;  operations  rniiii.  'iiiri-'JT'i.  U>',l. 

Fort  Faiinlleripy,  iiiaswierft  or.Navahos  at,  448. 

Fort  Fillmore,  takiii  liy  rebels,  404 

Fort  Klamiitli.  .Mudocn  tried  at,  679-681;  exo 
CUled  at,  CiH-i. 

Fort  l.iramio,  tre.i'y  with  Sioux  nt,  R07. 

Fort  Ijirni'd,  trea  nery  of  Indiiins  at,  421,  422. 

Fort  I'hil  Kearney,  loVntion  of,  48ii;  orthotjrn- 
pliy  of  unme,  481;  [imlf);  description  of,  487; 
country  8urroiind:nK.4«8;  depredations  near, 
4811,400;  inussacre  near,  4',ll-,')(lO;  niisropre- 
seiilations  eoneeinini,'  massacre.  AUI,  Myi: 
rcapons  bility  lor  niassacre,  no;(.  ,'iU4;  nrtioa 
ne.ir,  .'i04,  Ml.'i;  nlianiloned  nnd  burned,  !iOH. 

Fort  Heno.  horses  driven  oH  from,  480;  General 
Wessels  eoniiniinds  nt,  6IMI. 

Fort  Tliorne,  mnssncre  of  .Mcscnleros  nt,  379. 

Fort  Inion,  locution  of,  404;  Colorado  troops 
Hiip|iliod  nt.  40A. 

Fort  Vancouver,  described,  87. 

Fort  Walla- \Valla,descrllied,  87;  plundered,  200; 
ll((ht  near,  207 ;  new  fort  built,  ;I24. 

Fort  WIngate,  Apaches  surrender  nt.  7H9. 

Fort  Wise,  treaty  at,  242;  treaty  repudiated  by 
Indians,  408,  4111. 

Fort  Vuma,  location  of,  168;  Orinnell  nt,  180; 
Olive  llutmnn  nrrives  nt,  184. 

Foster,  V Ice- I're.s  dent,  investigates  Indian  af 
fairs  in  New  .Mexico,  470. 

Foul  Hand,  Tooknrikn  chief,  mentioned,  276. 

Four  Lakes,  battle  at.  'Mi,  :I44. 

Francisco,  Vuma  Indian,  goes  to  release  Olive 
Oatman,  181;  speech  to  the  Mohaves,  182; 
brings  Olive  lo  Fort  Yuma,  183;  is  made  a 
chief,  184;  killed,  187. 

Fremont,  .lohn  C  crosses  .''an  .Tunn  mountains. 
41;  aids  in  ci>ni|uering  California.  47;  at- 
tacked by  KInniaths.  191 ;  trouble  with 
(.'heyeunes  and  A rupahoes,  229 ;  description 
of  Salt  l.ako  Ilasin,  275. 

Fresno  reservation,  establisliod,  137 ;  aban- 
doned, 138. 

Fur  trade,  olfcct  of,  on  settlement  of  Rocky 
Mountains,  31-34. 

Gadsdkn  I'urchnsc,  what  was,  48;  caused  by 

Southern  Inlluence,  51. 
Onll,  Sioux  chief,  Ilees  to  Uritlsh  America,  027. 
tiallantiu,  John,  villainy  of,  ;iti2. 
Gallatin,  Albert,  favors  sepnruto  government 

for  I'aclllc  slope,  47. 
Gallaudct,  Professor,  wonderful  use  of  facial  ex- 

pr^'ssion  hy.  223. 
Gambler's  (iourd.    See  Wnshlklo. 
Ganado  Klanco,  Navaho  chief,  leaves  Bosque 

Kcdondo,  470. 


Garcin,  Mcntennnt  -  colonel,  defeats  Apaches, 
747. 

Gurliiid.  General,  Kiibdues  Jlcarlllas,  377,  378; 
prolei^tH  .MescaliTos.  .tT9. 

Gariietl,  .MiOor,  cunipaign  n^'ainst  Ynkliiins, 
362.  3.-)4. 

Garroli'ros.  probably  snme  ns  ('oyoli'ros,  ILIH. 

tiiirry.  .Spokane  chief,  opinion  of  Stevens's  iren- 
ties.  ;i:i6;  sketch  of  338.  341;  miH.-a^'e  to 
(ieneral  Clarke,  342;  Interview  with  Colonel 
Wright,  347;  treats  with  Colonel  Wright, 
3.'.|,36'2. 

Oaston,  I.ieiilf  mint,  killed  at  Ingos.^omen  Creek, 
327;  buried  at  Ki;rt  Walla  Wjlla  3.''i3. 

Gay.  I,ieutei>ant,  ambushed  by  .Mormons  and 
Indinn.i,  313. 

Gnzzous,  Louis,  murdered  by  Sioux.  480. 

George,  Modoc  warrior,  luiints  Captain  Jack, 
6l>4, 

Geronlmo,  Apache  chief  refuses  lo  lie  removed, 
738;  comes  to  White  .Mimi.iain  reservation, 
743;  raid  of,  7r.O;  surrenders,  752;  last  out 
break  'if,  763, 

Gerry,  Klbriilge,  sent  to  bring  In  Clicyouncs  and 
Arapalioes,  40H, 

Gianiiahlah,  .Me.iialero  chief,  submission  of, 
383, '.iiit;  (inoted,  41)7. 

Gibbon.  General,  leads  detachment  ag;iin.«t 
Slou;;,  001;  communicates  with  ferry,  004; 
directions  to,  007;  reacheH  scene  of  Custer 
massMcre,  Oil;  ligiit  with  Nei;  I'erces,  062. 

(iibbs,  (ieorge,  quoted.  331. 

(iibson,  Captain,  murder  of,  '233. 

Gileftos,  Apaches,  who  are,  ;)57;  hostilities  by, 
381;  reservation  for,  7'27. 

Gillem, General, (pioted,  669;  warneil  by  Hiddle, 
600;  dues  nut  beliovo  Modocs  will  attempt 
treachery,  507. 

Giljiin,  Lieutenant  colonel  and  Governor,  win- 
ters among  Cheyennes  and  Arapnhoes,  '23U; 
expedition  ngainst  Navaho.s,  '260;  recruits 
troops  in  Cidoradii,  404. 

Gold,  discovered  in  C-Uifornln,  118-125;  elfect 
of.  on  Indians,  126;  discovered  in  Colorailo, 
240-'242,  076;  discovered  in  Arizona,  385; 
discovered  in  Idaho  and  .Montana,  477,  478; 
believed  to  exist  in  Hlick  Hills.  686,  6M0; 
discovered  In  HIack  Hills,  .687-689;  search 
for  in  Nez  I'erces  country,  030;  believed  to 
exist  In  Flk  Mountains,  079. 

Goldstein.  Carl,  killed  liy  Ties.  709. 

Good  Hearts,  same  as  Arnpnhoes,  221, 

(iordo,  Apache  chief,  leaves  Chirlcnhua  reserva- 
tion. 738. 

Gosi-l'tes,  who  arc,  277. 

(•rand  Coipiln,  Uanuock  chief,  mentioned.  270. 

Grand  Lake,  assassination  of  commissioners  nt, 
094. 

Grnnil  Rivers,  lies,  who  are,  277;  included  in 
Whiti)  Rivers,  081. 

Grnnt.  General,  ord"rs  Investigation  of  Fetter- 
man  massacre,  500;  Intlnenco  on,  to  pardon 
^lodocs,  681 ;  commutes  sentence  of  Harncho 
and  Slolox,  6'i2;  ccise  of  feeling  towards 
Custer.  (!01 ;  refuses  to  see  Custer,  002 ;  per- 
mits Custer  to  accompany  his  r.'i^imenl.  003; 
effect  ou  Custer's  action,  0'23;  withdrawn 
Uncompahgre  I'ark  from  public  domain, 
086;  peace  policy  of,  71l>. 

Grattan  mnssncrc.  occasion  of.  232 ;  result  of,  233. 

Gray,  W.  H.,  emigrates  to  Oregon,  37 ;  custodian 
of  funds  for  Whitman  monument.  117  {note). 

Great  American  Pesert.  extent  of,  34. 

Great  Hasin  described.  81,  2".'>.     See.  ahn  Tlah. 

Greenhow,  Robert,  estimate  of  the  Wwt.  44.  46. 

Gregg,  General,  gives  name  Apnuho  Yuuius  to 
Ilunlupuls,  358. 


772 


IPJDEX. 


OroRnry,  John,  discovery  of  gold  by,  in  Colora- 
do, '241. 

(Jrierson,  Colonel,  drives  Viotorio  into  Slexico, 
74-1. 

(irinnell, ,  scnrdi  for  Oatniiin  girls,  ISO: 

sends  out  Friincisco,  181;  iiimounces  return 
of  (tlive  Oiitnmn,  WX 

Gros  Venires  of  the  North,  who  are,  510;  trou- 
bles with  Illackfeet,  514;  location  of  in  IH.'i:!, 
MS;  treat  with  Stevens,  Tilfi;  reiiiain  peace 
ful.  517,  618;  trouliles  with  I'iegans,  521; 
separated  from  Black  loot  nation,  522. 

Gros  Ventres  of  the  South,  same  as  Arapahoes, 
221. 

Grnver.  Governor,  demanils  surrender  of  Mo 
docs,  55!l,  578;  claims  N'ez  I'erces  have  no 
tillc  to  Wallowa  valley,  CM;  puts  his  theory 
before  Congress,  li:)7. 

Grumniond,  hieulenant,  accompanies  K-Uer- 
man  party,  4U1;  body  found.  41)(i. 

Gu.idalupc  Hidalgo,  treaty  of,  47;  Mi.esion  In- 
dians citizens  under,  148;  effect  of,  on  Apa 
ches,  ;i{)5. 

Guero.  Tabe(|uacho  chief,  mentiimed,  089, 

(iuerrier,  Kdmoud,  writes  letter  for  Cheyenne 
chiefs.  411. 

(iuuuison.  Lieutenant,  murder  of,  278, 279. 

Haiout,  Mormon  bishop,  orders  Mountain 
Meadow  ma.ssacrc,  295 ;  elected  senator,  ai5. 

Hairy  Man.     See  I'ooniaclieeah. 

Hale,  C.  H.,  makes  treaty  with  Nez  Perces.  633. 

Halleck,  General,  opinion  of  Apaches,  ;tlll. 

Hallnr,  Major,  campaign  against  Vakima.'i.  204. 

Hamlin,  Jacob.  Fancher's  train  jmsses  house  of, 
2'.ll;  survivors  of  massacre  taken  to  house 
of,  299;  reports  to  liriglmm  Young,  ;10II; 
gives  informalinn  io  Pr.  Forney,  300;  testi- 
mony of,  318;  deceit  ol,  319. 

Hamockhaveu.     Nee  .Mohaves. 

Hancock,  Gcnernl.  expedition  of  in  1867,  438; 
representations  of  Major  Wynkoop  concern 
ing,  443;  attempt  to  blame,  for  attack  on 
I'iegans.  .')33. 

Ilardie,  General,  quoted,  524;  investigates  Tie 
gan  troubles.  527;  instructions  to,  533;  opin- 
ion of  I'iegan  hostility,  035. 

Hardscrabble,  Colorado,  in  1847,  219, 220. 

Hare.  Bishop,  opinion  of  Indian  laws,  10. 

Harney,  General,  marches  against  Sioux.  234; 
defeats  thorn  at  Ash  li(dlow,  235;  establish 
es  first  Indian  police,  230;  criticism  of,  2,30; 
sumtnoned  before  court  martini,  237;  jiro 
moted  and  sent  to  Oregon,  2:18;  Mnrinon 
poetry  on,  287;  action  of,  admired  on  fron 
tier,  433;  member  Board  I'eaco  Commis- 
sioners, 710. 

Harris,  K.  11.,  aids  in  releasing  Indian  slaves, 
371. 

Hasbrouck's  cavalry,  capture  Modocs.  576. 

Haskell.  Lieutenant,  induces  return  of  Apache 
renegades.  743. 

Hastings,  Agent,  report  on  Sioux  in  1876,698, 
lilU, 

Hatch,  Capt.  .John  P.,  expedition  against  Nava- 
hos,  205.  200. 

Hatch.  General,  treats  with  I'tes,  087,  088 ;  ile 
nuinds  surrender  of  hostiles,  714;  operations 
against  Apaches,  740. 

Hatcli,  Ira,  takes  ,>art  in  Mountain  Meadow 
massacre,  298. 2119. 

Hawalcoes.     See  Ilualnpais. 

Ilawonjetuh,  MinncKinjou  chief,  death  of,  24. 

llayt.  F,.  A.,  favors  removals,  23;  treatment  of 
Nez  Perces,  600,  003;  misstatements  of  ex 
pnsi'd,  004-008;  enforces  removal  policy  in 
Arizona,  738. 


Ilazen,  General,  ins|)acts  Fort  PUil  Kearney, 

4S7. 

Head,  Agent,  qu.ited,  371,  372. 

llcintzelman.  Colonel,  sends  force  to  rescuo 
Oatman  girls,  179;  chastises  Yumas,  180, 

Heleint,  Montina,  settlement  of.  478. 

Henderson,  J.  H.,  member  Hoard  Peace  Coin- 
mi.ssioiiers,  710. 

Ilerrara,  Sergeant,  tight  at  Caflon  de  Chelly, 
401. 

Ilicklind,  Hudson's  ilay  factor,  encourages 
horse-stealing,  5'J3, 

Hickman,  Bill,  cut  off  from  Mormon  Church, 
:tl6. 

Hickoria.s.     Sef  .(icarilla.s. 

Higl)ee,  Major,  commands  at  Mountain  Meadow 
massacre, '295;  gives  signal  for  massacre, 
'297  ;  r(il)S  bodies,  '29it. 

High  Back  Bone,  .Minnecnnjou  chief,  com- 
mands at  Felterman  ma.ssa,  ie.  499. 

Higher  law  of  .Mormons.  274,  295,  3'20. 

nines.  Surgeon,  sent  to  look  for  Fetternian 
party,  49'2. 

Hitchcock,  (ieneral,  ipioted,  194,  W,"!. 

Hodt,  Captain,  testimony  of  448. 

Hoecken,  Father,  Josel's  letter  to,  3'29. 

Hoguns,  what  are,  '245;  superstitions  concern- 
ing, 240,  249. 

Hokandika.     See  Cache  Valley  Indians. 

Homily,  lovo  of  native  home,  23. 

Honzinger,  l)r,  killed,  015;  murderer  detected, 
010. 

Hooker  Jim,  Modoc  warrior,  who  was,  563; 
joins  Captain  Jark,  5,')4;  opposes  peace,  501, 
603;  taunts  Captain  Jack,  504;  in  council, 
6ti7;  action  at  council,  .508;  pursues  Dyer, 
609;  betrays  Captain  Jack,  570;  witness  at 
trial,  .580. 

Hooper,  William  II.,  denies  guilt  of  Mormons, 
314;  buys  plunilered  property,  315. 

Hosta.  Pueblo  chief,  accompanies  Colonel 
Wa..hington.  257. 

Hot  Creek  Indians,  who  were,  646;  scattered 
by  settlers.  559. 

Hottentot  Vi'uus,  case  of,  14. 

Ilovey.  F.ugene,  killed  by  Modocs,  .571. 

Howard,  Agent,  report  on  Sioux  in  1876,  698, 
017. 

Howard.  Gen.  O,  O.,  commissioner  to  treat  with 
Joseph,  038 ;  roiommends  removal,  04'2, 
043;  llrst  opinion  of  case,  646;  ordered  to 
effect  removal,  040;  marches  against  Nea 
Perces,  049;  light  on  the  Clearwater,  050; 
pursues  Nez  Perci's,  051,  052;  horses  i>f.  run 
off.  0.'i5;  (pioieil.  050;  present  at  surrender, 
000;  responsibility  of,  672,  673;  establishes 
("hiricaliua  reservation,  7'27. 

Howe,  Lieutenant,  killeil  in  Lava  Beds,  673. 

Howe.  S.  1).,  makes  treaty  wit':  Xez  I'eici'S,  633. 

llowland,  l,ieuteii,"nt,  expedition  against  Nava- 
bus.  2il8. 

Hualap'iis.  belong  to  Y'unm  nation.  156;  go  to 
war,  391 ;  atti'i'ipted  removal  to  Colorado 
Kiv<-r,  730;  assist  troops,  731;  starvation  of, 
743. 

Huilson's  Bay  Company,  possession  of  Astoria 
by,  33;  attomiits  to" prevent  em  gration  to 
Oregon,  38;  post  at  Wallula,  87;  receives 
Whitman  kindly,  87;  action  and  motives  of, 
8S,  89;  ransoms  American  prisoners,  100; 
responsiliility  for  Wailalpu  massacre,  llri, 
108;  claim  against  I'nited  Stales.  110;  incite 
Yakimaa.  '202;  distrust  of,  in  Oregon,  328, 
3'29;  action  in  S|)okane  war,  333;  encourages 
slavery.  ;I70,  ;I71;  sells  whiskey  to  Inili.ins, 
516;  buys  stolen  horses,  622;  encourages 
horse  stealing,  5'23. 


INDEX. 


7T3 


HiiRiis,  W.  n  ,  tried  for  cnltio  flicniing,  G95. 
Humboldt  Iliiy,  iiiassacic  at.  111.  14;i. 
Iliiiiiiiic,  cnptain  (iI'kcoiUs,  killed.  7U9. 
IIiiii);uto  faiiiily  iiuirdorF<l  l).v  Indians,  412.  440. 
Hunt.  (Jovcrnor,  ircuts  with  L'tes,  681. 
Ilunler  .stuto,  what  is,  1,  2. 
Hurt.  AgiiHt,  (Ices  from  Itiih.  285,  280. 
liushhushcute,  Nez  I'erras  chief.at  treaty  roun- 

cll.  li;(H;  given  time  to  riMnovo  cattle.  BIT. 
Hutchins,  Charles,  treats  with  Xez  I'crces,  (533. 

lDAn().  settlement  and  organization  of,  477; 
feeling  against  Nez  I'erces  in.  fill7,  f>f)8, 672. 

Ignaeio.  Muaehc chief,  made headchicfof south- 
ern ties,  (IMS;  does  not  recognize  Ourav's 
aulh(]rity,t)«ll. 

Ilges.  .Major,  pursues  Nez  I'erces,  058. 

Indian  Hureau,  shoulil  liave  control  of  Indians, 
18;  rospon.siblo  fur  Apache  troubles,  733, 
742,  743. 

Indian  IVunmissioners.  See  Board  of  Indian 
I'onimissioners. 

In<lian  lamls  purchased  by  all  the  colonies,  8; 
none  in  Mexican  cessicm,  8,  133,  148,  ;i7!l: 
legal  status  of,  8;  right  of  appropriation. 
484.  485;  taken  without  compensiUion.  541. 

Indian  police,  lirst  established  by  (Jcneral  Har- 
ney. 2  Hi;  estaiilished  among  Navahos,  472. 

Indians,  niimlier  of  in  the  I'uiled  'fates,  1; 
legal  status  of  8-14;  laws  govern  ug,  9-11. 
14;  status  of  treaf.es  with,  11;  c  tizen.-'hip 
of,  11-13,  148;  no  provisi>"i  for  liat'iraliziiig. 
13;  frauds  on.  15-19,  l;i;(-;35,  147;  transfer 
to  War  Department,  18;  habits  of,  23-25; 
diver.-'ify  of  24,  2.";;  civilization  of,  12.  2.^, 
20;  schools  for.  20;  first  school  for  in  Ore 
gon,  35,  of  Kocky  .Mountains,  81-80;  cllect 
ofg(dd  (liscoverie.-ioii.  !2.")-l27;  oft'alifornia, 
127-12!l.  l;;.i,  135.  ;"l:  sun  language  of 
223-227 ;  of  Utah,  27.5-277 ;  relative  standing 
of  Apaches.  350;   slavery  among.  307-373. 

'  447,  725,  7,54;  estimate  of.  at  chwe  of  He 
hellion,  4S(),  481;  roads  through  lands  of 
4H4,  485;  torture  by  plains  fril)es,  4S9;  Ho 
gy's  statements.  .502;  ignorance  of  sillier- 
Ing  of,  5;ih;  helplessness  of  I'icgans.  541; 
neglect  of  I'iegans.  542;  expense  (jf  subdu 
ing  Modocs.  .578;  frontier  rcpre.senlations  of 
cvildoing.  094. 

Inez  lionzales,  capture  and  release  of,  300. 

IngossoiiK^ii  (Yeek.  light  at.  32.5-;i28. 

inmutfooyahlall.it.     See  Joseidi. 

Iron  1  fog,  Sioux  chief,  escapes  with  band,  020, 
surrenders,  027. 

Iliirbide,  revolution  of,  in  .Mexico,  30. 

J.\('K.  Whif!  IJiver  culpf,  leailer    ■'  a  factio.i. 
090;   opposes  wor'r    n I  agency    (i'.)l;  goes  t  i 
Denver.  iV'O.  097:   Meeker  appeals  to.  Oiw 
meets  Thoiil'iirt'i,  099;  at  .Milk  t'reek.  7(«i. 

Jackson,  Andn  it.  advises  limitation  of  rnit>.d 
Slates  lioumlanes,  40, 

.lackson.  Captain,  attacks  Modocs,  552,  653;  ex- 
culpa.cd  by  t'li.tis,  581. 

Jackson.  Helen  Hunt,  recommends  nttirneys 

for  misBion   ' ;ns    147,   l.'ii),   rep.irls  on 

nii.ssion  lndi.i"s.  149;  death  of  14"  (nnlf). 

Jftnia.iabs.     ,S.fi  .Mohaves. 

,Iane.  l'les(piaw,  assists  captives.  VII. 

Janos.  massacre  of  Apaches  at,  159;  Mangas 
Colorado  taken  lo,  382. 

Jellersoii,  Thomas,  estimate  of  Indian  popula 
lion,  4;  originates  l(iea  of  sett'  iig  I'acilic 
slope,  ;I5,  30;  favors  separate  government 
for  West,  4o,  47. 

JcfTorils.  Ii;(erpreter,  induces  return  cf  Apiuhe 
reiu'ijndes,  743. 


Jcmnsple,  Hualapals  chief,  captured,  730. 

Jenney,  Professor,  cxpedilion  to  Ulack  IlillB, 
588. 

Jerome,  D.  H.,  member  of  Nez  Perc<!s  com- 
mission, 046;  responsibility  of,  672. 

Jesuits,  come  into  Dregon,  89;  controversy 
with  I'rotestants,  90;  meet  Whitman,  93; 
responsibility  in  Whitman  massacre,  108- 
110;  suppressed  in  Spain,  144;  establish 
mission  of  .San  Xavier  del  Bac,  155;  dis- 
trust of  in  Oregon,  328. 

Josus  I.opez,  murders  an  Apache,  373. 

Jicarillas.  Apaches,  who  are,  337;  mas.=acro 
White's  party,  374,  377;  part  of,  take  refuge 
with  I'tes,  :)78;  drunkenness  of,  379;  friend- 
line  of  during  reiiellion,  381;  light  nour 
romiia  I'ass,  080.  081. 

Jim.  negro  boy.  minder  of,  202,  271;  war  on 
account  of,  2(i3-272 

John,  Kogiio  Uiver  chief  hostilities  by,  200; 
surrenders.  210. 

.lolinson, ,  murders  Ap.aches,  301. 

Johnsiui,  White  Kiver  chief  mentioned,  000; 
civilization  of  f'i97;  a.s,«aults  .Meeker.  09H; 
brother  of,  shot,  704;  outrages  Mrs.  Price, 
700;  surrender  of  demanded,  714. 

Johrson,  Captain,  quoted.  307. 

Johnson,  Nephi,  leads  Indians  at  Mountain 
Meadows.  293;  festimony  of,  318. 

Johnston,  Agent,  ipioted.  14.5. 

Johiislon,  Col.  A.  S. ,  conimniids  expedition  to 
If  ah.  287;  ordered  to  use  troojis  as  jioxe 
aimiliiliiK,  312. 

.lones.  Agent,  report  on  \ez  Perci's,  604. 

Jordan,  Agent,  report  on  .Nez  I'erces.  005,  000. 

Jo.sii  Uev,  Chowcliilla  chief  mortally  wound- 
ed. i;t:i. 

Jose  Trinfan  released  from  Apaches,  360. 

Joseph,  Old,  Xez  I'erces  chief  speech  to  Ore- 
giui  troops.  101;  aids  Colonel  Wright.  343; 
ski^fih  of.  630,  031;  characler  of  032,  re- 
fuses to  .sell  his  country,  033,  034;  death  of 
035. 

Jo.sopli,  Young,  Nez  Perces  chief  love  of  na- 
tive home.  23;  characler  of  24;  name  of 
635;  sketch  of  0;t(i;  grief  of  037;  meets 
commission.  ti38.  039;  objects  to  churclies, 
040;  sfatemeiit  of  his  case,  '",42,  045;  agrees 
fo  leave  li'S  cnu'<'iy,  640;  opposes  lighting, 
647;  takes  command  of  hostiles,  048;  de- 
feats Perry.  049;  Oghts  Howard.  0.50;  re- 
freain  over  I.0I0  trail,  051;  defeats  liibbon. 
0.52;  runs  oil  Howard's  hor.ses.  0.55;  treat- 
ment of  Cowan's  parly,  057;  Oghts  Sturgis, 
0.57;  Miles  inarches  against,  0.58;  surrenders, 
659;  sent  to  Indian  I'errilory,  OtiO;  (luoied. 
062;  snilcrings  of  band  of,  664-060;  feeling 
against  1;.  Idaho.  667.  008;  Price's  statemenl 
concerning.  009;  band  of  returned  lo  Ijip- 
wai.  670.  071;  statement  of  Howard's  mo- 
fives.  072. 

Joset,  Father,  meets  Steptoe.  325;  tries  to  pac 
ify  Indians,  320;   accii.safioiis  against,  ;I28; 
puts  blame  on  Nez  Perces.  329,  330;  serv- 
ices of,  ;131;  quoleil.  337.  ;I38;  goes  lo  Ind 
laiis  as  mediator,  341;  reports  Indians  sub- 
dued, 348. 
Juan  Jose.  Mimbreilos  chief  murder  of  ',)61. 
.Iiiaii  Ortega,  atficks  Mescalero.«i.  MV. 
Juli.  Apache  chief  band  of  730;  llees  fo  Mex- 
lii),  738;  goes  to  While  Mountain   ri'serva 
tion,   743;   Raves  ruservatiun,  744;   leaves 
renegades,  762. 

Kaktkva,  Apache  chief  olTence  and  piinish- 

ment  of,  7, .2 
Kalisnelg,     Sec  I'end  d'Orcille& 


i^l 


774: 


INDEX. 


Kr  niakin,  Yakima  cliicf,  repudlntca  trciuy 
with  StcvciiH,  '^02;  U'liils  in  Cusciiito  inii.s 
sinTi'.  212;  I'uiisc'H  (liKCoiiteiit  lUiioiiK  Spo 
kaiie.'S,  v)L<8;  lives  iicross  lliu  iiiiiuiituiiis.  MA. 

Knii:irrali.  IM-cdu  cliivr,  ut  Muuiituiu  .McuUuw 
iiiassacro.  2*J3. 

Kline.  Colonel,  neROtiatPS  Willi  Mormons,  'MH. 

Kiiniaclio,  .Siiitliein  I'te  chef,  mentioned,  (iS'J; 
struck  b.v  littlitnint,',  7U. 

Kanosli,  I'ali  Vant  cliieT,  not  implicated  in 
Mountain  Meadow  inas.saire,  ItOii,  ;)IJ7. 

Kutiliotus,  Yakima  cliier,  cump  ul',  surprised, 
3">2. 

Kauiz,  Colonel,  opposes  removals,  734;  inter- 
vftU'A  for  Indian.s,  7ll(>. 

Kaws.  in  I'nion  army.  42.5. 

Ka.vaianii,  Navalio  oilier,  expedition  against, 
2(17,  2('iH. 

Kearny,  (ieii.  S.  W.,  sent  to  occupy  New  Mex- 
ico and  Calilorniii,  47;  coni|Ue»t  of  New- 
Mexico,  4!l,  M\  esliilili^^lu's  provisional  (.'ov 
ernment,  52;  terrilies  Cheyciines  and  .Ariipa- 
lioes.  2211;  assumes  prolei-tion  of  .Mexicans. 
2.")i>  ;  meets  .Minibrei\os,  :t(>ii  ;  <>rtlio;,'ra|iliy 
of  name.  4.'<ii  (imlf). 

Kearny,  .Maj.  I'iiilip.  defeats  Koriio  Hivcrs. 
r.ll;  turns  prisoners  over  to  (ienenil  Lane. 
1112;  iirtlio(;nipliy  ol  name.  4Hli  (iiWc). 

Kelly.  Hall  ■!..  ellorls  to  colonize  Oregon,  ;i4, 35. 

Kena.     .SVf  lilnnds. 

Keiidrick.  Major,  dealings  with  Navahos.  2111. 

Keiinon.  I)r.  l.oiiis.  slaieiiient  concerning  In 
di.in  slavery.  447. 

Kcnsler  Tonssaint,  dii  covers  gold  in  lilack 
llilLs,  .IK?. 

Kikatsa.  same  as  Mountain  Crows.  471). 

Kings  Kiver  farm,  esmhli.shed,  137  ;  Indians 
driven  from,  13H. 

Kiowa.s,  local  ion  of.  HI ;  supposed  to  have  orig 
inalcd  sign  langilMge,  22'). 

Kirkliam.  Caplain.  i|iioteil.  ;I31. 

Kl.imaths,  divisions  of  11)1);  sign  for  insanity, 
224  ;  slavery  unioiig,  371  ;  t|-e,ity  of  lHi"i4 
with,. 144;  harass  the  Moilocs,  .■i4.'>,  .")4li;  ac 
cu.seii  of  iawlessne.-is,  ri41),  S.jD,  aSO;  witness 
execution  of  .Motlocs,  .')H2. 

Klickilals,  location  of,  Hfi;  title  to  Wallamet 
valii'y,  1!).">  ;  I'onqnests  liy,  ',>()1;  power  <d'. 
202;  Stevens's  Irealy  with,  217;  treaty  rati- 
tled,  3.'i."i;  slavery  among,  ;t71. 

Klingensinilh.  Philip,  at  Mountain  Meailow 
massacre,  2111);  reports  to  Itrigham  Voiing, 
;toil;  testilles.  :I17. 

Knajip.  Agent,  selects  location  for  Modocs,  54li. 

Knight,  Samuel,  at  Mountain  Meadow  mas 
saore.  21)7;  testimony  of,  3W. 

KooU.atik'ira.  who  are,  27.'). 

Koolenais.  Stevens's  treaty  with.  217.  Mfi, 
treaty  ratilied,  ;i.'iri;  harass  the  lirus  Ventres 
ol  the  north,  mil. 

Kreiilpoos.     .Vir  l.'aptain  Jack. 

l,\  CaSada,  light  at.  70. 

l.a  Lakes,  who  are.  !H'i. 

Lamaliites.  what  are.  27R 

Lame  Deer.  Miiinecoiijou  chief,  killed.  (i27. 

l.aiie.  (Jen.  .loe.  llrst  governor  of  ilregon.  1SH; 

man  lies  against  Kogiic  Kivers.  lliu;  treats 

with  tlieni,  2(m. 
Laiigl'ord, ,  settle'-,  on  Lajiwai  reservation, 

1)41. 
I.apnai  Mission   cslablished,  3M;   location  of, 

87. 
■'  l.aramlo  LonferH."  who  were.  4H4. 
1,'irkln.  T  It .  annoiinies  d.scovery  of  gold  in 

I 'a  1 1  lorn  ia.  121. 
Iiurrubec,  .Agent,  attack  un,  731. 


Lava  neds,  described,  654;  ^[odoc8  retire  to, 
r>r>5;  troops  udvancu  into,  ,'i.'>li;  Hot  Creek 
Indians  go  to.  5,5U;  .Modocs  Oder  to  take  for 
reservation,  .IIKt;  light  of  April  14tli  in,  571; 
light  of  April  20tU,  672-C74  ;  Modocs  leave, 
.'iVCi. 

Ijiwson,  Captain,  at  Milk  Creek.  701. 

Lawyer,  Xez  I'erce's  chief,  Milkapsi's  cliaign 
against,  330;  friendship  of  ;I31 ;  assurames 
to,  3;i;l;  Indian  name  of,  335;  ai-  "oloiiel 
Wright,  ;u:i;  asks  ratilliatlon  of.  ^evens's 
treaties,  354;  made  hcudchief  by  Stevens, 
a  I. 

Lawyer.  .lames,  Nez  Peirds  preacher,  welcomes 
exiles.  (171. 

I.eiiilville.  mining  excitement  of.  07.5-079. 

Leal.  .1.  \\'..  murdered  by  Pueblos,  05;  burled 
at  Santa  Fe,  7«. 

Le  Conie.  Dr.,  meets  Oatman  family,  101; 
robbed  by  Tontos,  1(52. 

l.ee.  (Jen.  Klliott,  e.»c  ipes  from  Taos.  0.5. 

Lee,  .loliii  D..  leads  Indians  at  .Mountain  Mead- 
ows. 21i;i;  betrays  eiirgrints,  '.iUa.  21)0;  ti  kc: 
liart  ill  massai-ri!, 21)7;  ravishes  ami  me  leiE 
girl,  21)H  ;  rhaiges  (lovernment  '\<r  *  ueii 
propei-tv,  2111);  reports  to  Itrigh.iiii  \"UI>", 
;|0(|;  ipmled,  31)2.  :)12;  honored  bv  '( -)M  j(, 
315;  captiil-ed.  310;  tried.  310-311)";  t.iir..s- 
sioiis  of.  ;IH);  executed.  320. 

Lee.  Stephen,  murdered  by  l'ueblo.s.  02. 

Lett  llaiiil,  Arapahoe    chief  baiiil  of.  at    "and 
Creek.  4l).'<;   not  (-onnecti-d  with  l.itile  Kii 
veil,  41(1;  Joins  lilacl:  Kettle,  411);  mortaliy 
w-oiinded,  417. 

Leiund,  .liidge,  opinion  as  to  feeling  ngain.st 
Nez  I'erces,  007. 

Leiinon,  Cyrus,  killed  by  Apai-lies,  3M). 

Lesi'bi,  Nas<iualla  chief  eloipience  of,  203  ;  at- 
tacks setlleinents.  207. 

Lewis  anil  Cliirke,  expedition  of,  32;  sent  nut 
by  .leller.son,  30;  treatment  of,  by  Xez 
I'erces,  021). 

Lindsay.  Captnin.  expedition  against  Xavahos, 
-J07;  bold  chargo  of  2ilH. 

Liiidsley.  Kev.  A  L  ,  riM-onimends  Xez  I'erces 
commission,  037;  invesiijjii'es  feeling  iu 
Idaho.  007. 

l.ipaiis.  who  are,  3.58. 

Lillle  Arkansas,  treaty  with  Cheyennes  ot,  437. 

Little  Hear.  Sioux  chief,  on  invasion  of  Uluck 
llill.s.  51)0. 

I.itlle  Hig  Horn.  Custer's  Hght  on,  007-015; 
numlier  of  Indiaiis  at,  017,  OIH;  number  of 
lliiliaiis  not  suspected,  (ill).  1120,  023,  O'U. 

Little  Dog.  Piegan  chief  killed.  521. 

Little  Kagle.  Piegan  warrior,  accu.sed  of  mur- 
deriiii;  .lames  Quail.  527. 

Little  Haven.  Arapahoe  cliiei",  hostility  of  410; 
sunenders  to  W.Mikoop,  41K;  sent  away 
from  I'ort  Lymi.  ill);  conlhsed  with  Hlack 
Kettle's  baliil.  430. 

Little  fhiinder.  Siaiix  cliii  f.  head chier  of  liru- 
l(-s.  233;  defeated  at  Ash  Hollow.  23.5. 

Liiili^  Wolf  Cheyenne  chief,  opinion  of  lllaclc 
Hills.  .5W) 

I.l-ineros  same  as  Lipans,  ;)5H. 

Lolo  trad.  Xez  I'ercC'S  retreat  to,  0,50;  ilescrlbeJ, 
051. 

I.olo.-ksalt.     Srf  .Slolox. 

Lone  Iloiii.  .'^ioiix  chief,  on  Inviisiim  of  Ulack 
Hills     111). 

Long  Heard.  Snake  chief,  band  of,  277. 

Long  s mix.  who  were,  .51)1. 

Looking  (JIass.  Nez  I'erces  chief,  band  of,  038; 
li-i».  i  .SCI  t  to  arrest,  041);  talks  to  soldiers, 
(151;   ,  illed,  (1.52. 

Lookout  ;3'at:ou,  massacre  al,  i'M. 


I 


INDEX. 


775 


I.orcy,  Agpnt.  roports  rhoycnnos  discontented, 
4()H ;  ({DCH  t(i  iiiiiko  Irpiity ,  444. 

I,i)sl  t'iibin.  prcibttlilc  origin  uf  Htory  of,  587;  re- 
putiMl  locution  of,  flRM. 

I.ost  Kivpr.  Moiiocs  wish  rcservntion  on,  550, 
551;  tlKlil  ut.  552,  66i';  ol)Jc(aion8  to  reser- 
vation on,  5I>1. 

LoiiiliMbuck. .  testimony  of,  4:14. 

Lougiiridge.  UeproHentiitivc,  iiuoted,  2M0;  orro- 
ueoiiH  statvmoul  voucerning  :Suuil  Creek, 
431,  437. 

Mapkhnzir,  Coi,oxki„  defeats  Dull  Knife.  fi2fi. 
Magollin.  .lanu'K,  services  in  conipiest  of  New 

.Moxiii).  4>.l,  50. 
MnliaoH.  belong  to  Yiinm  nation,  15n. 
Mahto  lowu.  Sioux  cliicr  lonni'ction  with Ornt 

Uin   nia.ssacrc,  232;    meaning  of  name,  232 

(n'i(c|;  deilli  of.  233. 
Malilolopa,  character  of,  24. 
.Mun-Afraidof  his  Horses,  DRallalln  chief,  op- 
poses treaiy  of  IWlt!,  4K2;  wilhclraws  from 

coiiiicd.  4«3;    makes  treaty,  f.Ol;    chief  of 

Sioux  police,  son  of  »Hi». 
MandaiiK,  location  of,  rtl ;  supposed  remnant  of 

Madoc's  Welsh  cidony,  81. 
Manias    t'olonido,    Mindireflos     chief,    meets 

Kearnv,  31)5;  raii.sc  of  InJi^lility,  374;  activ 

ily  of,3Hl;  killeil.  382. 
Maniielita,  Navaho  chief  made  head-cliief  2f>l ; 

allack  on.  2ii8;  cattle  of,  shot,  2li'.t;  chief  of 

Navaho  police.  472. 
Mariano  Martinez.  Navaho  chief  makes  treaty, 

2.">7;   treaty  repodiated,  258. 
Maricopa.s.  location   of.  I."i2;  join   the   Pimus, 

155;   attacked  by  Yiim. IS,  184;  ilefeal  them. 

187 ;   aid    ■'nitod   ijtutcs   against   Apaches. 

385,  38«,  38<.t. 
MaripcMi  battalion,  services  of  133. 
Mar.sh,  Professor,  charge's  against   Red  Cloud 

agency,  1{>. 
Marlin.  Captain,  di  feats  Apaches,  'AKJ. 
Marlin.  .Mrs  ,  capiureil  l)y  Cheyennes,  412;  sur- 

renderctl,  42'.l. 
Marlin,  triinipcier,  (pioted,  Kf>. 
Mason,  lieneral,  put  in  coninian<l  in  Arizona, 

3111. 
Ma.son,  Ilarrv,  whips  Xez  I'erces  Indians,  636; 

killed,  I14S. 
Mattole   Valley   farm,  esoiblished,  137;  aban- 

dcmcd.  ins";  Indians  murdered  at,  141. 
Mclielh.  .Miss,  labors  of.  amoiin  Scz  I'crciS,  070. 
McCleave.  I'aplain.  defeats  Apaches,  383. 
Mci'omas  family,  massacri^  of,  750. 
McCorniiek,     Hepri'senlalive     from     Arizona, 

classitles  liidijns.  25. 
McCulloi.'h,   Ilenjamin,  treats  with   Monnons, 

31.5. 
Mcllo    -d,  Capt".in,  with  Custer's  expedition, 

•iiM;  me.s,sage  t(.  (Mil). 
McDougal.  (iovernor,  estimate  of  California  In 

dians,  12il.  130.  13,>. 
Mcpowell.  (ieneral,  c.immnnds  Pcparlment  of 

California,  3'.il, 
Mcliiitlle,  Si'iiiitor.  opinion   of  plains,  34;  op 

poses  o<'ciipation  of  (Ircgnn,  41). 
Mc(iregor.  Captain,  captures  liiialapaiH.  730. 
Mcliityro.  C.  II.,  on  Inconipahgre  I'ark   invn- 

st()n,  08(1. 
McKay.  Donald,  leails  Warm  Spring   Indians, 

571;    accompanies    I'aplain    Ihoinus,  672; 

separated  from  troops.  573. 
McMiinly. .aids  in  .Moitiiiain  Meadow  mas 

sacre.  2'.I7. 
Mi'Neil.  Inspector,  reports  on  Nez  I'erces.  664. 
Meaeham.  .\.  II.,  itiiliices  Captain  .lack  to  re 

turn  to  rcdcrvutiou,  540;  urges  .separulu  rea 


ervation  for  Slodoes,  651 ;  on  Modoc  Com- 
mission. 5.5!) ;  opposes  last  council.  5(')5;  pni- 
pos(.'S  dc<;eptioi)  in  case  of  treachery.  506; 
goes  to  council,  5i>7;  speech  at  conned,  508; 
shot,  501);  saved  i)y  'I'ohy,  .570;  lestilles,  580. 

Medicine  Cow,  Sioux  Chief,  opinion  jf  Dr.  Bur- 
leigh. 15. 

Medicine  men.  murdered  when  unsuccessful  in 
treatment.  10.5-108.  540. 

Medina,  (iovernor.  objects  to  massacre  of  Apa- 
ches at  Janos.  3.51). 

Mieker,  .losie.  opinion  as  to  lime  of  plot,  703; 
takes  refuge  in  milk  house.  704;  captured. 
705;  (reutmcnt  of  700;  I'ersune  infatuated 
with.  712;  death  of,  713;  statement  uf  treat- 
ment. 714. 

.Meeker.  Mrs  ,  opinion  as  to  time  of  plot.  703; 
takes  refuge  in  milK  house.  701;  wounded, 
705;  taken  by  l)oiigl:is.  700;  treatment  of 
Jane,  711;  statenienl  of  treatment,  714. 

Meeker.  N.  C.,  chuidcier  of  0110;  management 
of  I'le  01)1;  complains  of  lies.  (ilMi;  In- 
dians distrust.  1)1)7.  71)3;  ass.'iulti!d  liy  .lohn- 
son.  61)8;  applies  for  protection,  01)1);  corre- 
spondence with  Thornburgh,  700.  702,  7(J3; 
nuissacro  at  agency,  704,  705;  mutilation  of, 
710. 

Menilocino  reservation,  character  of,  130;  cost 
of  137. 

Meriwether,  (iovernor.  treats  with  Navahos, 
201 ;  <lisniisses  .licarilhi.s.  377. 

Merrill.  Colonel,  defeats  Clieyennc>s.  625;  ar- 
rives 111  Milk  Creek.  706;  advances  lo  White 
Itiver.  7011;  captives  reach  camp  of  713. 

Mescaleros.  Apaches,  who  are.  357;  defeated  by 
California  troops,  378;  a.s.sailed  by  Mexicans, 
371);  go  lo  war.  381 ;  cotnpiered  by  I'arleton. 
383;  sent  to  Ito.sipie  Kedomlo.  384;  leave 
same.  31)2.  460;  quarrel  with  Navaho.s.  4()5; 
Viclono  settles  with,  73U;  renegades  join 
Victorio,  740. 

Mesquile.  described.  175.  176. 

.Messilaliiiard,  attacks  Mescaleros,  378;  punLsh- 
ed  by  troops,  ;t7!). 

.Methoili.st  inission.s,  llrst  in  Oregon.  37;  .<old  to 
.American  Hoard.  87;  none  among  I'iegans, 
5;)0. 

Mexican  Boundary  Commission,  bury  remains 
of  Diitnians,  188;  r.'lease  Apache  slaves, 
;|60,  ;I07;  troubles  with  Mimlireflo.s.  373.374. 

Mexi(  an  Cession,  Indian  titles  in.  extinguished, 
8,371);  extent  of.  27;  Indians  of,  made  citi- 
zens. 144. 

Mr.sicaiis.  iharacter  of,  ,53.  61;  h'ail  in  I'lieblo 
insurrection,  77.  78;  wars  with  .^pa(■llcs. 
;t.58-305;  slavery  among,  308-373;  attack 
Mescaleros.  378,  :(7!);  ,supposed  d'sloyalty  of, 
404;  invade  our  reservations,  737. 

Miguel.  Coyoleio  chief,  peaceful,  711);  assists 
troops.  731. 

.Miles,  (.'(il  D.  S..  conmiands  in  Navaho  countr,v, 
202;  arrives  at  Tort  Deliance.  •iKi:  ex|K'di. 
tions  of.  2(15,  207,  2()8;  explores  Cafiou  de 
Chellv.  458. 

Miles,  (ien.  N.  A.,  defeats  Silling  Bull.  (ViO;  de 
feats  Crazy  llor.se.  027;  marches  against 
Nez  I'erccs,  (')58;  defeats  them,  0.V,);  prom- 
ises  them  return  lo  Idaho.  060;  Indians 
claim  fiillilment  of  promise,  601). 

Milk  Creek,  light  at.  7iM).  701,  70i)-70!). 

Milkapsi.  ('(Mird'Alelie  chief  begins  atl.ick  on 
Steptoe,  ;120;  •uessage   to  (Ieneral  Clark 
:i:lo.  :i:ll:  blamed  by  the  Indians,  3:I8;  (|uot. 
ed.  342;  liuniil  ated.  :I52. 

Miller,  ,1.  W  ,  conduit  of,  in  survey  of  fto 
lands.  085. 

Mills,  C:iptain,  defeats  Amcricau  Ilurae,  625. 


776 


INDEX. 


MIUimore'R  train,  attick  on,  313. 

Miiii'jronos,  Apiii-lics,  wlio  are,  357;  tronchcry 
to.  aOl;  meet  Kriirny,  36.5;  moot  Uartletl, 
3(Hi;  rolciise  of  sliivi'S  of,  aut!,  367 ;  troiiblp.s 
with  Ilitrlli'tt's  iiiirty,  373.  374;  hostilities 
hy,  ;t74,  381 ;  refuse  to  bo  removed,  :tSK),  3'Jl ; 
fiii|iire  orexleriiiiiiiition  policy  aKuinst,  3<J.'>; 
iitlemptetl  removal  to  'I'liliirosii,  721),  7'i7; 
attempted  removal  to  Arizona,  738-740;  of- 
tli'iul  opinions  of  treutmcut  of,  741,  74'J; 
raids  of,  744-747. 

'•Mina  maHka,"delliied,  SIO. 

Minnei'onjous.  Siou.x.  who  are,  231;  in  Gradnn 
miissaere,  232;  treaty  of  1866  with.  481;  in 
Ketlernian  niassmre,  4'.lil;  numbers  anil  loss 
of,  at  niiussaere.  Mt;  location  in  1876,  nill; 
at  war.  618;  defeated  Ijy  Miles,  627;  make 
peac".  628. 

Miuhi'i  iKi's,  location  of, 81. 

Missio  v,:::.  converted  by  Franciscans,  143; 
citi.      .i  JO.  144;   stupidity  of,  ll.'S; 

no  p.  )•.  ,  146;  homes  taken  from, 

147;  iloi.  'lits,  148;  no  title  to  lands, 

149;  atlin  .nployod  lor.  loll, 

Mitchell.  W.  C  .  ..i  of  relatives  at  Mountain 
Meadows,  300;  meets  surviving  cbildrou, 
31 W. 

Jlockpeahliitah.     Xrf  Red  Cloud. 

Modoes.  location  of,  HKJ;  meaning  of  name,  101 ; 
hostilities  liy.  Iil2;  mas.-'arre  at  lllnody 
Point,  1<.I3;  atlack  emigrants,  200:  defeated 
hy  Captain  Walker,  201 ;  slavery  aniouK,  371 ; 
character  of,  543;  treaty  of  1864  with,  r>44; 
annoyed  by  Khunaths.  545;  leave  reserva 
tion,  .")4ii;  conduct  of.  .'i4'.(;  desire  .sepaialo 
reservation,  S.'iO;  misrepresented  by  Ode- 
neal.  .iSl ;  attacked  by  Captain  .laikson,  552; 
murder  settlers,  553;  go  to  Ijiva  lleds,  5.54; 
troops  sent  against,  ,5,55;  flglit  of  .huiuary 
17th,  556;  conduct  of  whites  towards,  5.5'.t; 
commission  sent  to,  560;  afraid  to  siirren 
der,  561;  cau.ses  of  four,  662,  56.1;  Captain 
Jack  becomes  hostile,  564;  preparations  lor 
last  council.  56.5-367;  the  council,  568;  iniir 
der  of  commissioners,  561(-570;  advance  of 
troo|is,  571;  bittlo  of  April  26lh.  572.  573; 
(ieneral  Davis  lakes  command.  574;  light  at 
dry  lake,  ,575;  leave  Ijiva  Hods,  376;  caplurc 
of,  577;  cost  of  war,  578;  trial  of,  f80,  581; 
cxccntiiin,  582;  sulweiiuent  history,  S83. 

Mofrus,  Diitlotde,  estimates  population  Califor- 
nia. 131. 

Mogollons,  Apaches,  who  are,  357;  location  of, 
3.58;  nii.\ed  with  Chi'liahuas.  736. 

Mohavos,  beliuig  to  Yuniu  "ition,  156;  names 
of,  157;  cliaracter  of,  174;  '  *ioo  Oatnntn 
girls.  175,  famine  amimg,  176;  ..nr  with 
Cocopahs,  177 ;  crucify  Oocopah  woman,  178 ; 
surrender  of  Olivo  Oatman,  181-183;  attack 
Maricopas,  184;  present  condllion  of.  187. 

Mohuaches,  or  Miiaches,  I'tes,  who  are,  277 ;  in- 
cluded in  Southern  I'tes,  681. 

MoketJiveto.     .SVe  Black  Kellle. 

Moleles.  location  of,  86;  treaty  with,  ratiflod, 
355. 

Monos,     Sff-  Pah  I'tcs. 

Montana,  gold  discovered  In.  477;  setllement 
of,  4';8;  need  of  road  to,  479;  right  to  make 
road,  484,  485.  507;   road  abandoned,  508; 
org.inized,   618;    lawlessness    In,  521-624; 
stale  of  war  in,  .534,  635. 
Moore,  .Julius,  killed  by  L'tes,  709. 
Mopeah.  Snake  chief,  band  of,  277. 
Moquetas.  Pah  t'le  chief,  at  Mountain  Meadow 

massacre.  293. 
Moipiis,  Pueblos,  location  of,  53;  name  of,  54; 
cuusolidutiun  of  agency  of,  47S. 


Mora,  (Ight  at.  06. 

Morgan  brothers,  charged  with  cattle  stealing, 
696, 

Mormons,  send  battalion  to  Mexican  war,  49; 
winter  at  Pueblo,  51,  219;  at  .Sail  bike  81; 
claim  to  discovery  of  gold,  118-121;  iiicilo 
Oregon  Ind'iins,  20:1,  331;  furnish  arms  to 
Navahos.  266,  267;  treatment  of,  in  the  Kaat, 
273;  higher  law  of.  274,  295, 320;  Ireatinent 
of  Indians,  277-281;  disloyalty  of,  281,  282; 
doctrine  of  polygamy,  283;  rcformatiim  of, 
283,  284 ;  blood  atonement,  284,  285,  290.  298, 
313;  lawlessness  of,  286;  resisirniteil  .states 
authorities,  287-289;  treatment  of  Fan- 
Cher's  train,  282-291;  attack  train,  292; 
murder  Aden,  '294;  treachery  of,  295,  296; 
Mountain  Meadow  massacre,  297-299;  di- 
vide property  of  emigranls,  299,  ;100;  guilt 
of,  ;«)i)-:t03;  guilt  exposed,  ;I06;  claim  for 
ran.xoming  cliililren,  307;  survivors  recov- 
ered, :t09,  310;  slander  of  survivors,  311,  314; 
concealment  of  criminals,  312;  crimes  of, 
313;  terrors  of,  314;  receive  (iovernor  Cuiii- 
mings,315;  change  in  position  of.  316;  aban- 
don I.ee,  317;  convict  hiiii,  318, 319;  Ameri- 
can hatred  of,  3'20-;t23;  sell  arms  to  Nez 
Porccs,  ;132;  law  concerning  Indian  slavery, 
369,  370:  pleiused  with  the  rebellion,  404; 
encourage  L'te  war,  710,  711. 

Morrow,  .Major,  pursues  Apaches,  740, 

.Mountain  Chief.  Piegan  chief  assaulted.  622; 
retaliates,  524;  expedition  against,  528;  es- 
capes, 5'29,  535. 

Mountain  Crows,  who  are,  479. 

Mountain  llou  le,  illicit  tralTIc  at.  623, 

.Mountain  Meadows,  description  of,  291;  massa- 
cre at,  295-;tOO;  date  of  massacre,  299 ;  ap 
liearancc  after  massacre.  :t02,  307,  :I08;  mon- 
ument erected  at,  309;  survivors  of  massacre 
recovered,  309,  310;  heirs  of  victims  should 
be  compensated,  311;  becomes  barren,  314; 
trial  of  I.ee,  316-:il9;  results  on  American 
people,  ;)20, 323;  I,ee  executed  at,  319. 

Mountain  sheep  Katers,  who  arc.  '276. 

Mowry,  Lieutenant,  goes  in  search  of  Oatman 
girls,  179. 

Muckahicks,  who  are,  .545. 

Mullan,  Lieutenant,  opinion  of  Stevens's  trea- 
lie.s,  :)34;  urgi-s  tliiMr  raiillcation,  3.54, 

Mungen,  Uepresentative,  criticises  attack  on 
Piegans,  63'2. 

Naciikz,  Cliiricuhua  chief,  leaves  resorvation, 
744;  returns,  75'2. 

Naked  Ilorso.     Srf  Caballo  en  Pelo. 

Nane,  Apacho  chief,  raid  of.  744, 

Nantiutish.  Apache  chief,  revolt  of,  747. 

Napea,  a  lllackfoot  divinity,  511. 

Naipii  naipiis,  Tonlo  ch  ■  f.  surrenders,  730. 

Karbona,  Navaho  chiel.  <  illcd,  '257. 

N'ascpiallas.  location  of,  8. 

Natatolel,  Toiito  chief,  surrenders,  730. 

National  Association  to  Promote  ITnivcrsal 
Peace,  intercedes  for  .Modoes,  581. 

Navahos,  local  iim  of,  82,  244:  names  of,  244; 
country  of,  245;  customs  of,  246;  industrieH 
of.  249;  women  of.  2511-263;  religion  of, 
263.  254;  government  of,  254;  source  of 
liostilities  with.  255;  lloni|dian's  e.vpedilion 
against,  '266;  Washington's  expedition,  267; 
Sumner's  expedition.  '2.58;  treaty  of  1856, 
261;  murder ofnegro .Mm. '262;  light  at  Hear 
Sprlng.'iiKI;  duplicity  of,264;  Colonel  Miles's 
expedition.  265;  Hatch's  expcilition.  266; 
aided  by  Mormons,  '267;  operations  against, 
268;  treaty  of  18.58, 271;  name  of  358;  slav- 
ery of,  447;  ultuuk  ou  Furl  Fuuutleroy,  448; 


INDEX. 


(77 


Canby'g  campaiRn  against,  451;  Carlclon's 
plan  Tur.  45'J;  upt'iatiuiis  against,  45.1,  l')-!; 
Car«in  marclios  against,  4<il'-4li:i;  roniDvi'ii 
to  Bosipiv  Kudondo.  4ii4;  CX|U'ii.souraiil>siKl 
cnco  tlicrc.  4Gli;  piofor  tlieir  old  cduniry, 
4(i7;  HtiHuringii  <>r,  4iit^471;  rctiirni'd  to  old 
homo,  471;  advance  ol',  47^-475;  present 
I'lindltion  ur,  47,'>.  47ii. 

Na-watlc.     Sre  Left  Hand. 

Nesniitli,  SnperintiMidunt,  opinion  of  Stevens's 
troaties.  ;i:t:t;  changes  Ills  opinion,  i)54,  UoS. 

Nevada,  part  or  Arizona  ceded  lo.  l»H. 

Newby,  Colonel,  expedition  against  Xavalios, 
•2uti. 

Xew  .Mexico,  conquest  of,  40;  people  of,  in  1840, 
fi'2,  5;t;  Arizona  set  olf  from,  l.W;  descrip 
tion  of  nortliwest  part,  !,!44,  24.^);  Icwses  in. 
by  Indians,  •J.'ia,  'HM;  Apacbo  warfare  in, 
3")fi;  slavery  in,  3G8,  3(')'J,  U7:t;  put  in  I)e 
parlnient  of  Missouri,  ;IUI ;  Texan  invasion 
of,  ;I81.  -M'i,  402-407;  troubles  with  .Mimbre- 
nos,  7;)8-74;l. 

Nez  I'ene  .lo.sepli.     S'e  Josopli,  Yonng. 

Xe/.  I'erci's.  superiority  of  'J.l;  depulaiion  visit 
St.  Louis,  ;i(i;  meet  missionaries,  :)7;  olfer  lo 
protect  Spalding,  liMi;  protect  Slovens.  2():t; 
sign  lor,  22ri;  not  Pueblos.  '24.5;  aid  Steptoe's 
command.  :i2H;  blamed  by  .loset. 32'.);  inno. 
cencc  of,  ;|:I0;  .Mormons  sell  iirnis  to.  'M\. 
3;t'2;  want  Stevens's  treaty  rati  lied,  IW.'i ;  aid 
Colonel  Wright.  ;)4;t,  :U7 ;  treaty  ratilleil.  as.'i: 
making  of  treaty.  51fi;  friendliness  of.  (iJO; 
tribal  organization  of.  G:iO,  (illl;  country  of 
Lower,  (i;i2;   treaty  of  IHll:),  Ml;  Lower  do 

f     not  sell  country,  634,  ('«;i5;  growth  of  trouble 

;  with,  fi3(i.  (i37;  elfort  lo  induce  removal. 
63H-('i42;  removal  ordered,  M.'i.C^ii;  prcp.irc 
to  resist.  )i47;  kill  seniors.  (i4S;  defeat  Per- 

;  ry,(i4',l;  light  Howard, ti.jO;  retreat  to  .Mon- 
tana, ttr>l;  defeat  liibbon,  Ii.'i2;  run  on  How 

'  ard's  horses,  1)5.5  ;  treatment  of  women 
captives,  (ioli  ;  light  Sturgis.  fir)7  ;  Miles 
marches  against,  i>.5H;  surrender,  Ii5!);  sent 
to  ludiiin  Territory,  )>iiO;  Hayt's  staloment. 
003;  iinerings  of,  lilU-iiCiil;  feeling  .igainsi 
in  Idaho.  tit)7.  OiW;  Price's  staleiiient,  (ilW; 
part  return.  (i70;  remainder  naurn.  1170 ;  re 
gponsibility  for,  072,  673;  compared  wilh 
other  wrongs,  (>74. 

"  Noble  red  mall "  not  wholly  a  myth,  24. 

Nobows.     AVc  .Sans  Ares. 

NoekayDelklinne,  Apache  Mode  ncnmn,  kill 
ed.  744. 

Nolgee.  Apache  chief,  flees  to  Mexico.  73rt. 

Nome  Cult  reservation.  estal>lished.  135;  wbilCH 
settle  on,  l;l(i;  massarre  at.  138. 

Nome  l.aekee  re.servalion.  established,  133; 
cost  of,  137 ;  abandoned,  13K. 

Norton,  A.  U.,  reports  on  NavaliOB,  470. 

(Utman  Ki.at.  description  of,  162, 163;  Outman 

fiimily  buried  in,  1K8. 
Oatman.  Lorenzo,  statement  of.  161;  attacked 

by   Tontos.  165;  escape  of.  166-171;  ell'orts 

to  rele.ise  h  s  sisters,  17'J,  180;  subsciiuent 

history  of,  184. 
Dtttman.  .Mary,  taken  by  Tontos.  166;  fright  of. 

171;  Ircalnient  of.  173;    sold   lo   Moliaves. 

174;  tallooed,  176;  becomes  helpless,  176; 

dies.  177. 
tintnian,  Olive,  determines  not  t(>  lie  raptured, 

163;  taken  by  'I'onlos.  ;66;  carried  away, 

171;  a.ssailod.  172;  enslaved,  173;  sidd   to 

Moliaves.  174;  laltoned.  175;  labor  of,  176; 

terrors  of,  177,  178;  Moliaves  try  to  prevent 

release  of.  181;   rele.ised,  183;  siibseciuent 

history  of,  181. 


Oatman  Royse.  sketch  of.  158;  starts  West,  159; 
forebodings  of,  163;  meets  Tontos,  164;  kill- 
ed, l(i5. 

Odeneal.  K.  B..  succeeds  Meacliam,  551 ;  advises 
placing  Moiloi's  on  reservation,  552;  blumcd 
iiy  (Joloiiel  Whealon,  554. 

Ogallallas,  ,>>ioiix.  who  arc,  231;  police  of,  227; 
in  (irattan  massacre,  232;  treaty  of  1866 
with,  481;  oppositum  to  treaty.  482;  elforls 
to  conciliate,  4f*3;  in  Kctlerniun  massicre, 
BOO;  location  In  1876,  5yi;  at  war,  618; 
make  iieai'e.  6'28. 

Ogden.  1'.  S.,  ransoms  prisoners,  100;  quoted, 
10.5. 

Olihaslpc.     iSVe  Little  Raven. 

(ijo  lilanco.  .Mescalero  chief,  loaves  Bosque  Ko- 
doiido.  302. 

0.jo  del  (I.SO.     S  e  Hear  Spring. 

Okkowish.     Si'e  Modocs 

old  Snag.  Snake  chief,  band  of.  276. 

Ollacut.  .Nez  I'ercc  warrior,  a  brother  of  .To- 
sepli.  U3U;  not  ill  llrst  hostilities,  648;  kill- 
ed. 6511, 
j  Onipapas.  Sioux,  who  are.  231;  treaty  of  1866 
Willi.  481;  at  w.ir.  :i(K);  location  in  1876,  ,501 ; 
at  war.  618;  make  peace.  628. 

t)ne  Kye.  Cheyenne  chief,  killed  at  Sand  Creek, 
417. 

Ooheiionpn.     .Vec  Two  Kettles. 

Ord.  (iene^-al.  policy  to  Apaches,  717,  718;  re 
siiils  ■      710. 

Oregon.  Ii.st  visitors  to,  32,  33;  Kelly's  of 
li.rls  lo  colonize.  34.35;  elforls  of  lienloii 
and  Floyd.  36;  the  Nez  Perec  messengers, 
36-42;  lirst  Indian  school  in.  35;  Urst  mis 
I  sionarii'S.  37;  early  eiiiigrant.s.  38;  Knglisli 
colonization  friislraled  by  Whitman.  38-42; 
A.'-lilMirtou  treaty.  41  ;  boundary  settled, 
41-43;  (ireeiiliow's  est i mate  of.  45;  dilVer 
ing  views  of.  46,  47;  Indians  of,  8;t.  84;  ac- 
tion Id' Hudson's  Hay  Company.  88.80;  Cay- 
u.ie  war.  100;  Indians  of.  kill  medicine  men. 
105-108;  organized  as  a  territory,  ISO:  In- 
dians of  soiiihern  part  of  100.  101;  Inilian 
lilies  in.  104;  aggressions  by  settlers.  105. 
106;  behavior  of  Indians.  106;  conduct  of 
volunteers,  20.'-207.  211;  removal  of  (iovern- 
or  Palmer,  208;  tieiieral  Harney  sent  to, 
'J38;  the  Stevens  irealies.  333,  336;  slavery 
in,  370,  372;  pay  of  mililia  of,  in  .Modoc 
war.  578. 

Ortiz.  Lieutenant,  conduct  at  Fort  Faunllerov. 
448. 

Orliz.  Tomas,  leads  conspiracy  in  New  .Mexico. 
61. 

().i:ige.s.  in  Coufederatc  arm.v,  424;  in  Union 
army.  42.5. 

01  is.  Colonel,  defeats  Silting  Hull.  625. 

mis.  Major,  investigates  charges  against  Mo 
docs.  540. 

Oloahnacco.     See  Hull  Rear. 

Oil,  Lurry,  kills  Nez  Percu  Indian.  630. 

Ouray.  Ute  chief,  meaning  of  name.  6R3;  on 
encroachments  of  whites,  684;  on  sale  of 
rncompahgre  Park,  688;  under  pay  from 
governinenl.  680:  stops  hostilities.  706;  or 
ders  surrender  of  women,  711;  death  of.  714 

Owalii.  or  Owlii.  Vakima  chief,  repudiates 
trealy  with  Stevens.  VOj;  causes  disconlciil 
among  Spokanea,  338;  comes  to  Colonel 
Wright's  camp.  352;  put  in  irons,  353. 

Owen,  Agent,  quutod,  342. 

I'Ariiiro.  Bannock  chief,  band  of.  276. 
I'ageah.  Snake  cjiief  band  of,  277. 
Pabsappa.     .S>'''  Mlack  Hills 
ruU'L'tes,  who  are.  277;  in  MouutaiD  Meadow 


778 


INDEX. 


massncro,  293,  29S,  2!)S;  'ink  no  rnplivrs 
there.  ;)(I7;  caplurcd  fur  slaves,  U(iU;  Mor- 
mon ellcirt  to  relieve,  n'l). 

I'ali  \  ants,  said  to  lie  |ioiKonc<l  by  Fancher's 
train.  '2il(l;  ili'ny  tlicy  were  poisoned.  HOli; 
not  at  Mountain  Meadow  niassacie,  HUT;  poi- 
son story  disproved,  ;I17. 

I'al,  I'iegan  warrior,  shoots  Mr.  Clarke.  HIT. 

I'ala  reservation,  lu<liau  title  to,  147;  taken  l>y 
settlers,  U'.t. 

rainier,  (ioveruor,  controversy  with  Oregon 
l,egisltttnrc.  a),S. 

rainier,  ,Serg(>anl,  testimony  as  to  Sand  Creek, 
4;)1.  ■t;l7, 

PapaKos,  location  of,  1.52,  l,5i);  reservation  for, 
1«7 ;  aid  United  Slates  against  Apaches, 
SH.'i.  3sfi;  ncKlect  of,  74:t. 

raramueka.  Apiiidie  eliiei;  killed,  3S'.). 

I'arkman,  Kranci.-i.  quoted,  27,  .1^5.  ."iHCi. 

Pawnee  Killer,  Siuu.\  chief,  coinmauds  hostiles, 
4;tH. 

Pawnees,  in  t'nion  armv,  425;  Cheyennes  go  to 
attai-k.  f.'.ii,  44(1. 

I'ayihv  L'aplain,  ;it  .Milk  Creek,  701;  e.Nplana- 
tiou  of  picture.^.  712. 

Peui !"  Policy,  delhiilion  of  10;  not  siiocessfiil 
as  pnicti.sed,  2.'>;  neglitct  of  Naviihns  under, 
47r(.  47l!;  tried  on  Modocs.  oSIl;  ellect  on  .Neji 
Perces.  (-.74;  defects  of,  71«,  717.  743. 

Peo  e.  Lieutenant,  reports  on  Piegan  surprise, 
.„tl);  misr"  rcsenled.  KM.  't'M. 

Pedro.  Apacli-  chief  refuses  to  remove,  73fi. 

Pelouses.  location  of  Wi;  Su'vens's  treaty  with. 
217;  Steptoe  marches  against.  324;  attack  on 
Steptoe.  325-327 ;  hands  of  33H;  fight  Colo 
nel  Wright.  344;  properly  of  destroyed.  317; 
punishment  of,  353;  treaty  with,  ratillcd, 
355. 

Penaltishn.  Apacho  warrior,  guides  General 
Crook,  7, TO. 

Pend  d'Oreilles.  location  of  83;  .Stevens's  treaty 
with.  217,  51(i;  prohalilc  origin  of  name,  351. 
;t.V,!;  treaty  ralilled.  ;t5,5. 

Penn,  Captain,  warns  Whitman  of  attack,  721. 

Pcnn.  William  ot  only  purchaser  of  Indian 
lands,  H;  quoted,  2.'iU. 

Peonage,  what  i,s,  ;)tiK, 

Perry  K  cavalry,  capture  Modocs,  677. 

Perry.  Colonel,  sent  against  Nez  I'ercus,  C48; 
defeated,  M'X 

Persune.  Vainpa  warrior,  captures  .losie  Meek 
cr,  7115;  takes  her  for  wife,  7()i>;  int'aluation 
of,  712;  Cles  amused  at,  713;  surrender  of 
demanded.  714, 

Petalcsharro,  Pawnee  chief  character  of  24. 

VeUT.  Piegan  warrior,  kills  .Mr.  Clarke.  .527. 

"Pet  Lambs,"  6uhri(|Uet  of  Colorado  troop.s, 
4117. 

Pfeilfer.  Captain,  sent  through  Caflon  doChel- 
ly.  4()1;  re,«iills  111  expedition,  4(i2. 

Philliiis.  Wendell,  on  Indians,  23;  letter  to 
Sherman  mcnimned.  717. 

Piah.  White  Kiver  chief  mentioned,  (illd. 

Pi  Kiles.  Ctes.  al  .Mountain  .Meadow  inussncfG, 
2'.I3;  .sicriliced.  372. 

Picgans,  slarvatiiin  of  17,  538;  origin  of,  6011; 
now  include  lllackf  lot  nation,  51ii;  religion 
of  511;  reputJition  of  512;  location  in  1H53, 
515;  treat  with  Stevens.  5lli;  remain  peace 
fnl,  517;  rise  (d  troiililes  with.  520;  depreda- 
tions hy.  521;  hail  treatment  of  522;  en 
coiirageil  hy  Huifson's  Hay  Company,  52;t; 
conduct  of  whites.  524;  increase  of  depreda 
tioiis.  527;  Baker  sent  against.  52H;  result  of 
expedition,  ■52'.l;  Indian  account  of  light,  .5:10; 
proliahle  Iriilh.  5:11;  criticism  of  light.  5;12; 
result  uf  criticism,  633;  ufUceru  defend  ac- 


tion. 534;  opinions  of  offlcorR,  635;  neglect 

of  6:it);  suDerings  of  5;I7;  right  to  aid.  ,541; 

helplessness  of,  642;  re|ioried  depredations 

hy,    542    {nulej.      tier,   also    Ulackfect    and 

Bloods. 
Pigeon's  raiiche.     Sm  Apache  Caflon. 
Pihonsenay,  Apache  warrior,  kills  Uogcrs  and 

Spoiice,  737;  wounded.  738. 
Pike,  Lieut,  /...expedition  t«  Hcd  Kiver,  29; 

opinion  of  American  desert,  iU. 
Pike's  Peak  mining  excitement,  241. 
Pinias,  loiation  of  1.52;  .joined  by  Maricop;is, 

1.55;  Oatmnns  at  village  of  Hid;  relieve  Lo- 
renzo Oatman.  ll)8;  defeat  'i'uinas,  187;  aid 

Inited  States  against  Apaches,  386,  38(j,  3b9. 
Pinal  treaty,  described,  ;I8M. 
PinaleBo.s     .S'w  Arivnpas. 
Pinai|iiana      .S'-e  Washikee. 
I'indah  Liekoyec.  Apache  name  for  wlillo  men, 

;ill2  iniit,-). 
Pino  Alto  mines,  setllemeni  at.  374;  attack  on, 

:IS1 ;   Fort  West  I'stililishcd  near.  ;)84 
Piopioinoxmox.  Walla- Walla  chief,  conduct  of, 

'.iOll;  killed,  207. 
Pitkin,  (iovernor.  .lack  apjicals  to,  697;  Meeker 

appeals  to.  (ills. 
Pitone.  Apache  chief  refu.«es  to  remove.  730. 
Pitt  liiver  Indians,  hostilities  hy,  1U2;  slavery 

among.  371. 
Pi  lies  same  as  I'nli  I'les.  277. 
I'lumhe,  .lohn.  ellorls  for  Pacific  railroad,  44. 
I'oiatara.     .Vie  White  Plume. 
Poeiiiachceah.  Bannock  idiief  hand  of  27(>. 
I'olakly  IHflin.  I.eschi's  divciiptioii  of  20:t. 
Polk.  .1.  K.,  advises  occupiition  of  Hregon.  42; 

accepts  I'ompromise  line.  4:i:  causes  occu- 

liation  of  .Sew  .Mcxco  and  (Jilifornia,  47. 
Pollock,  Inspector,  quoted.  714. 
Polotkin,  Spokane  (diief  message  to  Ceneral 

Clarke.   :)41,   :)42;    lield   as    prisoner,   347; 

(I'eats  Willi  Colonel  Wright.  :)51.  ;).V2. 
Polygamy.  Mormon  doctrine  of  '2H:|,  '284. 
I'oucas.  relea.se  of  i:t;  removal  of,  21. 
I'oiicha  Pass,  light  near,  080,  (181;  meaning  of 

name.  ii80(».i^). 
Pony  Kxpress.  how  conducted,  2:18. 
Pope,  (ienenil.  commands  llepartnient  of  Mi.f- 

souri.  :i'.il ;  memorial  to,  (i'.l4;   statement  as 

to  Apache  war.  741.  742. 
Popiilatiiui,   Indian,  in  I'liiled  States,  1-3;    in 

Virginia.  4;   in  Kentucky,  5;  in  Texas  and 

.Mexican  cession.  0;  present  Increase  of,  6, 

7;  in  ('aliforii  a.  i:lo.  i:w. 
Posion,  C.  It.,  buries  remains  of  Oatman  family, 

188. 

I'oltawaltimies.  in  Confederate  army.  424. 

Powder  Kiver  country  ilescrihed.  4nO;  Indians 
oppose  road  through,  481.  482;  troops  sent 
to,  483;  right  lo  road.  484,  4H5;  forts  built 
in.  4811-488;  hostilities  hy  Indiaii.s.  489.  490; 
Ketternian  iiia.ssaire,  49i-.5()0;  no  prospect- 
ors in.  502;  our  claim  to.  surrendered,  ,507; 
abandoned,  508;  Sioux  tille  conllrmed,  ,584, 
685;  Sioux  refuse  lo  sell.  589;  Sioux  or- 
dered out  of  59i>;  S  oiix  title  released,  (128. 

Powell,  L.  W.,  treats  with  Moiiiions.  316. 

Powell.  Major,  alliicked  by  .Sioux,  504;  defeats 
them,  .507. 

Pralt,  Captain,  reforms  Modocs,  58.3. 

Price.  Commissionei-,  recommends  return  of 
N'ez  Peri-fS.  (iil9. 

Price,  (ien.  .S,  commands  in  New  Mexico,  51; 
marches  against  Pueblos,  70  ;  conquers 
them.  74-77. 

Price,  Mrs  .  at  While  River  agency,  701;  stato- 
ment  of  705;  Ireatment  of  70l>. 

Price,  Shaduck,  killed  by  Ules,  701. 


INDEX. 


t  I 


9 


Prmrpss  Mnry.     See  Qiioi>n  Vary. 

I'ropliLM-y  (if  war  by  Jiiscpli  Sinitli.  2H1,  08'2. 

Pui'blo,  t'ol()rail(p,  Morriiiiiis  wiiiler  ut,  51;  set 
Ili'inPlil  al.  hi;   in  lSt7,'21<.). 

I'liebli)  (Ic  Tans  ilfiSiTibod,  711;  batllo  at.  74-77. 

ru(.'lilo8.  invasion  orianilH  oT.  11, 1'i;  (li'Kcrilml, 
r>;t-i!l;  origin  unknown.  ^4;  liouscs  of.  ."iS; 
join  conxpiracy.  fil ;  \wg\t\  ilL^uricMlion,  li'2; 
niasHacrc  ut  Fernandez  thrrao.",  (>'i-fi(l ;  mas 
saere  al  Arroyo  Hondo,  UiUill;  I'riie  niarcli- 
es  against.  70;  llglit  at  I'lielilo  de  Taos.  74- 
77;  hex  for  mercy,  77 ;  siihseiimmt  (jood  l)(^ 
li.ivior,  78;  religions  troiililes.  7(1;  iil>|e('t  to 
taxation.  79  (H'*/*");  Navalios  not  descundoii 
lion).  '248;  of  Zufll  as.sisl  troops,  '208. 

QtTAiL,  Jamks,  murder  of,  r>'27. 

Qualeliian.  Vakinia  warrior,  excites  discoulenl 

amouK  Spokunes,  ;i:i8;  liau^ed.  3.J3. 
Quapaw.s,  in  t/'onlederale  army.  4'24. 
Queen  Mary.  Modoc  s<|uaw,  carrie.s  message  for 

Captain  .lai^k.  ;>ti'2;  eaplureil,  .")77. 
(luelapllp,  I'ldoiise  ohicf,  liand  of.  I):I8. 
Quinaielis,  treaty  with,  ratified,  ;)55. 
QuiUiniwa,     Hce  Foul  Hand. 

UAit.Ko.tn,  first,  to  Mi.'jsissijipi  Uiver,  4H;  early 
propcwii.s  for  I'aeillc,  44  ;  proposals  for 
Soullieni  I'acille,  ."Sl  ;  Clieveiiiies  oliji'ct  to 
Kansas  I'acitle,  •24;t,  4l)-<;  i-lieel  <d'  i'arilic-.  on 
West,  r>K5;  ellect  in  l.eadvdle  excitement. 
(i7ii,  Ii77. 

Itain  ill  the  Fare,  Sioux  warrior,  said  to  have 
killed  ('lister,  015;  cause  of  hatred  of  Cus- 
ter. ilKi. 

Kaiiis.  Lieutenant,  killed.  CM. 

Kuins.  M.'Oor,  caiiipaiKii  against  Vakimas.  2114 

Haiidall.t.'aplaiii.  atl.iek  on,  i;4'.l;  captures  Ton 
tos,  7:iil. 

Uavalli,  Father,  builds  Coiur  d'Aleiic  chunli, 
;i48. 

Ilawlins  Spring.s.  massnere  at.  .')!'.5. 

Hawii.  tlaptain.  tries  to  stop  Nez  I'erci'S.  Ctrt], 

Ued  CliMid.  itailliilla  chief,  skeicli  id,  4h1;  op- 
po.ses  treaty  (jf  iHtlll,  4N'2;  goes  to  war,  48:i; 
Sioux  gather  to,  484;  attacks  Fort  I'hil 
Kearney,  41IU,  4iU ;  not  in  Fetterman  mas- 
sacre, 5(K);  attacks  .Major  I'owell.  .'ill4;  dc 
fcated,  ,'iU7 ;  makes  treaty,  n()7.  r>08;  willing 
to  sell  lllack  Hills.  .')88;  deiiosed,  li'2t!. 

Ued  (;ioud  agency,  fraud  at,  l(i. 

Hed  Horn.  I'legin  chi(d'.  becomes  hostile,  ,W4; 
camp  of,  attacked,  .V28;   killed,  .V2',l, 

Heil  Sleeves.     .S'-'h  Maligns  Colorado. 

Keed,  Aiillo,  killed  at  Little  Hig  Horn.  61'2. 

Uemoval  and  Coiicenlratuui  I'olicy.  ciiise  of 
Imlian  wars.  l'.l-'2'2;  unreasonable,  ■<•>.  '2:1.  •J.'i; 
Spokiiiies  oliji'ct  to,  li:t."i,  ;t;il>,  :)."n>;  Apaibes 
object  to.  ;iiHl,  Hill;  failure  of,  in  Arizona, 
11'.)');  tried  with  Xavahos,  4.'i2.  4n4  ;  evils  of, 
4('i4-4iili  ;  opposed  by  Dr.  Sleek.  4(17.  4ti8; 
failure  of.  4i>8-47l;  tried  with  .Modocs,  ri4r>. 
f)4(i.  nni.  ri.'i'2;  Modocs  object  to,  5ii8;  no  rea- 
son for.  tl4'2;  tried  oil  Nez  I'erci  s.  lilll;  tliey 
go  to  war.  Ii47,ti48;  sent  to  Indian  Territory, 
lii'ill;  rctiirni'd  to  lilalio,  l>7ll,  IITI ;  failure 
with  .Mimbienos,  7'2i).  7'27;  inaugurated  in 
Arizona, 7:l;i.7:i4;  failure  with  While  Mount 
ain  Apaches.  7ll.'>,  7;ti'p,  tried  on  Chiricahuas, 
7;iii-7:t8;  tried  on  Mimbreflos,  7;ts-74l):  olll 
cial  statements  of  results,  741,  74'2;  elfects 
of,  74;l. 

Keno,  Major,  scouts  on  Rosebud  Hiver.  f>n4;  re. 
port  oi'.  iliM,  ilU'.l;  tries  to  reacli  Custer,  lio'.l; 
lies  egeil,  lilO;  estimate  of  niimlier  of  bos 
tiles.  Iil8;  iiuuiber  of  hosliles,  (i'2(l;  inaclicui 
at  satnu  lime  an  Custur,  U'2l;  not  in  fault. 
02*.  .  . 


Heservniiniis.  food  at.  17;  of  CaHfornin,  i:ir>,  l:H, 

147. 14'.);  n I  of  better  title  in  Indians,  14'2, 

l.'ii) ;  lessi'ne<l  without  compensation,  5:I8, 
!>4I. 

Uciiben,  James,  Ne;;  |'erc6  preacher,  works 
among  exiles,  (170. 

UevnoliLs,  Charley,  detects  Uainin  thcFaco, 
■(ilfi. 

Rey)iol(ls,  Colonel,  light  with  Sioux,  597;  criti- 
cism cd'  light.  .V.H 

Uickarees.  lorat  on  of,  81. 

Uiilillc,  Iiiteipreier.  w.irns  Modoc  commi.saioii- 
ers,  ,5115;  warns  (i  Hem,  oiWi;  goes  to  coun- 
cil, . "1117;  pursued.  oiiU  ;  escapes,  570;  te.sli- 
lles.  580. 

Hidaely,  .    statement    ccmceining    Custer 

ma.ssacre.  I'i'21. 

Hiley.  Lieutenant,  killeilat  Little  liig Horn. (il2, 

Itiver  Crows,  who  are.  479;  (Jros  Ventres  of 
th(!  Nculh  ciujsolid.ited  with.  52'2. 

Kockv  .Mountain  Fur  ('(unpaiiv.  organized,  'i'i. 

|{„g,.rs. ,  killed  by  Apaches.  7:17. 

Uogiie  Itiver  Indians.  (lcscri|ilion  of,  l!l();  hos- 
tilities liv.  191;  make  peace.  192;  kill  Capt. 
Hen  Wright.  l'.):i.  '211;  go  to  war,  19ii,  199; 
treat  Willi  (ieneral  Line.  2oi);  ma.ssacre  of, 
•20.");  tight  at  liig  Iteiid.  21(i;  go  to  (iraiido 
Honde  rcservaticui.  210;  treaty  with,  218; 
slavery  aiiKUig.  ;I7I. 

Itoper.  .Miss,  captured  by  Cheycnnes,  412; 
ireatmi'iit  of.  4-j'.i. 

UoselKuoiigli.  .lodge,  legal  adviser  of  Mo<locs, 
549;  meiolier  of  Moiloc  Commission.  ni'iO. 

Hoss.  .lidDi.i'ommaiids  hicl'oii  voliinti'ers  with 
lien  Wright.  1911;  c(unmanilM  militia  in  Mo- 
doc war,  502. 

Koss.  Hepresentative.  investigates  Indian  af- 
fairs ill  New  Mexico.  470. 

Hiissell,  (ireeii,  discovers  gold  in  ('(dorado.  240. 

Kussell,  W.  11..  intercede.^  for  (Jeneral  Huruey. 
'2;)7;  power  (d',  '2^8. 

Saffoko,  (iovKRNOR,  OH  Iiidiau  affairs  of  Arizo- 
na ill  1875.  7:)2. 

S.ibiiptiijs,  locaticui  and  divisions  of  80. 

Sah-palch.  While  Hiver  chief,  mentioned.  090. 

Sakttapix.  same  as  Hlackfoot  nati(Ui,  i')09. 

.■<:iline  liiver.  outrages  (Ui.  4:t9.  440. 

Salmiui  Kivcr.  discovery  of  mines  on,  477;  set- 
tlers on.  killed.  (147.048. 

Saiilioin,  .1.  It,  member  Hoard  Peace  C(;iniiii3- 
sioners,  710. 

Sand  Ci-eck.  attack  on  Cheyennea  and  Arijia- 
hoes  at,:i90-40l ;  troops  at,  4o:l;  Indians  at, 
4(H;  hostilities  leading  to.  40.M-111  -  Indians 
adiuil  hostility,  411-410;  proofs  id' hostility, 
410;  Indians  not  pnunised  pi'oicctiiui.  41''^- 
421;  attack  jiistitied.  4'22;  desire  (d' olllcers 
to  punish  Indians.  4'2:i;  fe(dings  of  loyal  peo- 
ple. 4'24  4'25;  why  women  and  childre)i  «er« 
killed,  420-4'29;  ('(Uigressional  report  on, 
4:lO-4;t;i;  misrepresentations  of.  4:l;t-4;)7; 
used  against  Chiviiigton  piditically.  44:t; 
Cliivingtons  account  ol.  444,  445;  con)pare(i 
with  other  massacres.  440. 

Sandoval,  Navaho  chief,  accompanies  Colonel 
Washiiigtiu),  257;  ellbrls  al  neutrality,  'iiili; 
privileged  in  treaty  of  Im.58.  '271. 

San  Franrisco.  lull  name  of,  52  (m'7c). 

San  diiaii  country,  mining  excitement  in,  082, 
(is;). 

S:in  I'asqiial  reservation,  title  to,  147;  taken 
liy  settlers,  14'.l. 

Sanpilches,  who  are,  '277. 

Sans  Arcs,  Sioux,  who  are.  2!11 ;  treatv  of  1800 
with.  481;  at  war.  500;  local  on  iD  1870,691; 
at  war,  018;  inuke  ptjacc,  0'28, 


m 


INDEX. 


Santa  Anna,  troatnicni  of  Tcxnns,  27,  28. 
Suiilii  Ki',  liiulu   to.  'J'J-ai;  liill   imiiie  of,  52 

{null);  o.icilumciit  at,  during  I'ueblo  liisur- 

rc'cticiii.  'ill. 
Santa  Kitadel  C'olire.  Iinmo  ofMinilirpflo.s,  il57; 

inns.siicro  at.  mil ;   Kouniy    inocls  Apachos 

near,  ;HiS;  llarllell'ii  party  at.  Utili;   liuslili- 

liuH  at,  :i7;i.;i74. 
Santcus,  iSiim.x.  who  aro.  231. 
fSaii  Xavior  del  Hue,  cathudral  or,  built,  155;  de- 

Hjioilod,  7411. 
Sapavaiiari,  riiioiiipalign?  cliicf,  accompanies 

BiirvoyiliK   jiarly.  (H'l;  quiilcd.  (iMM;  mean 

liiK  of  name,  liv.)  (iiu(< );  accompanies  Urady, 

7l),i. 
Sarap,  White  Hiver  diief,  mentioned.  fi'JO. 
tiarcilio    I-artjo,  .Navaho   diicf,  re.'<i(j;iis   ofllce. 

all;  summoned  to   I'orl  Dellance,  2(i2;  re- 
ports arrest  ol'  murderer,  2(J3,  2U4;  attacked 

and  del'eati'd,  2ii(). 
Sa.skatcliewaii.  meaniUK  or,  51K). 
.''utHikii.     AVe  lliackl'eet. 
Saulotkcn.     See  I'olotkin. 
Saverro  Aredia  releaHcd  I'rom  Apaches,  3(i6. 
Scalplxmnly.  given   hy  .\le.\icaii  Slates.  3G0; 

lesiilt.s  oi;  3I>1.  Illij;  causes  murder  of  our 

Inilian.x.  :il>2,  lliiU. 
Scar  faceil  Charlie,  Modoc  warrior,  refuses   to 

surrender,  CtM;  favors  war,  .Mi;!;  who  was, 

5i'>4;  stands  guard  over  Steele,  5(i5;  shoots 

Lieutenant  Sherwood,  570;  Burrcuders,  577; 

tcstillcs,  .'>8(). 
Schoncliin  .lohn,  Modoc  warrior,  favors   war, 

6r>;i;  at  council.  o(i7;  speech  at  council,  ."ilW; 

a.ssaulls    Meacham,   .'ili'.l;    surrenders,    577; 

arraigned,  579;   tried,  5«0;  sentenced,  581; 

e.xeculed,  5«2. 
Schonchin.  .Modoc  chief,  authority  of,  contested 

liy  Captain  Jack.  .54.5. 
Sclioolcrall.  H  '"  .    .^tinialo  of  land  needed  to 

support  Indians,  2;  estimato  of  population 
»       of  California,  1:11. 
Schiirz.  Secretary,  gives  time  to  settlers  in  Uu- 

compahgre  l'ark,li87. 
Scott,  Agent,  mport  on  Nez  I'erces,  670. 
Scott,  (ieneral.  supports   lieneral    Wool,   211; 

(pnu'rels  wiih  tieneral  Harney,  230-238. 
Seattle  attack>d  by  Indiaus.  2U7. 
Scllsh.     See  Flalheads. 
Semig,  Dr.,  wounded  in  Ijiva  Jicd.s,  ,573, 574. 
Seininoles,  in  Confederate  army.  424. 
Senecas.  in  Confederate  army.  424. 
Shacknasty  .lini.   .Modoc  warrior,  nt  council, 

5l>7;  pursues  Kiddle,  5i><J;  betrays  Captain 

Jack.  57il;  test i lies,  580. 
Shampoag,  treaty  at.  2U2. 
Shanks,  lieneral,  Joseph's  argument  to,  640; 

quoted.  i'>47. 
Shaslas,  include  Rogue  Rivers,  190;  divisions 

of.  191;  troubles  with,  2UU;  slavery  among, 

371. 
Shavano,  Tahequache  chief,  mentioned,  089; 

Sim  of,  killed,  71.5. 
Shawawai,  Vakima   chief,  excites   discontent 

among  Spokanes,  338. 
Shawiiees.  in  Confederate  army,  424. 
Shepherd's  train,  attack  on.  313. 
Sheridan,  (leu.  I'.  H.,  commands  at  Cascades, 

212;    in    Yakima  country,  217;   orders   to 

C(donel  Raker,  633;  quoted.  5;t4. 
Sherman,  (jeneral,  tests  tlrbt  g(dd  in  California, 

121;  commands  Division  of  the  .Mississippi, 

391 ;  orders  Clieyennes  to  their  reservation. 

44(1;  advises  exterminaliiui  of  Sioux.  440; 

treats  with  Navahos,  471 ;  stops  sale  of  arms 

anduniinunitivn,5Ul,  6U2;  quoted,  63U;  ,|us- 

tiUcs  Coluuul   UuUer,  534;  statement  con- 


cerning Custer  massacre,  617;  opinion  of 
I.dio  trail,  fiol;  report  of  Nez  l'erc6  war, 
O.iO;  member  Itoard  I'eacu  Commissioners, 
71li;  riiillipss  letter  to.  717. 

Sherwood.  Lieutenant,  assassination  of.  570. 

Shirland,  Captain,  captures  Mangau  Colorado, 
382. 

Shis  liiday.  same  as  Apairhes,  357. 

Shoiders.  who  were.  591. 

Shoshokos.  who  are.  270. 

SboslioiK'CB.  or  Snakes,  location  and  divisions 
of.  83;  murder  emigrants,  2U0;  sign  for,  225; 
bands  of,  275-277;  aided  by  .Slormons,  331; 
attack  Nez  l'erc<;s,  3;12. 

Shuncihiccie,  Caynse  warrior,  enamoured  of  a 
white  girl,  99.  11)0. 

Sibley,  (ieneral,  invades  New  Mexico,  381,  382, 
4U3-407. 

Sicangu.     See  Uriili'ts. 

Sign  language,  universality  of.  223;  theories  of. 
224;  Iribil  designations  in.  2'25;  for  long 
distances.  2'20;  mirrors  used  in,  2'27. 

Siliasa|ia.     See  lilackfoot  Sioux. 

Sinta  (ialle.s.-ica.     See  Spotted  fail. 

Sioux,  locaticm  ol.  81;  war  with  Cheyennes. 
221 ;  sign  for,  '225;  soldiers  or  police  of  2'27; 
lril)al  divisions  of,  231;  massacre  (Irattan's 
party,  232;  go  to  war.  233;  (ieneral  Harney 
defeiits,  234.  23.") ;  subm  ission  of,  236 ;  rise  of 
hostilities  of  1804,  424.  425;  hostilities  of 
18i7,  438;  iicipiire  I'owder  Kiver  country. 
4711;  treaty  of  1800  with.  481;  disagreement 
as  to  treaty,  482;  repudiate  treaty,  483;  go 
to  war.  484;  depredations  of  480,  487;  tort- 
ure by,  489;  harass  Kort  I'hil  Kearney.  4iHI; 
Felterman  massacre,  491-500;  misrepresen- 
tations of  massacre.  501.  502;  continue  hos 
tilities.  ,504;  defeated  by  Major  Powell.  507; 
burn  forts,  508;  rights  Of  under  treaty  of 
18ii8,  684,  585;  oliject  to  invasion  of  HIack 
Hill.s,  .589,  590;  divisions  of  in  1870.  591; 
depredations  by,  693.  594;  ordered  to  leave 
I'owder  Kiver  country.  590;  Reynolds's  light 
with.  590-.598;  expedition  iig  linst,  598-Oul ; 
Crook's  fight  with.  001.  004;  Custer  massa 
ere.  (105-024;  operations  against,  6'26-027; 
treaty  of  1870,  02S. 

Sitting  Hull.  Sioux  chief,  sketch  of.  501;  auto- 
biography of  5!I2.  593;  refuses  to  leave  I'ow- 
der River  country.  590;  expedition  against. 
698-(')01;  Custer  massacre,  005-024;  oper- 
ations against.  025,  (12(1;  goes  to  British 
America.  (127;  returns,  (128. 

Skinarwan,  Yakima  chief  assists  troops,  363. 

Skitsuisb.     ,S'''<;  (,'(uiir  d'Alelies. 

Skloom.  Yakima  chief,e.vcitesdi.scontent  among 
Spokanes,  '138. 

Slavery,  women  slaves  of  their  husbands,  250; 
among  Apaches.  :I07;  among  Mexicans,  308; 
Diggers  enslaved,  3(19;  .Mormon  law  con 
cerning.  370;  in  Oregon,  371;  in  Colorado, 
372;  evil  ellects  of,  373;  in  New  Mexico, 
447;  Camp  (irant  ca|itives  s<dd  into,  72.5. 

Slolox.  Modoc  warrior,  aids  at  massacre  of  com- 
missiiMiers,  509;  arraigned.  680;  convicted, 
581;  sentence  commnleil.  582. 

Slough,  Colonel,  leads  Colorado  volunteers,  401 ; 
joins  Canby.  405. 

Smellers. sime  as  Arapahoca, 226. 

Smith.  K.  I'..  oppo.ses  removal  policy.  20. 

Smith,  fieorge  A  ,  .Mormon  apostle,  connection 
with  Mountain  Meadow  massacre, '294;  dep- 
osition at  Lee's  trial,  318. 

Smith.  Jack,  murdered  at  Sand  Creek,  308;  at- 
tacks stage  coach,  432. 

Smith,  Joseph,  .Mormon  prophet,  murder  of, 
'273;  war  prophecy  of,  '281,  "282;  deceit  of, 


INDEX. 


781 


2S3;   rcBponsibilily   for  death   of,  imt  on 
FaticlitT  trnlii,  '21MJ. 

Sniilli,  J.  Q.,  favors  romoviils,  20. 

(<iiiltli,  J.  S.,  ut  Sitiiil  Cro'k,  :m\  Mill  (if.  killed, 
ii'M;  teHliniiiny  as  lo  Dot;  Soldiers,  Ml;  aids 
In  treaty,  4;17. 

Hmilli,  \mI,  destroys  United  Slates  trains,  289. 

Hiiiitli.tien.  I'.  K.,(inoied.  2:iu. 

Sniohallio.  rcliKioii  of,  ti4U. 

Simko  Creek.  Iltiht  at,  (!,')H,  C5U. 

.Snakes.     ,SVe  Slioslionees. 

Snyder.  Mrs.,  siiiriilo  of  429. 

Soie,  reloiise  eli.ef  hand  of.  :iliH, 

Solomon's  Fork,  action  on,  2;<9, 240. 

Sonora.  pidicy  towards  .Xpaelies.  SM;  pays 
sealp.  bounty.  lll'iU.  :i*!2;  results  of  scafp- 
liounty.  ;t(il;  slaves  sold  into.  lltKt,  72(i. 

Soutlieru  Snakes.     ,SVc  Caclie  Valley  Indian.'<. 

tjuulliern  L'tes.  wlio  are,  tWl;  niislreatmenl  of 
0M2;  cede  San  .liian  country.  liM;  lands  of. 
surveyed  out.  (Wft;  make  cesKiiin,tW7;  cliiul's 
uf  (iHH.  ()»<.);  cslaliliKheil  in  Cidorado.  715. 

Spalding.  Kev.  H.  II..  )>oes  to  Ore^'iui  as  nilssinn- 
ary,;j7;  located  at  l,ai)wai,  M7;  controversy 
with  Jesuits,  90;  e.seupe  of,  99,  110;  quoted, 
102;  with  Nez  I'eries,  11(1. 

Spencer,  Cascade  chief,  murder  of  family  of, 
212. 

Spokancs.  friendly  lieforc  IH.W,  324;  menace 
Steptoc,  1125;  attack  Iiini.:i2i>;  pursue  liim, 

_  327;  causes  of  lioslilily  uncertain,  ;i2W-;i:i:i; 
probable  cause,  Stoveiis's  treaties,  H:lH-;i;tH; 
who  are,  ;WS,  ;139;  refuse  to  surrender  of 
fenders,  iUl.  :I42;  Cidonel  WriKht  marches 
against,  342,  343;  del'eateil  at  Four  Lakes, 
344;  property  of,de8troyed,347 ;  treaty  w.lli, 
351,3,52. 

Spoiled  Tail,  Bnilo  chief,  murder  of,  10;  sur- 
renders as  a  hostage.  2;iri;  sketch  of  4S2; 
Indians  desert,  4H4;  wil'  •  to  k-"  Black 
Hills,  5HK;  made  liead-cL .        .tO. 

Squaws.     iSVe  W    neii. 

Stanley,  J.  M.,  quoted.  371. 

Stanley.  ,f.  Q.  A.,  intercedes  for  Mission  Ind 
ians.  UX,  149. 

Stanniiod,  (Captain,  raliflcs  Lieutenant  Whit 
man's  actions,  721. 

Steamlmat  Frank,  .Moiloc  warrior,  aids  in  mas- 
saire  of  commlssicuierR,  5(19;   betrays  Cap- 

°  tain  Jack,  57(1;  uiiness  at  trial,  5M);  be- 
comes preacher.  5H3. 

Stock,  Dr.  Matthew,  treats  with  Mescaleros. 
378;  opposes  Ho.squo  Hedmido  reservalion. 
4117;  Carletim  complains  of,  4(18;  succeeded 
by  Felipe  Delgado.  470. 

Steele,  Judge,  legal  adviser  of  Modocs.  549;  acts 
OS  messenger  lo  thein,  5(14;  saved  by  Cup 
tain  Jack.  5(1.1. 

Steptoe,  Colonel,  captures  fiiinnison  murderers, 
279;  expedition  to  Fort  Colville.  ;124;  men 
aced  by  Indians,  3'25;  attacked.  ;i'2(l;  light 
on  Ingossomen  Creek,  3'27;  retreats.  ;)'.>H; 
qiioteii,  333;  recovery  of  guns  abandoned 
by,  3,53. 

Stevens,  (ien.  1.  I.,  first  governor  of  Washing 
ton  Territory,  19(1;  treaties  of  repudialeil. 
202;  protected  by  Nez  I'erces,  203;  c<iiilr(i 
versy  with  (ieneral  Wool,  208;  quoted,  215: 
treaties  of,  217,  218;  trouble  over  treaties. 
33;t-:i:til;  treaties  favored.  3."i4;  treaties  rat 
llled,  :l.55;  among  lllackfeet.  514;  makes 
treaties.  51(1;  appoints  bead  chief  of  Nez 
I'erc.s,  (131. 

Stickney,  William,  member  Nez  I'erciS  com- 
missi<in.  (14(1;  responsibility  of  1172. 

Stockton.  Coiuinodore,  u:ds  in  conquest  of  Cul- 
ifuruiu,  47. 


Stoke.s,  William,  arrest.i  .John  n.  T,pc,  310. 

Strong  Hearts,  a  Sioux  frateriiily,  59'2. 

Sturgis,  (ieneral.  attacks  Nez  Terccs,  037;  Nez 
I'erccs  escape.  (158. 

St.  Vrain,  Felix,  leads  vidunteers  against  I'ueb- 
los,  70;  position  at  I'ueblo  de  Taos,  74; 
serviies  at  same,  77. 

Sully,  (ieneral,  lllackfeet  offer  to  aid,  518; 
quoted,  623,  5'24;  iiii.'<re|iresented  by  Colyer, 
531,  532;  opinion  of  I'iegan  hostility,  634, 
535. 

Sumner,  Col.  K.  V..  quoted.  2:ifl.  237,240;  sent 
against  Cheyennes  and  Aiaiiahoes, '239;  de- 
feats them,  240. 

Sun  dance,  what  is,  (llfi  (note). 

Sunflower  seed  Eaters,  who  are,  27C. 

Sun  Kiver  farm  provision  lor,  510;  a  humbug, 
517;  abandoned,  518;  buildings  ul,  burned, 
521. 

Susan,  t'te  squaw,  ns.sisis  captives,  711. 

Sutler.  John  A.,  connection  of,  with  gold  dis- 
covery in  California.  118-121. 

Sweet  Itool.     .See  I'uchico. 

Tahuv.  lintah  chief,  mentioned,  090. 

Tabequachcs.  l'tes,  who  are, '271;  hx^ation  of, 
(HI;  arable  lands  of,  (18;);  chiefs  of,  689;  ru 
moved  to  I'tah,  715. 

Table  Hock,  treaty  at.  '200. 

Tahza,  Chiricahiia  chief,  band  of,  730;  coDsenU 
to  remove.  7;I8. 

Talsi  liobbeth.  I'i-ede  chief,  at  Mountain  Mead- 
ow massacre.  2'.I3. 

Tamulabs,     .sec  .Mohavcs. 

TuniRiky.  Cayuse  warrior,  murders  Or  Whit- 
man. 94;  betrays  the  fugilivcs,  9(1;  convicl- 
edand  banged.  101, 102. 

Taos,  selllers  at,  52;  massacre  at,  62-00. 

Tappan.  Colonel,  presides  over  Sanil  Creek 
<'onimi.ssion.  417;  treats  with  Navahos.  471; 
member  Hoard  I'eace  ('(unmissioners,  710. 

Taracones.  same  as  Navahos.  358. 

Tashunkah-Kokepah.  iS'ee  Man-Afrald-of  bis- 
Horses. 

T.itankabyotank.ah.     Sff  Sitting  Bull 

Taikannais,  who  were.  591. 

Tawaitu,  Cayuse  chief,  confers  with  Jesuits, 
93. 

Taylor.  Captain,  killed,  .T27;  buried  at  Fort 
Walla- Walla.  ;W3. 

Tavlor,  Commissioner,  conduct  at  Sioux  treaty 
of  18(1(1.  4s;t. 

Taylor.  Jidiii.  Mormon  Tresidcnt,  veracity  of, 
"'28;i;  quoted.  '287. 

Taylor.  N,  (i.,  treats  with  t'tcs.  (181;  member 
'  Hoard  I'eace  Conimissioners,  71(1. 

Tejon  reservation,  character  of,  130;  cost  of, 
137;  ab.indoned,  138. 

Teller,  II.  M..  intercedes  for  settlers  in  I'ncom- 
pabgrii  I'ark,  080,  (187;  Meeker's  letter  to, 
(190. 

Ten  F.yck.  Captain,  sent  to  reinforce  Fetter- 
man.  492;  llnds  bodies  of  command,  495; 
brings  them  in.  490. 

Terrible,  Navaho  chief,  'aptured,  20H. 

Terry,  (Jeiieral,  Silting  itiill's  message  to,  .590; 
(MUinection  with  Custer  (irant  quarrel.  (101; 
inlercedes  for  Custer,  003;  reacbe"  I'owiler 
Hiver,  (104  ;  instructions  to  t'o  r,  (107  ; 
readies  scene  of  massacre, Oil;  mistake  as 
to  number  of  Sioux,  017.  018,  ('i'23;  member 
Hoard  I'eace  Coinmissiimcrs,  710. 

Tetims.  Sioux,  who  are. '231;  location  of. '232; 
po.-^s'.ble  derivation  of  name.  51(1;  location 
in  1870.591;  at  war,  018;  make  peace,  (>'28. 

Texan  invlision  of  New  Mexico,  history  of,  381, 
382,  403-407. 


782 


INDEX. 


Texas,  American  settlement  of,  27;  nnnexiilion 

ciui'Sliun,  'i!«,  2'.);  I0|iuluil  \,ilii«  of,  44,  47. 
TheliiT,  Iiieutenaut,  cut    oil    at    Wliilc    llird 

('aflon,(i4'.l. 
TlioiiiaH,  Cuplain,  enters  Lava  llcds,  S72;  killed, 

67;). 
Tliiiman,  Rev.  K.,  appointed  on  Modor  ronimJH 

sion,  .MiU;   opinion  aH  to  laxl  i-oiincil,  Aii'i; 

refuses  to  deceive   Indian.^,   "ifKi ;    gocH   lo 

eouncil,  T)!)";  Kpee<li  at  conned.  WW;  killed. 

fitly;   laidy   recovered,  ,'>7n ;   indignation  at 

nitirder  of,  571;  stuleiueut  of  son  of,  aWJ, 

f)M;t. 
Ttunnpson,  Arthur,  killed  by  I'tes,  704. 
Tlioridinrnli.  MaJ.  T.  T.,  investigates  conduct 

of  I'tes,  t;il2;  advances  to  White  lliver,  (Kill; 

tight  at  Milk  Creek,  7tH);  killed,  7U1;  picture 

on  hody  at  712. 
Thunder  llinvk,  Sioux  warrior,  murder  of.  10. 
Tiena  Itlanro,  I'te  chief,  attacks  liuttleineuts, 

(i«0;  defeated,  Csl. 
Tilcoax.  I'elousu  chief,  hand  uf,  V\'M\  huslilities 

(d;  ;t47,  ;)4s. 

Tilokaikt.  Cayu.'ie  chief,  meaning  of  name,  S(i; 

in   council  with  .lesuit.s,  ■.i:i;   mangles   l)i'. 

Whitman's  body,  Uti;  convicted  und  hanged, 

1(11,  lO'J. 
Timothy,  N'ez  I'erco  chief,  aids  Steptoe,  328; 

aids  Wright,  ;»;!. 
Timpanaga.s.  who  are,  277. 
Tinntdi.     .See  Atliaiia.<cans. 
Tiuney,  .Mormon  bishop,  incites  California  In 

dians,  '2hI. 
Tiswin,  what  is,  753. 
Tlickitacks.     .S'ce  Klickilnts. 
Toliy  Kiddle,  .Modoc  squaw,  warned  of  trench 

ery.  5(i5;  goes  to  council,  Ml\  assaulted  liy 

•Slolox,  Sti'J;  Buves  Mcuchuin,  570;  leslitles, 

5KI». 
Tomas,  rnoblo  chief,  brutal  treatment  of  (iov- 

ernor  Kent,  (15;  slxit,  IH. 
TontiLS,  A|Kiches,  location  and  deseri|ition  of. 

157,  35M;   rid)  Doctor  Le  (.'onte.  11)2;   meet 

Oalnian  family,  1(14;  murder  them,  lli5,  lliil; 

carry  oil  Oatman  girLs.  171,  172;  treatmeiil 

of  captives,  173;  sell  girls  to  .Miduives,  174; 

subsi'ipient  history  oi',  1«7;   enslaved,  3(iil; 

located  at  Camp  Verde,  7:I0;  hostiles  pun 

islied,  7;t2;  removal  of,  733,  734. 
Toohiilhulsute,    Nez    I'erco    eliief,    at    treaty 

council,  ();W;  removal  from  council,  040;  re 

sentmcnt  of,  047;  killed.  (i.5'J, 
Tookarikas,  who  arc,  275,  271). 
Travis.  Wes,  in  I'te  agency  cattle  rolil>ery.  01)5. 
Triggs,  Lieutenant,  takes  .Mrs.  Kwbank's  dejio- 

sition.  427. 
Tidiac.  deserted,  381 ;  rcoccupied.  392. 
Tucson,  antiquity  of,  151);  etiect  of  Apache  war 

on.  ;181;  recovers  its  population,  '.iVi.  3!).5. 
Tularosa  Valley  reservation,  established,  720; 

abandoned.  727. 
Tule  Uiver,  farm  established,  137. 
Tumwatcr,  Oregon,  settled,  11)0. 
Tapper,  .Ma,ior,  defeats  .Vpaches,  747. 
Turley,  Simeon,  character  of,  07;   defence  of 

mill.  08;  killed,  01). 
Two  Face,  Sioux  warrior,  treatment  of  Mrs. 

Ewbanks,  428;  refuses  to  sell  her  to  Chey 

en  lies.  4'il). 
Two  Kettles,  Sioux,  who  are,  231;   treaty  of 

IHOO  with.  481;  at  war.  50(1;  location  in  1870, 

51)1;  at  war,  018;  make  peace.  028. 
Tyler,  I'resident,  favors  annexation  of  Texas,  29. 

riXTAiis,  Utes,  location  of.  090. 
I'matillas,  Stevens's  treaty  with,  217;   treaty 
ratilled,  356;  removal  of,  recuinnicutled,  045. 


Umpquas  related  tn  Athabascans,  82;  hostilities 
by,  191;  slavery  among,  371. 

rneiunmuto,  (.'iiconipahgro  chief,  mentioned, 
089. 

I'nciunpaghri!  F'nrk,  title  to.  in  ries,  083;  ro- 
scrvcil  liy  treaty,  084;  cut  olf  by  surveyor, 
085;  settled,  08(5;  settlers  remain,  087;  sold 
by  I'tes,  088. 

Uncompahgres,  I'tes,  location  of,  tiHl;  arable 
land  of,  08;i;  chiefs  of,  (i89;  among  hostiles, 
705,  712;  inllueiice  of  peaceful  portion,  714; 
removed  to  I'tuh,  71.5. 

rnkpahpahs.     ,SVc  Oncpupas. 

I'p.sariika.     See  ('rows. 

I  pson.  Agent,  treats  with  Blackfeet,  518. 

Ire.     .Vc/' Ouray. 

Utah.  Ashley  in  Salt  Lake  Hasin,  33;  Harney 
relieved  from  command  of  expedition.  '237, 
238;  secretary  of,  killed,  239;  Kremonl's  de- 
Kcri|ition.  275;  Indians  of.  27.'i-'277;  Indian 
troubles  in.  278-281;  reformation  in.  '283, 
2St;  lawlessness  In,  '285,  '280;  expedition  to, 
287;  nuirtial  law  proclaimed  in.  288;  I'an- 
cher's  train  in,  281)-'2il2;  Mountain  Meadow 
massacre,  292-300;  investigation  of  mas- 
sacie,  30.5-310,  31'2-315:  duty  id'  (ientiles, 
311;  trial  of  .lohn  I).  I.ee.  310-319;  exocn- 
tion  ofl.ee,  3'20;  situation  in,  322,  323;  slav- 
ery in,  309,  370. 

rtes.  relations  to  Colorado  sedlers.  241,  242; 
divisions  of,  277;  .Iicarillas  take  rid'uge  with, 
378;  a.SHist  I'nited  Slates.  405;  removal  of, 
desired  in  Colorado,  076-0 <0;  light  ne  ir  I'on- 
clni  I'ass,  Otto,  (>81 ;  treaty  of  18(18  with,  081 ; 
object. 'ins  to  treaty,  082;  treaty  of  1872, 
08:i;  tl  'aty  not  kept  liy  Tniled  SUtos.  (i84, 
085;  Vn  ompaligie  I'ark  troiilde,  0S:!-(i88; 
organization  of,  O.sO,  0110;  Meeker's  troubles, 
690,091;  charges  against.  092-094;  bad  white 
neighliors.  095;  refuse  lo  surrender  ollend- 
ers.  0110;  troubles  increase,  097  ;  Meeker  as- 
saulted, 098;  Thiirnburgh  marches  against, 
(il)9;  light  lit  .Milk  Creek,  700,  701;  conduct 
al  the  agemy,  70'2,  703;  attack  on  agency, 
704,  705;  (dose  of  hostilities,  7011-710;  sur- 
render of  captives,  711-713;  the  pictures, 
712;  councils  with,  714;  romovul  of,  715. 

VALLfe.  Al,EXAXnRi!.  quoted,  407. 

Valverde,  light  al,  404. 

Van  Huren,  .Martin,  opposes  annexation  of 
Texas,  29;  defeated,  47. 

Van  Vliel.  Captain,  senl  to  Salt  Lake  City,  287; 
returns  to  army,  288. 

Victor.  I'end  d'Oreillo  chief,  attacked  by  Mil- 
kapsi.  3'20. 

Victorio,  Mimbreflns  chief,  refuses  to  be  re- 
moved. 739;  raids  of,  740;  ollicial  opinions 
of  his  case,  741.  742;  killed.  744. 

Vincent,  Ca'ur  d'Aleno  chief,  talks  with  Step- 
toe.  320;  recalls  messengers.  328;  statement 
to,lo.sel.  3'29;  charge  of  insult  lo,  330;  quot- 
ed, 337 ;  band  of.  341. 

Virginia  City,  Montana,  settlement  of.  478. 

Voorhees,  Uepresentallve,  criticises  ultuck  on 
Piegans,  532;  quoted,  535,  542. 

Waha  Yi'MA,  Hualapais  chief,  murdered,  .391. 

Wagoner  massacre,  di'scribcd.  20i'). 

Wuilatpn  Mission  established,  ;)8;  meaning  of 
name,  80;  described,  80,  87 ;  nias.sacreal.  93- 
100;  Fort  Waters  established  at,  101;  pres- 
ent appearance  of,  102. 

Wailatpus,  location  and  divisions  of,  80. 

Walkiir,  Capt.  Jesse,  defeats  Modocs,  200,  QOl. 

Walker.  Capt  J.  (i.,  quoted,  '207. 

Walker,  Major, cxpcditiuu against  Navakos,  260. 


INDEX. 


783 


Walker.  UlP  cliipf.  Bfirriflcps  at  biirliil  of,  372. 

WallmiiMiiili'kiiit  Iri'liaii.t.  wlio  wcrv,  I'lUO. 

Walla  Walla      .SVc  Knit  Wiilhi. Walla. 

Walla  Wallas,  Imaliuii  «(,  m(1;  ,><ii'vi'ii,s'8  treaty 
with, '.!I7;  tiraiv  raiilk'il,  U.'i.'i;  roinuvul  oT, 
ri'comiiHMiili'il.  W'l 

Wullima  Valli'V  cli'Mrilieil.  tiU'J;  Xoz  I'orcos  ro 
tain  titld  to,  li:).l-ihtri;  |>ni|i(iMiMl  I'lir  rusorva 
tiiiri,  ll:n ;  wiHJii'B  111'  .Ncz  I'it(vh  for,  031),  (ilU; 
Ni'Z  I'l^rcrH urileriil  Iidiii,  lUil. 

Waliiul  (,'ruuk,  massacre  at,  4I'J,  441,  44.'>. 

War  llDiiliut,  Arapuliou  eliivf,  in  attack  un  Gen- 
eral llliint,4li'i. 

War  lie|iarliiient,  should  have  lu.spection  of 
aueiiries,  IH. 

Warm  Sprint's  linliaiis,  iiiil  aKuiiist  Modors, 
.'iTl;  amiiiipaiiy  t'aplain  TliomtLS.  fiT'i;  Kep- 
arati-<l  Iriiiii  triio|is,  'i73;  Niuut  in  l,iiva 
Heils,.-i71;  Hillow  Mo.liies.  ,577. 

Warner,  Hr,  testi ny  of,  407. 

WiirrarikaH,  \\\nt  are,  jTil. 

Wurreii,  Lieutenant,  attempts  lu  enter  lilacK 
HillH,  !,n-y. 

WaHhikee,  Snake  ehjef.  sketch  of  27.">. 

Wa.'shinKlon,  t'ol  J.  M..  expedition  aKainst  Xav- 
ahos.  ■itil ;  treaty  of  not  ratilled.  •i'tH, 

WiisliiiiKtiiii  I'erritoiy  or>!anized,  ls',1;  llrst  set- 
tlement in,  I'.H);  ilisiovery  of  I'olvilli;  mine.s, 
2114;  risi^  of  Spokane  war.  ;fJ4-;|-JS;  eauses 
of  war,  ;iJ)S-:i;l7,  Inilians  of  wistern  part  of 
3;iM.  341;  WriKliis  (!aiiipainn.;t41-:l;->4;  (iar- 
nett'H  campaign.  ;i.VJ:  rati  Ileal  ion  of  treaties, 
3.W;  discovery  of  Salmon  Uiver  mines,  477. 

Wntkins,  liis|«'ftor,  ri'poris  on  Sion.\.  .V.lll. 

Webster.  Ilaniel,  ne(;oliates  Ashliiirton  treaty, 
41;  o|ipo.seM  annexation  of  Texas.  4(1.  47. 

Weemlninhes.  iiiiliiili'd  in  Soiiiliern  I'te.s.  liKl. 

Weir,  Capt.iin,  allempts  to  reach  I'nster,  liU'J. 

Weir,  IJeiitenanI,  killed  hy  Ite.s,  7(r,l. 

Wells,  I).  II.,  command.s  \ioniion  forces,  281*. 

Wells,  Kart'o  A:  t'o.,  horses  stolen  from,  .Vj:). 

Wessel.s,  (General.  Kuiceed,s  Carringtou,  6(X); 
ultempts  ranipai>;ii,  504. 

Wheat  Caflon.     .Sff  Ciiilon  ilel  Trigo. 

Wlieaton,  Colonel,  inslnictions  to.  .Vi'2;  lilnnies 
lldeiieal.  rii>4;  proceeds  against  llodocs,  555; 
nskit  reinfori'ements.  ,5'iri. 

Whipple.  Captain,  describes  Wallowa  Vnlloy, 
IW2;  slatcmenl  as  to  Old  .losepli,  U;)4;  tells 
\ez  I'erci'S  Ihey  must  move,  1537. 

While  Antelope,  Chevenno  chief,  in  council, 
412;  ciiio(ed,41").  41li,  420,  421. 

Whiter  Itird.  Nez  Perce  chief,  band  of,  038; 
joins  hostiles.  (i4s;  e.scapiMif,  ('i.V.I,  liBU. 

White  llird  Cailim.  light  at.  (i4s,(Ua. 

White  Cattle.     .SVf^  (iiinado  HIanoo. 

While  Kagli'S,  wlio  were.  ."illl. 

While,  Klijali.  a|ipoiiils  head  cliief  of  N'cz  Per- 
ciis.  (l;tl. 

White  Kyes.  Apaclie  name  for  Americans.  302. 

White  family,  murdered  by  .licarillas,  374-377. 

While  Knives.     AVe  .Shosbokos. 

While  I'lume,  .Snake  chief,  baud  of,  27C;  quot- 
eil,  2S() 

White  Klver  agency,  location  of.  fifll ;  massacre 
at.  7(t3-7()B;  appearance  after  massacre,  70S), 
710. 

White  Kivers,  I'les.  who  were,  AMI;  chiefs  of, 
tilM);  Meeki'r's  troubles  with.  dill.  (W7.  ti'.iS; 
bidiavlor  of,  (i'.l2 - (iiU ;  while  neighbors  of 
Ciir>;  rc^fuso  to  surrender  ollenders.  (i'.Hi; 
troops  sent  against,  6',)'.);  attack  troops,  7IKI, 
701;  destroy  agency.  70.1-70.1 ;  suspend  hos- 
tilities. 70!i;  rrMnoved  to  I'tah,  715. 

White  'fliunder.  Sioux  chief  niiil'der  of  10. 

White  Wolf,  Arapuhoe  warrior,  warns  whiles, 
426. 


Whiteman,  Agent,  reports  on  \ez  Perces,  (ins. 

Whiting.  Agent,  reports  on  Nez  I'erces.  11(1,5. 

Whiting.  Siiperintenih'iit,  recommends  reserva- 
tions lor  .Mission  Indians.  147;  i|iioteil.  14'.i. 

Whitman.  Dr.  M,,  goes  to  Oregon.  ;)7;  takes 
llrst  wagon.  ;W;  rides  to  the  Slates,  3M.  ;i'.i; 
secures  emigration,  41.  42;  mission  at  Wai- 
latpu.  Mil,  «7;  coniroviMsy  with  .Jesuits.  113; 
murder  of,  i)4;  accused  of  poisoning  Ind. 
lans,  113;  proposed  moniimi'iit  to,  117  {mile). 

Whitnian,  Lieutenant,  nci'ives  Apaches  at 
Camp  (Irant,  7r.l;  repoiis  to  head  quarters, 
720;  action  of,  approveil.  721;  aecoiinl  of 
i^ias.sacre,  722,  723;  charges  against,  un- 
founded, 724. 

Whitnian,  Silas,  Nez  rcrce  preacher,  welcomes 
exiles,  (171. 

Whitlaker.  Captain,  criticism  ofKeiionnd  llen- 
teen.  (124. 

Wilbur,  Father,  recommends  removal  of  Nez 
I'erces,  (>40. 

Wilkes,  Captain,  estimate  of  population  of  Cal 
ifornia,  131. 

Will<'ox,  (ieneral,  opinion  of  Vlclorio's  treat- 
ment, 741. 

William,  or  Whim.  Modoc  warrior,  warns  Toby, 
5(15;  testifies.  .5S0. 

Wilson.  It.  I).,  reports  on  Mission  Indians.  14(1. 

Winnebago  reservation,  lesson  of.  150. 

Winlhrop,  Congressman,  oppo.ses occupation  of 
Oi'egon  4(1. 

Wohlpape  Snakes,  placed  on  Klamath  reserva- 
tion. 544. 

Women,  Indian,  fight  at  Ash  Hollow,  23fi;  treat- 
ment of.  2,511;  among  Navuhos,  2.5:t,  254,  2(12; 
treatment  by  .Mexicans.  ;illK-;t70;  general- 
ly. :t72,  ;t73;  light  at  Saiiil  Creek.  ;tiis;  be- 
havior of.  4211;  light  nt  the  Washita.  440; 
dillereni'o  in,  4(15;  torture  by,  513;  killeil 
in  iittack  on  I'iegans,  5;io,  531 ;  (^riticsni  in 
Congress.  532;  statements  of  ofHcers,  534 ; 
Irealnient  at  Camp  (irant,  721-723. 

Women,  white,  treatment  by  A)iaches.  3il7:  by 
.Mexicans,  ;I(1H-:I70;  generally,  372.  373; 
treatment  by  plains  Indians,  427.  428;  by 
Sez  I'erces,  tWd;  by  I'les, 70(1.  711.  713. 

Wood.  Lieutenant  colonel,  opposes  lurcible  re- 
moval of  Nez  I'erces.  (14(1.  (17'2. 

Wool.  (Jeiienil,  controversy  with  Stevens,  208; 
supported  by  (leneial  Scott.  211. 

Wnolsey.  King  S..  mas.sacres  Apaches.  380. 

Wright.  Capt.  lieiijamin,  defeats  .Modocs,  102; 
massacres  Modoe.s.  1113;  killed.  211;  eflect 
of  massaci'e  in  Moiloc  war.  5(11,  502,  504; 
sboiilil  have  been  punished.  ,582. 

Wright,  Colonel,  mnrclies  against  Indians.  211 ; 
light  at  Cascades.  212;  treats  with  liidian.s. 
21(1;  sent  ugainsl  Spokanes  and  others.  :I42; 
battle  at  Four  l.akes,  343.  344;  destroys 
Indian  supplies.  347;  treats  with  Cd'ur 
d'Aleiies.  ;t51;  treats  with  Spokaue.s.  352; 
punishes  I'elouses,  353;  resultsofc  i  ;"ign, 
;154. 

Wright.  Lieutenant,  killed  In  I^avo  '...  !      "i. 

Wyelh.  N.  ■!.,  expe<lition  of,  33;  quiyleu,  43; 
light  with  lilackfeet,  512. 

Wynkoo|>,  Major,  estimate  of  killed  at  Sand 
Creek,  401;  sent  to  Cheyennes  and  Arapa- 
hoes,  412;  concedes  Little  Kaven  hostile, 
41(1,418;  investigates  SamI  Creek.  417;  sub- 
sists Little  Haven's  Arapahws,  418;  no  au- 
thority to  treat.  421;  statement  as  to  Oov- 
ernor  Kvans.  4'22;  ns  to  Dog  (Soldiers.  431; 
Cheyennes  did  not  surrender  to,  432;  at 
treaty  of  1805,  437 ;  reports  of,  431). 

XiCAKiLi^AS.    £i'ee  JiuariUas. 


m 


INDEX. 


YAiionsKiN  Snakks.  Ircnty  with,  ri44. 

Yaiimx  iig('i\(;y,  I'Hiulil.shi'il,  MS;  MoUocs  lottvc, 

MC. 
YiikiiiiiiH.  liMiiticiii  iir,  Hd;  (liwonlont  iil',  ■MVl;  (!<> 

to  wiir,  ■Jill;  inasHiiirc  liy,  at  CaHuadcH,  'il2; 

riil(iiK'l  WiiKliI  niari'lii'H  anaiiisl,  Ulfi;  Sle- 

vi'Uk'h  trPHly  with,  217 ;  attack  Stcptiio,  ;i'J5; 

niali'DiilciilH  III',  :t:iH',  caiiipaiKii  ar'-iiiiHt.  M'i; 

reiicgailcH  Irdiii,  liiiiiK.  'II>');  treuty  ratillcd, 

!t.W, 
YiiiMiialfl,  Innitlon   of.   157;    plaroil   nt   rmiip 

V(Mili'.7'27;  lioHtil('Hliroii)jlil  iii,7;)0;  Bclieluo 

to  rcinnvc,  7;W;  iciiioval  of,  7;I4. 
Yaiiipa«.  I'li'H,  ihcliulpd  iii  Wliito  Hivr>r8,  tWl, 
Yaiikloiiiiaiu,  SioHX,  «lio  arc,  2:11;  location  of, 

•2:12. 
Yanklons,  Sioux,  who  arc,  2:tl ;  location  of,  232; 

iiitiiniilaK'd  hy  liostllcH.  424,  425. 
Yalrs,  Captain,  killed  at  l.i'llu  llig  Horn,  fll2. 
Yavapai.i.     Sfe  YanipaiH. 
Yi'llow  l.ivcix.  wild  were.  .Wl. 
Yellow  Serpent.     Sec  I'iopioinuxmox. 


Yomns,  Apnolin  warrior,  HavPB  life  of  Agent 

LarraliiM',  7:11. 
YoKcrnilcH,  r('|)Mtitlion  of,  l;i;i;    lio.stilitleH  uf, 

i;t»;  iK't!  r.ir  peace.  l;ti">. 
Vonng,  llrgliain,  Indian    poliiy   of,  2HII,  2HI ; 

iiaiil    to   lia\'n    tntrotlui'ed    polygamy,   2H:l; 

preaches  lilood  atonement, 2Nr>;  resiHtH  I'nil- 

ed.StateHlroo|>H,  2W>,  2H7;  proclaimn  martial 

law,  2HH,  2H'.l;   connHitliin   with    Mountain 

Meadow  ma»cacre,  iKHI.  ;tlll ;  report  of.  HII2; 

licensed  of  moving  inoniiinetit,  ;iil'.l;  conceals 

criminals,  1)12;  nliandoiiH  l,eu,  ;I1H,  illU;  diert, 

1121);  viHit  to  Oregon.  ;t:il. 
Young,  K.wing,  hroiight  lo  (Irogon  hy  Kelly,  !t5; 

estate  e8cheat8,  :I5;  brings  cattle  to  Oregon, 

8>t. 
YnniaB,  division   and   location  of,  15(1;   take 

(.'amp  Yuma.  171);  snhdued,  Ittt);  massacre 

(iaIlantin'H  party,  ;)ti2, 

Z.nnifsKiK.  .IiniiK    AovocATK,  lakes   Mrs.  Ew- 
buuks's  dejHisiliuii,  427. 


THE  END. 


